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±i 0438 

". •. ^v.v 

•••••• • 4 • 


This Volume contains the Articles named helow : 

I.— HisTOBT OP THB KoNRAN. By the Ile?erend Alexander Kyd 
Kaime, Late of the Bomhay Civil Service. 

II. — Earlt Histosy of thb Dakban down to the Mahombdah Con- 
quest. By Professor Rimkrishna Gopal Bhanddrkar, M.A., 
Ph,D^ CLE. 

III.<— Thb Dtnabtibs or tbb Kanabesb Distbiots of thb Bombay 
Pbbsidenot from the earliest historical times to the MiualmAiiL 
Conquest. By John Faithfnll Fleet Esqnire, Ph.D., 0.1 .E., 

of H. M.'s Indian Civil Service. 


iy..DAKHAN HisTOBT, HusalmXn AND MabXtha, aj>. 1300- 181&;: 
Fart I. — Poena S4tira and Sholipur. 
Fast JJ.— Khindesh Nasik and Ahmadnagar. 
By W. W. Loch Esqnire, Late of the Bombay Civil Service. 


Aj>. 1300-1818. By the late Colonel E. W. West, I.S.C. 


^9th May 1S96. 



Intboddction ... 

Section I.— Early Travellers. 

Ptolemy; Author of tlie Pt-riplaa; ReDell ; Strabo; Vincent} 
OosmnB ; Fa Hiau ; Hiuen Tsiang; Ibn Batata; Reiaaud j 
Albernni ; Colonel Yule; Rashid-ud-din; AI Maaadi ; 
Al Idrisi ; Gildemeister ; Marco Polo ; Friar OdoricQB j 
Immigrants, Bene-Israels and Piirsis ... ... 

Section II.— Antiquitiea and Traditions. 

Cftves; Inacriptione ; BrJihmanical caves; Buddhist cares; 
Ruling powers in the Koukau about the middle of the sixth 
century; Family Tree of the Silahuras ; Silahflra kings; 
Condition of the SilAhilra kingdom ; RibhtrakutaB of Malkhet ; 
Independence of the North Konkan ; Inclusion of the Konkan 
among Gujardt districts ; Viceroys of the Devgiri Yildava ; 
State of the country ; Reclamation of the Konkan by 
Paraehurum and other traditions •-• ••• •#• 

Section III.— The Musalma'na. 

Date of Mnsaknan conquest; Expedition into the Dakhanj 
Salt trade; Governments of the Dakhan ; Redaction of the 
Northern Konkan by the Gujarat king Ahmad Shah ; 
Retluction of the Southern Konkfin by the Bahmanis ; 
Establishment of the Ahmodnagar and Bijapur kingdoms ; 
Best parts of the North Konkan occupied by the Portuguese ; 
Division of the Southern Konkan between the kings of 
Bijapur and Ahmadnagar ; The Abyssinians establish 
themselves in Janjira ; Origin of the Khota ; Its commercial 
marts; Silk noannfacture ; Sbip-building ; Relations of the 
kings of Ahmadnagar and Bijfipur with tSo Portuguese ; 
Malik Ambar's survey; Ahmadnagar Konkan ceded to 
Bijipur ; Divisions of the Konkan ; The remains of Musalm^n 

Section IV —The Portuguese in the Sixteenth 


First ap'pear&nce on the coast of the Portuguese ; Their first viiit 
to Calicut; Their encounters T!vith the Mueaimdn fleets; Their 
B 972— a 


.• ix.-xiii. 




first TOyaga north of Goa ; Destmction of eevon vessels of the 
Moors ; Thd<r defeat at Chaul by the corabinDd fleets of 
Gujarit and E^ypt ; Defeat of Sulaiman the Magiiificent's 
fleet at Diu ; Establiahraent of a factory and building cf a 
fort at Chaul ; Destruction of Dribhol ; Their defeat Jyy the 
Gujardt admiral j Defeat of the Gujarat fleet at Chual-; Battle 
off Bandra ; Attacks on the North Koukan Coast ; Portuguese 
possession of Salaotte ; War between Gujarat anil the Portu- 
guese;; Cession of Baaaein ; Cession of Diu as the nrice of 
the Portuguese alliance against the Moghals ; Treaties with 
Ahmadnagar and Bijnagar ; PortugueBo expeditions against 
the Bijipur Konkau ; CeKsiou of ports to the Portuguese by 
Bijapur; Expedition from Uoa against and deftat of the 
Bijdpur troops ; Portuguese cruelties; Raising up a race of 
half-caste Portuguese ; Portuguese poBBeBsions in the Northern 
Konkan ; Their capture of the forts of Asheyi and Jlanor; 
CcBsion of Daman ; Expeditions against the Kolis j Alliance 
of Ahmadnagar and Bijapur against the Purtiiguese ; Siege 
of Chaul by Ahmadnagar troops ; Thuir defeat ; Peace with 
the MusalmAna; Capture of Korlai ; Infancy, manhood, and 
decline of the Portuguese power 

Section V— The System and the Decline of 

the Portug-uese. 

ByBtam of government; Customs; Land Revonue; Justice; Military 
establiahmont ; Ecclesiastical power ; The Jesuits ; Couv«4rsion 
of the natives ; Jealous and rigurous system of the Portuguese* 
in matters of religion i Trade; The Dutch; Cause of the 
decline of Portuguese power ; Their magnificence ; Their chief 
remaina ; 

Section VI.— Shivaji (1648-1680). 

State of the Powers ruling in the middle of the seventeenth 
century ; Capture of Rdiri and Kalyan by Shivaji; Building iif 
the forts of Birvadi, Lingrina, and Pratapgad ; Aurangzih'g 
permisBioD to take possession of the whole Konkau and 
invasion of the Sidis' districts; Plunder of Rajapur and burning 
of Dabholj Captui'C of Danda Riijupur; Building of forts at 
Mah-an ; Rebuilding of the forts of Suvamdurg, Elatmigiri, 
Jaygad, Anjanvel, VLjayadui-g. and Koluba; Hdygad called 
the Gibraltar- of the East; Capital of Shivaji; Plunder of 
Surat ; Bni'ning of Vengurla; Plundering expedition as far as 
Barcelor; Attack by *the Moghals on Shivaji 's possessions in 
the Dakhan ; His visit to and escape from Delhi ; Expulsion 
of the Moghals from Kalyan; BnUdiug of the fort'of Sarjekot ; 
Capture of the forts of Mahuli ; Naval lights k-twcon the 
Moghal and ShivAji's fleets ; Capture of Shivaji'a vessels i>y the 
Portuguese; Shiviiji'g coronation; Demand of chaui/i or 
one- fourth from the Portuguese ; Fleet from Maskat ; Siege 
of Janjira | Burning of Vengnrla by the Moghals ; Anusiji Dattu 
in charge of the Konkan ; Survey and assessment of land ; 
Usual operations on tho coait ; Burnrug of Jay tapur by the 





Sidi's fleet ; Attempt to bara the Mizsiilm^n fleet in Bombay ; 
Sambhaji*s intrigues with Stiltttii Muazim; Treaty bStween 
the Ea^liab and Shivrfji ; Shiviiji'e tWth ; General cooditioo 
of the Konkan ; Forta on the coaat of the Southern Konkun 
and inland * ... *•• ... ... .•*, «•« 

Section VIL— The Maratha's from the Death of 
Shiva'ji to the Expulsion of the Portufirueso (1680- 1730). 

Prospect of a war between the adhorenta of Shivdji's two sons ; 
Imprisouraeut and death of Annaji Dattu ; Strujfglo betweoa 
Sainbhiiji and the Sldi ; Saltan Akbar's arrival at PAU; 
Attack on Underi ; Burning of the town of Apta ; Sieare of 
Janjira ; Building of the fort of Belapur ; Defeat of tho 
MaratbiU by the Sidi ; War between SiynbhiijI and the Portu- 
guese J Sultdn Akbai at the Dut-ch factory ; Bahidur Khiia 
Banmast's entry into tho Konkan; Sack of Vengurla by 
Sultan Mauzitn as a pauishraent for ibo protection of Saltan 
Akbar ; War between the Mardthsis and the Moghals; Invest- 
ment of Basse; n ; Capture of Sambhuji by the Moghals and his 
death ; Meeting of Mardtha leaders ; Anrangzib's grant of 
a Sanad to tho Sidi ; The Sidi eaptnres the districts of Suvara- 
dnrg and Anjanvel and the forts of Rajpuri and Raygad ; 

- Division of Salshi among threo claimants; Building of the 
fort of Bharatgad; Koliba the principal place of arras of 
the Marathn fleet; Moghal expedition againBt Vishalgad ; 
Rapine and anarchy in the North Konkan ; Captain Kidd 
the English pirate; Condition of the Kcjnkan ; Civil war 
Amongst the Marathas ; Independence of Kiiuhoji Angria ; 
Acknowledgment of tho rights of the ManithaB by the Emperor 
of Delhi ; War between Satdra and Kolhfipur ; B'irst formal 
alliance between the Bombay Govornraout and the Sidi ; 
Breaking of thtr power of the Sidi and of Angiia ; Expulsion 
of tho PortugTiese ; Tho Maritha State the chief pow«r of 
the whole Konkan ... ... ... ... ••' 

Section VIIL— The A'ngria's. 

Takaji : Kanhoji ; Increase of Ifls power ; His enmity with tho 
Engligh, tho PortugueBo, the Mutch, and tho French ; Sakhoji ; 
Sambaji; MAn^ji and Yesaji, the illegitimato brothers of 
Sarabhiiji ; Peshwa'shelp sought by Manaji against Sambhiji ; . 
Defeat of Sambhiji's fleet by tho ; Tnldji ; English and 
Maritha expedition against TuJ^ji; Ormo'a account of the 
operaticmB and his description of the equipment and mantBuvrea 
of the pirates ; Confinement of Tulajf ; Kolaba branch of the 
Angria family ; Maniji ; Extinction of the family ; Lapse of the 
State ... ... ... ... «.. ,„ ... •.« 

Section IX.— The Mara'tha'a ft-om the Fall of the 
A'iifirria's to the Acceaeion of Ba'jira'v d 756 -1796). 

Qoneml condition of the country ; Period of peacefulnefls and 
prosperity ; ArrangementB of the Mardthde for the defence of 
their new ponaesaioaB ; Theii' treatment of their bubjects other 





than Hindus; Stalo of tho district between Bombay and pac» 
Gherift ; Ma?Sitlia ©ijerations against Janjira ; Character of 
Mddhivrdv ; Revenue management ; Accession of Niriyanrav ; 
Bednction of Rjiygad ; Appointment of British envoy at 
Poona to obtain the cession of SaJsette Bassein and the islands 
of Bombay harbour ; Capture of Salsetfce with its dependencies ; 
Cession of Sdlaette by Raghnnathrav ; Sea fight off Gheria ; 
The pretended Sadiiahiv Bhau ; Intrig^ue of the French 
adventurer St. La bin ; Raghnn^ithiiiv in the ascendant j 
Engagement between him and the Bombay Government] 
Negotiations of 17"^; Active operations j Army advances from 
Gujardt to the Konkan ; Surrender of Bassoin and reduc- 
tion of Amdla ; March of the English army up the Ghats to 
ttireaton Poena ; Appointment of Residents at Belttj^ur, Kalydn, 
and Karanja ; Treaty of Silbye (17t'2) ; Pirticy on tbe coast ; 
The Angrias atid Sidis ; The Mdlvaii district overran by the 
Kolhapur troops 5 A few other facts ... ... ' ... ... S)7-109 

Section X.— The Reign of Ba'jiraV and the 

British Oonquest (1796). 

Flight of Nstna Phrtdnavis to tbc Konkan ; Treaty of Mah^d ; 
Accession of Biijiiniv ; Tho banditti ; P'llght of Bdjii'Av from 
Poona; An Engli^ih vessel sent txj Bankot to take BAjii-iiv to 
Bombay : Biijvr<iv at Bassein ; Treaty of Bassein ; Tho famine 
of 14:^02-3 ; The Pirates ; Loose syHtem of gr)vernment ;,Tho 
pretended Chatm-sing and the Ramoshis; Tho Pendharis ; 
Trimbakji Deogla's confinement in and escape from Thana jail ; 
Treaty of Poonu and the ce&sion of the North Konkan to the 
Eugliflh ; Flight of the Peshwa ; Reduction of forts in the 
Southern Konkan ; Examination of forts in tho North Konkan . 1 10 - 119 

Section XI.— The EngHsh EBtablishments in the 
Konkan previous to 1818. 

History of the Koukau under British rule ; Attempt to 
establish a factory at Dahhtd ; Bad character of the interlopers ; 
Estahhshmeut of a factory at R^j^pur; Pepper atid 
rardamomg at Riijapur ; IHjapur the oldest looking f/>wn in 
the Konkan; Its desci-iption ; Acquisition of Ba'ukot ; The 
French; The Uuteh ; Ad miniKt ration of Bankot ; t^tato of 
Siilset'te aa deBcribed by Dr. Hove, Lord Valentia, and Bishop 
Heber j Beveuue and judicial administration of Saketto ... 120-124 

Section XII.— British Rule. 

Condition of the Konkan at tho thno of its acquisition ; The 
system of farming out offices : luxation j Povoi-tv of the 
people; Plnndering of villages; Condition of tho Southern 
Konkan ; Causes of depression in the condition of the people 
during tho first years of British rnlo ; Rightg of the Manitha 
States ; KoHs and other hill tribes of the North Konkan ; 
Peaceable character of tbe Konkan ; Thana and lUtnagiri 
the capitals of tUe North and South Koukana; Abolition of 

a great number of taxes ; Roads ; Improvements of tlie inlaiid 
parts ; The new assessment o£ Mr. J, M» Davies ; t^hief 
political events in the Konkan between 1820 and 1850 ; 
Condition of the Northern Konkan since 1850; Future 
prospects of tKo Koukau ... ... ••• ••• ••• 




Iktboductort .... i.-lT. 

Section I.— Etymology of the word '* Dekkan " 
and ita Denotation. 

Etymology of the word Dekkan ; Denotation of the word 

Dekkan 132.134 

Section 11^— Settlement of the A'ryas in the Dekkan. 

Settlement of the Aryas in the Dekkan : Vidarbha, the first 
Aryan province in the south ; Dandakiranya the same 
as MfthiirAsbtrft ; Panchavatf ; Complete subjugation of 
Mah&viishtra by the A'rytts proved by the prevalent dialect 
of the conntry ; Prikiit dialects ; Partial subjugation of the 
country farther south 135-137 

Section III —Approximate date of the A'ryan Settle- 

ment in the Dekkan and notices of Southern India 

in Ancient Indian Literature and Inscriptiona. 

The Ai^as acquainted with Northern India in the time of the 
Aitareya Brdhraana and also ia Pjiuiui's time ; Southern 
India unknown in all likelihcx)d in Panini's time ; Southern 
India known U) Katyflyana but unknown to Panini ; Patafljali 
intimately acquainted with Southern India ; Chronological 
relations between KityAyana and Pataujali, and between 
Kiityiyana and Piinini ; The At^as penetrated to the Dekkan 
. after the beginning of about the seventh century k,c. ; Chrono- 
logical value of the epics ; Places in the Dekkan alluded to in 
the poems ; Names of peoples in the Dekkan io the iuBcnptions 
of A^oka ; Etymology of the name Maharashtra ; The occur- 
rence of the names Malulratthi, Mahdrattha, and MahiirAshtra 
in books find in scrix}tions ... »„ [„ 138. I45 

Section IV.—Pohtical History of the Dekkan or 
Maha'ra'Bhtra. Analysis of the Historical Inscriptions 
in the Cave Temples of Western India. 

Extent of the dominions of Chandragupta and Asoka ; Vidar- 
bha, a separate kingdom in the time of ^uAgas; Paithan the 
capital of a kingdom j InBcriptiouH of king Krieihuaand others 
of the 6at«vahana race at Nisik and Ninaghdt ; Ushavaduta'g 
principal inscription at Nasik : His other inscriptions; 

luscnptionB of Gotomfpntra. f^itakarni and Puluraliyi at Nfiaik ; ^aob 
Charter of fnltimayi ; Charters of Cotamlpntra and of hia 
wife; Private inscrifitions containing Pulnmavi's narao; 
RelatioDS between tho kings and queens tntutioned in the 
inscripfcions in Gotami's cave ; Ma<Iharlpntra ; Yajia Sri j 
Chatarapaaa ; Waraea of princes on coins found* at 
Kolinlptir; Names of princis* on the Sapar^ coin; 
Chatumpana in a Kaiilieri inscription ... »., 14G-li>4 

Section V.— Native and Foreign Princes mentioned 
in the Inscriptions. Identification of the former 
with the Andhrabhrityas of the Pui-a'nas, 

Naliapana a i^aka ; Sakas and Piililaras overthrown by Gotanil- 
pnira; Pnniuie dynasties ; The S'jiUmihanas of the inscriptions 
same as the Andhrabhrityas of the Pursiuas ... ... 155-1 GO 

Section VI.— Chronology of the Andhrabhrityas 
or 3'a'ta'va'hanas. 

The dynasty of Nahapina not the same aa that of the Satraps of. 
Ujjaymi and Ksllhittviid ; Ptolemy's Siro Polemios the same as 
Bin l^nlnraayi and his Baleocuroa the same as VilivAjakura-; 
Beginning of Pnliimayi's i-eigu about 1.30 a.d.j ilelations of 
Gotamipntra and his sncceBsore with Nahapana, Chaahtana, 
and Rudradiiraau ; Dates of the Andhrabhrityas as detor^iined 
from the Purilnic accounts ; Duration of the Manrya, H'uftga, 
Kanva,aud Andhi-ahhritya dynu«tioa ; Two tra^litions about the 
doi-ativn of the Andhrabhrity a dynasty, 4c 6 and :jOO years ; 
The duration of the main branch of the fanuiy ; Date of the 
acce^Bion and death of Gotamiputra ; Date of the accession 
and death of tlio othei* princes mentiontid in the inpcriptions j 
Date of the aci'^Bsion and death of Pulamayi; PnltMiKiyi's 
Yajua S'rf; Madhariputa Sakasena ; 

BuccesBOi'S ; 

pana ; Dates of the later S'atav^dmnas 



Section Vlt— Political and Literary Traditions 
about the S'a'tava'hanas or S'aliva'hanaa. 


Section VIII.— Eeligious,' Social, and Economic con- 
dition of Maha'ra'shtra under the Andhrabhrityas 
or Sa'tava'hanas. 

Ppundera of benefftctiona ; Wandering Buddhist mendicants ; 
Brihmaniameqnally with Buddhism in a flonriiihitig condition ; 
Trade and commerce ; Identification of towns and cities ; 
s ; Trade Guilds i Rate of Infeeresfc ; Communication 

Inland towns ; 

between diSoreut paits of the ceuntry 

.„ 173-176 


Section IX.— Probable history of the period between 
the Extinction of the Andhrabhrityas and the • 

Rise of the Cha'lukyos. pj^a, 

Abhiraa ; Rishtrakutaf ; Traikutakae •• ,,,177-179 

Sedtion X.— The Early Ohalukyas. 

Legendary origin ; Jayasiiiiha the first prince ; Kanar^ga ; 
Palakesi I. ; Kirtivarmau ; Maiigall.<a ; Death of Maijgali^a ; 
Pulakv^i II.; Hwan Thsatig's aecouTit ; Vishnuyardhana ; 
Jayaaiiiiha ; Cliaudraditya ; Aditya Varman ; Sendraka raco ; 
Vikramiidityal.; A bmnchof the Chalukya dynasty efitabliahod 
in Southern Gujan'ii ; A Bpurinua Chitliikyagrant; Vinaydditya; 
Vijayadilya; Vikramaditya II.; Kirtivarmau II.; Overthrow 
of the Chalttkyas ; Jainisin under the Chsilukyas; BudtUiism ; 
Revival of Bnihmaniam; Paiilnic gods; Cave architecture ; - 
Genealogy of the Early Chdlukyaa 180-193 

Section XI«— Ra'shtraku'tas. 

Govindft I.; Kai-kal.; Indra 11. ; Dantidurgaj Kiishnaraja ; 
Temple of S'iva at Elnra excavated at the orders of KriBhna- 
r4ja; Gorinda II.; GoYindalll. or Jngattuftga I.; S'arva or 
Amoghavarsha I.; Krishna II. or Akalavaraha ; JagattuAga; 
Indra III.; Amoghavar«ha II.; Govinda IV.; 13iwIJiga or 
Amoghavarslia I H . ; Kii«hna III. and Khotika; Kakkala or 
Karka II.;*Overthrow of the RiiBhtra,kdtas ; Koligiou under 
the ttashtrakutas; Krishna of the RAshtrakuta raco, tlio hero 
of the Kavirahasya : Balharis identified with the RAsbtra- 
kutas; Genealogy of the Rdhhtrakutas * t,« ... 194-210 

Section XII— The Later Oha'lukyaa. 

The later ChAlukya dynasty, not a continuation of the earlier; 
A Ch41ukya prince mentioned in a Vedautic work ; Tail- 
apa'a expeditions ; Satyai:^mya ; Vikrarauditya I . ; Ja^^asiihha ; 
Somesvani or vVhavajnalla ; Attack upon Dahala and the 
Bouthem couutrios ; Sons of Ahavamalla; Vikramaditya's 
military operations ; ^Vhavamalla'H death ; Soraesvara pro- 
clainied king ; Quarrels between the brothers ; SubraisKion 
of Jayakusi of Goa to Vikramiiditya ; Allianeo with tho Chola 
prince ; Revolution in the Chola kingdom ; Alliance between 
Rttjiga and Somes'vara II. against Viki-amaditya ; Battle of 
VikramAditya with bisT brother and Rajiga ; Coronation of 
Vikraraaditya ; Reign of Vikramuditya II.; Rdlxllion of 
Jayasiitiha, ^ikraraa's brother; Invasion of Viki-ama's 
dominions by ViehnuTardhana; Vikraraaditya's patronage 
.of learning; Vijiianesvara ; Sorae^vara III. or Bhulokamalla ; 
Some^vara's AbhilashitArtha CbintJtmani ; Date given in the 
Abhilashitartha Chintilmani ; Jagadekamalla ; Tailapa II.; 
Ambitious designs of Vijjala; Assumption of supreme 
sovereignty by Vijjala; Some^vara IV.; Extinction of 
Chdlukya power; A branch of theChalukya family in Southem 
Konkan ,«, ,,, „. ,„ V,, 211-224 




Section XIIL— The Kalachuris. 

Original seat oi ilie Kalaclmi-iH or Hailiaya familj ; A I't'ligious 
revelation at Kalydna ; The leaderof the revolution; BaKiiva ; 
liasava's rebellion ; Plans of lianava to murder the king j 
Accottnt of the event according^ to the Basava Punina* Jaina 
account; Cheuna Baaava's leadei-ehip ; Sovideva; Saiiikama"; 
Extinction of the Kalachuri dynasty; Religioua and Bocial 
condition of the people during the later Chulukja pei'iod ; 
Buddhism; Jainiam; Fur^iiiie religion; Coditication of the 
civil and religiotts law ; Genealogy of the Chalnkya faraily 
between Vijayaditya and Tailupa as given in the Miraj gi-ant 
of Jayasiiliha dated Saka 1)46 

Section Xr7.— The Ya'davas of Devagiri. 
Early History. 
Genealogy of the Yidavaa ; Ahtborities ; Drill ha prahdra, the 
founder of the family; Sebnachandi-a 1. ; fcicanadei^a ; 8euna- 
chandra'ssnccesBors; Bhillama II.; Bhillama III. son-in-law 
of JayaaiiSiha; Seunaohandra II. the ally of Vikramaditya H.'; 
Snccesijoi-aof Seunachandra II.; Bhiliama V, the. founder of the 
Y4dava empire; Sounachandra of Anjaneri ; Ajiproximate 
date of the foundation of the Yiklava family ; Genealogy of the 
early Y^davaa or the Yddftv<\s of Seunadesa ,„ 

Section XV.— The Yada'vas of Devagiri. 

Later History. , 

Ambitious projects of the Hoyttala Yadavaa ; Vim Ball/ila ; Rise 
of Bhillama ; Foundation of Devagiri ; Contests between the 
rivals ; Jaitrapala ; Sii'ighana ; Siflghana's invasions of Gujariit; 
First invasion; Second invasion ; Conquests in the south ; Sift- 
ghana's titles ; Death of Jaitrapilla before hia father Sifighana ; 
Krishna; Mahfideva; Conquest of Northern Konkan ; Rdraa- 
chandra or Hamad pva; Hemudri, the minister of Mah4deva 
and Kamadeva ; Hemadri's works ; CLaturvarga Chiotiimani 
and other works ; Bopadeva ; Hemadimnt of the Atarathis ; 
Jnane^vara the Marathd sadhn ; ConqueHt of the country by the 
Musalmaua; Genealogy of the later YAdavaa ... ...237-252 

Section XVI. —The Sila haras of Kolha'pur. 

Three branches of the S^ilahira family ; Tagara, the original seat 
of the family ; The Tn^ortb Kcmkan branch ; The South Konkan 
branch ; The Kolhapur bi*anch ; Jatiga the founder; Gand- 
araditya; Vijayarka; Bhoja II.; Approximate date of the 
foundation of the Kolhilpur branch; Hdigion of the Kolha- 
pur S'illihAras; Genealogy of the S'ilaharas of Kolhipur ... 253-257 

230 . 236 

Appsymx 4.— Note on the Gopta era ,», ..4 „. 258-263 

Apfkndtx B, — Note on the 6aka dates and the yearfl of the 

Barhagpatja cycle occurring* in the inscriptions •«• ... 264 - 2G7 

Apt'BNDij C. — Introduction to Hemddri'a VratakhandaRiljaprat- 
6aeti I. and IL ... ... ..V ...268-275 


ISTBODLTCTOKY ... ..• t.t ... • ... i.-V. 

Oliapter I.— The Early Dynasties. 

The earliest epi^raphic records ; The Nalaa ; The Manrjaa ; The 
KadamhaB ; ITie Sendmkas ; Tlie Katachchuria or Kalachuria ; 
TheWeat«rn Gaftgaa : The Altipaa; The Lc^taa ; The Mjilavas; 
The Gnrjaras ; The Pallavaa ; Some detached names ; Vijaya* 
nandivai'man ; Attlvarman ; Prithivimiila ... ...277- 334 

Chapter II.— The Western Ohalukyas of Ba'da'ml, 

General history ; Genealogy of the Western Chalukyas J 
Jayasitliha I. and Ranaritj^a ; Pnlikesin I. ; Kirtivarman I. ; 
Maiigale^a ; Satyisruya-Dhrnvanija Indravarman ; Palike^in 
II. ; Intei'val after Pulikes in II.; Vikrarnaditya I.; Chandra- 
ditya ; Adityavarman ; Vinayaditya; Vijayiiditya ; Vikramd- 
ditya 11. ; Kiiiivarraan TI. ; The downfall of the "Western 
Chalukyas ; Bhfma I. ; Kirtivarman III.; Taila 1.; Vikrarna- 
ditya III. ; Bhima II.; Ayyaiia I. ; Vikrarnaditya IV.; Tho 
traditional connection between tho Chalukya dynabtiea of 
Bdddmi and Kalyani ; MiscellanoouB named ... .. 335-*d81 

Chapter tlL— The Ra'shtraku'tas of Malkhed. 

Goneitd history ; Their origin and deecent ; Their genealogy j 
Abhimanyu ; Nandaitija ; The Rdahtrakutaa of Malkhed ; 
Dantivarman I. and Indral. ; Govinda I. and Karka or Kakka 
I,; Indra II.; Dantidnrga; Krifthna I.; KakkarJiJa I.; Dhi-u- 
varajadeva ; Govindariija ;, and Kakkaraia II. of Gujdrdt j 
Govinda II.; Dhrava; Govinda III* ; Indraraja, Karkarija, 
and GoyindarAja of Gujardt ; Araoghavarsha I. ; Govinda- 
rdja, Dhi'uvaruja, Akdlavarsha, S'libhatm'iga, and another 
DhmvarJija of Gujarat ; Krishna II- ; Dantivarman and 
Krishiiaraja of Gujardt ; Jagattuftga II. ; Indra III. f 
Amoghavareha II. ; Govinda IV.; Vaddiga ; Kiishna III. ; 
Jagattunga II L ; Khottiga ; Niruparaa ; Kakka 11. ; The 
downfall of the RdBhtrakiitai ; Indra IV. ; Other Rdsbtrakuta 
names •.* ... •*• ... »»* 382-425 

Chapter IV.— The Western Ohalukyas of Kalyani. 

General history ; Genealogy of the Western ChAlukyas ; Iriva- 
bedaAga Satya^raya ; Daiavarman or Ya^ovarman ; Vikrami- 
ditya V. ; Ayyana II. ; Akkddevl ; Jayasidiha II. ; Some^vara 
I. ; Bhuvanaikamalla Some^vara II. ; Vikramiiditya VI. ; 
Jayaeimha III.; Vishunvardhana Vijay^ditja; Jayakarna ; 
Bhtilokamalla Somes? vaVa III.; Perma Jagadekamalla II. i 
Taila III. s InteiTal after Taila III. j Soine^vara IV. ; Later 
names ... ,„ •«! «u ••« 426«467 

»973— 6 

Chapter V.— The Kalachuryaa of Kalya'ni. 

Origin of the Kalachuryas : Gcncalopy of the Kalachuryaa ; taow 
. Jogaroa und Pcimu'ijii ; Bij jala ; Estalbliehmcnt of the sect of 

LingAyats ; Some^vara Sovideva ; Saj&kama ; A.havaiiialla ; 

Siftgbana ... ... ... ... .... 4Gb-489 

Chapter VI.— The Hoysalas of Dorasamudra. 

Piiranic <,'eneBlopy of tbe Hoysalas ; Oonei'a! tiBtory of the Hoy- 
Bjilus ; Vinayf«^(3ityft ; EreyaAga ; Balli'ila I,; Visbimvanlhana ; 
Udayitliiya ; Nai-asiiiiha I. ; Vfra-Ballala II, ; Narasiriiha II ; 
Yira-Somes'vara ; \ h-a-Narasiiliha III. 5' Vfra-Ballfila 111. ... 490 - 510 

Chapter VIL~The Ya'davaa of Devagiri. 

Early history Of the Yddavas ; The Ptuniuic genealogy of 
tho Y.^ilavas ; SnMbu ; Diidbnpmbara ; Seunacibamlra I. ; 
DL^Miyappa : Bliillatiia I. ; Rjlja ovKajjigi ; Vatldiga ; Dhiidi- 
yama ; Bbillama II ; Vosi'i ; Arjanaand R<ija ; Bbiliaiualll. ; 
VrfJugi, Vesugi, antl BliiEama IV. ; Sennacbandra II. ; Seu- 
nadeva ; Paramniadeva, Siihblrarja^ Mallugi, AmamgaTAgeya, 
Govindardja, Amaramallagi, and Kaliya-BalJiila ; Sevana, 
Wallagi. Aiimrngatiga, and Karna ; Bbillama; Jaitxigi I.; 
Sifigbana; Jaitngi JI.; Krisbna ;, MabAdcTa ; Aruana ; 
Hafmacbandra; S'aihkara; Downfall of tho Yafdavas ... 511 -534 


Chapter VIIL— The Great Feudatory Families. 

Tbe ^ilarbfiras of the Soutbora KoAkan 
Genealogy of the Sila'haTraa of tho 
Rat ta raj a 

The ^ilahiitas of tbe Northern Koftkaii ; 

tho S'iUbiiiaa of tho Northern Koilkaii ; 

din II.; Aparajita ; Arlkesarin or Ke^ideva; Cbhittar?ija ; 

Mummiuii or Mamvaui ; Anantadeva or Anantapala ; Malli- 

karjuna ; Apardditya ... ... ... ...5d8>544 

The HiUbaraB of Kardd ; Genealogy of tbe J^il^Aras of Kar^d ; 

Jatiga 1. and others as far as Chandraditya; M^rasiiiiba ; 

Sannpbulla Ac, ; 
SoQthern Koftkan ; 

Genealogical list of 
Pullasakti ; Kapar- 

Bboja I. ; Balhila ; Gandai aditya ; Vijayaditya 


The llattaaof Sanndalti ; General history of the Rattes; Genea- 
logy of the llattaBj Merada . and Pritbyirania ; Pittuga ; 
S'iutivarman ; Nanna ; KartavLi'ya I. ; Dttvari or Daj-imaaud 
Kannakaira I.; Braga, : Aftka ; tSena I.; Kaimakaira II.; 
Kdrtavirya II. ; Sciia IL ; Kartavfrya 111, ; Lakshmideva I.; 
KArtayirya IV. and Mallik^juna ; Lakshmidera II. ... 549 . 558 

Tho Kadambas of HAngal ; General history of^tho Kidambaa; 
Genealogy of the KsldambaB ;Klrtivarman II, ; Sautivarman IL ; 
TaOappa II. ; Maytiravamian IL ; MaOikArjuna; Tailama; 
KAiiiadeva ; betftched names ; May fu-avumian ; Harikeiarin; 
Toyimadeva ; Ketarasa ; MallikArjunaorMallidcva; Soniadeva. 558- 5 G4 

The Kadambas of Ooa; Genealogy of tho KAdarabas ; General 
history of tho Kftdambas ; Bhashtbadov-a I. ; Jayakeiiin I. ; 


VijayAditya I. ; Jjijake^in II.; Perm^di and Vijayaditja II. ; 
Jnyiikesiu III. ; Tribbuvanamalla ; Shashthadeva II. * ''• 


The Sindita of Yolburg^ ; General history of the Siudas ; Genealo- 
gicul list of tho Siudai? ; Acliugi 1. (fee. ; Singa II. ; Achugi II. ; 
Pormudi J^; Chdran«,la II. and Achugi III. ; Bijjala and 
Vikriima ; Other names ; Palikdla and NAgiiditya j Muiija ; 
Israra ... ... ... ... ...572-578 

The Guttas of Outtal; Historical notice of the Gnfctas ; Genea- 
logy of the Gatt as ; Mai la or Mallideva; Sampakaraea, .Toji- 
dova I., and Vim-Vikramdditya II. ; Joyideva II. ; Gutta 111. 578 - 



MUSALMA'N AND MARA'THA {.ud. 1300-18JS), 

Part I— Poona Sa'ta'ra and Shola'pur. • 

Introductory ; Early history ; Musalman invasion (a.D. 129-4) j 
The Bahamani dynasty; Tho Durgadevi faraino (a.d. 13D6- ♦ 
1408); Musalmdu recovery (a.d, 1420-]45l)j MiUimud 
Gawiin (.4.D. 1472); Partition of the Dakhan (a. p. liUl); 
AhniadnagarandBij;ipar(A.r), 1524-1530); Battle of Talikot 
(a.i>. 15GI) ; The Mnghals (a.D. 1(100) ; Tho Marathjia; Shivaji 
Bhonsla (a.d. 1627 -IGSO); Shivaji's exploits, (a. d. I G48 - 
1658) ; Shivaji's murderous attaekon Afzul Khau (a. P. 185i)); 
Shivaji's attack on Shaista Kh.ia (a.d. 1664) • Shivaji's 
surrender to Jay sing ; Shivtiji's visit to Delhi (a.d. 166G) ; 
Shiviji active again (a.d 1667); Aurangziba second effort to 
crush Shivaji (a.d. 1671) ; Shivaji crowned (a.d. 1674); 
Shiviji's expedition to the Karnatak (a.d. 1678) ; Ilia death 
(A.D. 1680) ... ... ... ... ...587-695 

Sambhjlji ; Aurangzlb (A.n. 1684) ; Sanibh4ii'8 execution (a.d. 
168V») ; Ram Raja ; Sh.^hn a prisoner (a.d. IG'JO) ; MarAtha 
diBBensions (a.d. 16ri7-17O0) ; Shivaji II. (a^.d. ] 700- 1708) ; 
The release of Shahu ; Tho accession of Sh^hii (a.d. 1708) ; 
Kolhapur (a.d. 1710) ; Mardtha quarrels: ShAhu's attempts 
at order; Rise of the PeshwifB (a.d. 1715) : Buji Uao Peahwa 
(a.d. 1721) ; Revival of famUy quarrels (a.d. 1727) : Balaji 
Rio Peshwa (a.d. 1710-1761): Transfer of sovereignty to 
the Peshwa (a.d. 1749): Peshwa sovereignty; Rjim Kiija 
entrapped (a.d. 1751): War with the Nizam' (a.d. 1751); 
Rebellion of RAni Tiirabiii ; Acquisition of Abmadnagar by 
the Peshwa (a.d. 1759); Defeat at Pdnipat (a.d. 1/61); 
Madhav Rdo Peshwa (a.d. 1761-1772) ; Kaghuudth Riio's 
disagreement with the Peshwa ... «.« ...595-603 

^IJdrayan Rjio Peshwa (a.d, 1772-7.1) ; Raghunath Rao Peshwa 
(ad. 1773); Regency formed by the Ministers; Birth of 
Madhav Rao II. (a.d, 1774) ; First war with the English 
(a.d. 1776) ; Treaty of Purandhar (a.d. 1776) ; Second war 


witli tbe Englisli (a.d. 1778-1782) ; Convention of Vadgaon page 
(A.D. 1778) ; Tivaiy of Salbai (a.d. 1782): The n»e and death 
of Sindia (a D.lTyi) -1 794) ; The Imttle of Kharda (a.d.! 794) ; 
Death of M.idhav Rtio II. (a.i>. 170-i>) ; Accession of B^ji Rdo 
(A.I-. 17i»6); The war of the Biis (a.d. 17'J8-1R>0); ^ae 
with Kolhapnr (a.1'. 17li9-1800>: Sindia and Holkar (a J). 
1801) ; BiijL Kao defeated by Holkar (a.p. L'02) ; Treaty of 
^Bassein (a.d. 1S02); War with Sindia and Holkar (a.d. 1803- 
l8l'5) ; Miggovemraeut by Bikji Rao ; Predatory warfare 
(a.d. 1805) ; Baji lisio's crafty policy ; Tnmbakji Denglo (a J>. 
1813-14); RJBiBg npinat *tho Peshwa (a.d. 1.^15) ; The 
surrender of Trimbakji (a.h, 1S17); War with the Peahwa ; 
Battle of Kirki (a,d. 1817) ; Battle of Koregaon (a.d, 1818) ; 
Baji R^o Burrendercd (A»n. 1819); Peshwa's tcmtorieB con- 
qnored (a.d. 1818); Con«piraey against the English; Ti'eaty 
with landholders (a,d. 1818)-;' Sitdra annexed (a.d. 1818)'; 
Leading Maratha familiea : Under the BhonslAa ; Under the 
hoinje of Shiviiji ; Under the Peehwaa ..• ... 604-616 

Part II.— Kha ndesh Na'sik and Ahmadnagar. 

Early History; The Devgad kings; HnBalrain invasion (a.d. 
1294); Conquest of tlie Dakhau (a.d. 1312) ; Tlie Bnljanmni 
dynasty (a.d. 1347-150(») ; The kingdom of Kluindesh 
(a.d. 1370) ; Independence of Ahmadnaemr (a.d. I4m1i) ; The 
NizAm Shah dynasty (a.|i« 1489- IGOU); Kbdndefih conquered 
by Akbar (a.d. IfjlHI) ; Ahmadnapar taken by Sliah Jahdn 
(a.d. 1617) ; Knd of the NizaYu Shah and Bnrhiinpur dynasties 
(a.d. 1631-16.37); Mughal Period; Maratha incursions 
(a.d. 1057- H>73) ; Shivaji'h death (a.d, 16b0) ; Decline of the 
Delhi Empire (a.d. 170^) ; Reco|,'nition of Maratha claims 
(a.d. 17*28) ; The Niziim (a.d. 175u) ; KhAndesh ceded to the 
Marathsia (a.d, 17o2) ; Ahmadnagar taken by the Pcshwa 
fA.D. 17.51^)) ; Cession of Ahmadnagar and Niisik (a.d. 17U0) ; 
Quarrels among tho Mariitha.s ; Raghunuth Peshva. in 
Khandesh (a.d. 1774) ; The Pesbwa and the Nizam (a D,I7&r»); 
Cesaion of Ahmadnagar to Sindia (a.d. 1707); Kiuindcsh 
wasted by Holkar (a.d^ 1W2) ; Advance of the En^;lish on 
Poona (a.d. 1803) ; Ahmadnagar restored to the Posbv^a ; The 
famineof A.D. 1803 ; Baji \Uo (a.d. 1803- 18U) ; The Pendliiiri 
freebooters (a.d. IS 16} ; Establiahmeut of peace (a.d. l^lt>) ; 
The country at the British conquest ; British management ; 
Bhil Rising'in 1857 ; Chiefs and Jahgirdars ..« „. 619-633 


MVSALMA'N AND MARA'THA (j.d, 1S00-181S). 

Historical sk^F^b (a. p. 1300-1818) ; Mttsalman conquests ; Vijaya- page 
nagarj The Baharaania (a.d. 1347); The Soutliepn Mardtha 
Coantry attacked by the Bahatnanis ; Bankupur taken by the 
Bahamania (a.d. 1406) ; Navalgund (a.d. 1450) and Belgaum 
(a.i>- 1472) taken; Famine of a.d. 1472; Decline of the 
Bahamania (a.d. 1481); Yusuf Adil Khan; Ynauf declared 
kinjf of Bijdpur (a.d. 14S0) ; The liraitij of Bij/iptir; Contact 
with the Portuguese and the French (a.d. 1510 and i.p. 
1674) ; Yusof succeeded by Ismail (a.d. 1510) ; Asnd Khan of 
Belgaum ; Defeat of Ahmadnagar and Berdr ; Bijapur defeated 
by Vijayanagar (a.d. 1523) ; Bidar laken (a.d. 1524) ; Ismdil 
Bucceeded by Malln (a.d. 1o34) ; llis deposition ; AcccBsion 
of IbrAhim I. ; Help to Vijayanagar ; Defeat of Golkonda (a.d, 
lo36) ; AbduUa's rebellion ;' Death of ABad Kh4n (aj). IMO) ; 
Bijapur reverses ; Defeat by ShoUptir (a.d, ll^^^'o) ; Bijtipur 
saved by Vijayanagar; Death of Ibrabim (a.d. 1557); Acces- 
Bion of Ali I. ; Bijapur and Vijajauagar allied ; Mu.salman 
confederation against Vijayanagar (a.d. 1564); Baltic of 
Tdlikot; Overthrow of Vijayanagar (a.d. 1565); Ali'a 
defeats ; Adoni taken ; Southern ilariitha Country invaded 
(a.d. 1073); Dhurwdr and Bankiipur taken (a.d. 1575); 
Conquest s^uth of the Tnngubiuidra ... ... 037-664 

IbrAbim II. (a.d. 1580) ; Plots andicoanterplota ; Bijapur besieg- 
ed ; Siege raised ; Dilawar Khrin Dictator ; DiUwar Khdn in 
power (A.D. 15H3-15&1); His yoke thrown ofF ; InvaBion 
from Ahmadnagar repelled (a.d. 15S2) ; Rebellion of the king's 
brother ; iBmail's rebellion crnfibed (a.d. 1596) ; Interfei-ence 
with Ahmadnagar ; Death of Ibrdbim (ad. 1626) ; Mnhamniad 
Adil Sh^h (a.d. 1626) ; Alliance with Ahmadnagar (a.d. 
1629) ; Bijdpur invaded by the Mughab ; Couiiti*y devastated ; 
Peace with the Magbala (a.d. 16o6) ; Shall ji arrested aa a 
traitor ; ' Release of Sh4hji ; Death of Muhammad ; Accession 
of Ali II. (a.d. 1656) ; Bijapur besieged ; Bijjipur saved for 
the time (a.d. 1657) ; Campaign against Shivaji \ Campaign in 
the Kamdtak ; Humiliating peace with Shiyaji (a.d, 1062) j 
Benowed hoetilities (a.d. 1664); Bijapur again besieged; 
Peace with the ilnghals; Death of Ali ; Accession of Sikandar, 
ft minor (a.d. 1672) ; Mardtha attacks; Shivaji enthrone<l (a.d. 
1674); Mughal attack; Shivaji in the Karnitak (a.d. 1676); 
Bijapur again beKieged; Siege raised by ShivAji ; Final siege 
by Aurangzlb ; Fall of Bijdpur (a.d. 1680) ; Taking posgeBsion 
of territories; Shahu (a.D. 171i>) ; The Nizdm (ad. 17;30) ; 
The SAvamir Nawiib (a.d. 1746) ; Territory yielded to the 
Peshwa ; BAji Hao's campaign against Savanui* (a.d. 1756) ; 
Bijiipm- ceded to the Peshwa (a.D. 1760) ; The Patvnrdhau 
grant (a.d. 1761) ... ... „. ... 647-658 

Haidar Ali (ad. 1759) ; The Southern Maratha Country invaded; 
Dhdrwdr taken ; Haidar driven back (a,d. 1766) ; She Southern 
Maritha Country again invaded (a.d. 1776) ; The country as 

far Eoiili as tte Krisbna taken ; Tbo ti-eaty of S^lMi (a.d. pIgi 
1782); Wa^between Tipu and the Mard this (a.p. 17S4); 
Foived cb'wuncision of Hindiw by Tipu ; The Marithiis aud 
the Nizam agaiust Tipn ; Treaty (a.u. 1787) ; Treaty broken 
by Tipn ; Combined English aud Marutba force (a.d. 17^90) ; 
Dhiirwiir taken (a.u. 1790) ; DiBtni-baiices (a.d. 17&o- 180(J) ; 
Dhnndia Wagh (A,D. 17l>0 - 18(Hi) ; Condition of the Sontbern 
Maratha Counti-y (A.D. 1803) ; Dharw^r ceded to the Bi-itiBh 
(a.d. 1617) ; ScttlomcBt of tbe Soutbtru Marat ba Country by 
Munro ; Baddmi and Bagalkot taken (a.d. 1H17) ; Belgftxim 
tftk€n (a. P. 1818) ; Southern Manitba Country annexed (a.D. 
1818) ; Savannr Nawdbs ; Ser\nce taken by Sivauur Nawab's 
ancestor in Bijapur; Abdal Hiiaf Khin enters Aurangzib's 
seiTicQ (a.d. 1<j86) ; S.ivauar founded by Abdul Kanf Kh^u 
(a,d. 1700) ; Majid Kb an suceoeded ; Cefisions to th« Peshwa 
(a.d. 1747) ; Majid Kliiin killed in action (a.d. 1751) ; Acces- 
pion of Abdul Hakim Khin (a.d. 1751) ; Savftnur besiejjed by 
tbo Nizdra and tbe Peehwa (a.d. 175t>J; Sdvanur attacked by 
Haidiu" XYi (a,d. 1704) ; Connection by marriage with 
Haidar; Sdvanur taken by Tipa ; Sayannr practically annexed 
by the Peshwa ; Assignraent of twenty-five villages ; Lapsed 
States; Kittui' ; Kittur taken by Tipu; The Desii gets a 
San ad from the Pesbwa (a.d, 1809) ; The Detiiii confirmed by 
General Munro (a.o. 1817) ; Fictitious adoption (a.d. lb'2i) ; 
Revolt of Kittur; Mr, Tbackeray killed; llcvolt of KittTir 
(a.d. 181^4); Fort taken; Lapse of the State; Nipilni; 
BuppoBititiout) heir (a.d. 1833J ; The eai'uujam lapses * ... 659-670 


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Xavibr (F. N.)— Resumo Hiatorico da Vida S. Francisco Xavier. Qoa, 18G1. 
Makuscript Bbcorda rROM Bombay Sxcrktariat, Ac 

ITotf^Tht rtfertiatm to Fhria y 8oaxa are elib«r to iho Summsry ol hia book la Drig^' Hiatorj- or u> 
tkui la Karr** Vi>yi«M> 

■ 972-^ 

The Konkan is now beld to inclade all the land which lies introduction, 
between the Western Gh^s and the Indian Ocean, from the latitude 
of Daman on the north to that of Terekhol, on the Ooa frontier, on 
the south. This tract is abont 320 miles in length, with a varying 
breadth of thirty to sixty miles, and is divided into the British 
districts of Thflna KoUba and Ratndgiri, and the Native States of 
JawhAr Janjira and S^vantvddi.* The Pant Sachiv of Bhor in 
Poena has also a group of villages below the GMts, 

The word Konkan is of Indian origin and of considerable anti- 
quity, but its njeaning as the name of a country is not obvious 
and has never been satisfactorily explained, although various 
interpretations of it have been given. The district known under th» 
name appears to have had very different limits at different periods. 
The seven Konkans of Hindu mythology are mentioned in a Hindu 
history of Kashmir/ and are said by Professor H. H. Wilson* to 
have included nearly the whole of the west coast of India. Grant 
Duff* considered the Konkan to extend along the coast from the 
Tapti to Saddshivgad, and inland as far as the open plains of tho- 
Dakhan, and he thus Jnoluded in it part of both Gojarat and Kimara, 
and of the country above tho Ghdts. This latter he called Konkan 
Ghdt-mAiha as opposed to Tal-Konkan or the lowknds- and' he 
inferred that the Musalradns were the- first who limited the name to 
the low country.* Ferishta^ also speaks of the Konkan under the 
xnme of Tal-GhAt, and Khafi KMn calls it Tal-Konkan. This 
inclusion of the hilly district above and near the edge of the GhSts is 
very reasonable : for any one who passes from west to east will see 
that the country immediately above and immediately below the- 
Chits is of exactly the same character, althoogh so different in eleva- 
tion, while it is a few miles further east that the great bare plains. 
which characterise the Dakhan begin. This narrow di.^trict above 
the Ghiita is made np of the Mdvals, the KhordSf and the lifurh/is^ 
bat it should be stated that neither the name Konkan-Ghat-Mdtha, 

^ Aa the SdrantTidi state han always been closely connected with Kolhfipnr, the 
^^^Min part of it* hi«iory mnat be lookoil for in the account of Koihdpur and not in 
^H0its work. ' Asiatic Researches, XV. 47. 

^"^ * History, a. * History, 33. » Briggs, 11. 338. 


[Bombay Gazetteer 


Cktroduction. nor tlie meaning of tho words describing its divisions 13 now 
generally known,^ As opposed to this extended interpretation of 
the Konkan, Bird Btatea that according to, Sanskrit writera the 
Konkan stretched only from Devgad to Saddshivgad (that is a distance 
nUogether of only about ninety miles) ,from the Tdpti t<j Devgad being 
Abhir, or the country of the shepherds : that the divisions of Abhir 
were Berbera or Maratha from the Tapti to Bassein, Virat from 
Bassein to Bdnkot, and Kirdt from Bdnkot to Devgad.- It is curious 
that the limits thus assigned to the provinces of Virit, Kirat, and 
Konkan should exactly coincide with those generally given for the 
districts of the Parbhus, BrAhmans, and Shenvis respectively. 

Whatever the old signification of the word may have been, tho 
name Konkan is now used in the sense first mentioned, and the 
modern division of the district is into North and South Konkan, 
meaning the parts north and south of Bombay.^ The boundary 
between the North and South Konkan is, however, sometimes con-, 
sidered to be tho SAvitri river, which divides the Habshi's territory 
from Ratnagiri, as, for some years after the English conquest, tho 
district of the North Konkan included the sub-divisions as far south 
as the SAvitri. , 

Of this district it may bo said generally that the parts near the 
coast are fertile, highly cultivated, and populous, and the inland 
parts rocky and rugged, not much favoured by nature nor ioiproved 
by man. Compared with other parts of India tho climate is moist^ 
the rainfall being very heavy, and hot winds but little felt. 
Although enervating it is much more erpablo than that of the Dakhan : 
and the district, especially the southern part, may bocalled decidedly 
healthy. North of Bombay the coast is low and sandy, containing 
iu many places great expanses of salt swamp, the rivers few and 
shallow, and tho harbours insignificant. South of Bombay the coast 
is bold with a lino of hills often bordering the sea, never receding 
more than two or three miles from it ; there are many navigable rivei-s 
and commodious harbours, and in most parts deep water near the 
shore* At various places along the coast aro small rocky islands, 
generally within a quarter of a mile of the mainland^ and which 

' Tho meiuniiig of Mdval, Khora y&nd Murha has been thus explained to the writer ; 
The MuriuU are the comparatively level parts of the G hit country found at the top j 
the Khonis tho narrow gorges and rdvinos ^Khora being similarly iiaed throughout 
the Konkan) stretching towards the Ixjttoin ; and the Hfcimh (the word meaning 
west) the lowest slopea of the hills extending quite into the Konkan, 

= History of Gujarit, 8. a Grant DufT, 168. 

Introdiiotion. mixod castes, and, except for comparatively recent settlers, a total 
absence of pure Mar^thi,3 and Brdhmans. The whole tract is 
agrlcalbural, the largest town having little over 14,000 inhabitants. 
Until the accession nf the British Government ^o population had 
always a distiDctly warlike character, and the Soath Konkan still 
supplies so great a number of recruits to the Bombay Army, that 
there are as many military pensioners in this district as in ihe 
whole of the rest of the Presidency. Besides this, all castes of the 
South Konkan are much more in the habit of seeking their living 
abroad than the natives of other parts, thoogh they almost invari- 
ably return homo to end their days. Both coa^t and interior are 
remarkable for the number of forts, so that it is little exaggeration 
to say that in some parts every rock and promontory, raouotain and 
hill, were fortified. These forts are now all in rnins, but tho 
beauty of the creeks and hills and valleys remains, and in many 
cases the farts themselves 

" As stately aieeni but lovelier far 
ThAn in the panoply of war," 

Though the Konkan can scarcely be called "historically famous, 
its long coast line and convenient harbours, together with its com- 
parative nearness to tho Arabian coast, made it known to the 
earliest travellers, while the natural strength of the country and 
the character of its inhabitants gave it in later days much greater 
importance than its wealth or extent would have justified. The 
Buddhists and after them tho Brdhmans chose Sdlsette for one of 
their greatest monastic establishments, and in other parts of the 
Konkan their cave temples are remarkable. The descendants of 
immigrant Parsis Jews Abysainians and probably Arabs are atil} 
found in considerable numbers. The Musalmdns had two or three 
famous marts on this coast, and when the Portuguese began to 
make settlements in India the coast of the North Konkan was 
one of their early acquisitions ; and in the South Konkan, factories 
of the English Dutch and French were established early in the 
seventeenth century. A little later the great founder of tho Mardtha 
empire chose a Konkan hill-fort as his capital. And when, after two 
or three generations, tho pure Mardtha dynasty lost its power, th& 
Konkani Brdhmans better known as Konkanasths or Chitpdvana 
inherited it and extended the Maratha conquests over the greatest 
part of India. Thus, though the Konkan has never been more than 
a province of some inland kingdom, it has many famous associations. 
And if, as geographically it does, tho island of Bombay be oonsidoretl 


of tfle Byzantiaiis (B^-zantium) in Pkilemy.^ Besides the 
Ptolomy jiiont} lueiitious Ihe rivor Binda between Sopara and 
Soraulla, Hip]>ocnra south of that, and the islands called 
Hept.miesia.2 Tliese last are iflentifietl by Lasi^tn with the islands 
of Bombay and Sdlsette.'' SemuVla ho puts at Bassein, Balipatua 
about Cheul or Diioda Bajripiir, and Manadagora a littlu further 
south. McliziLfiiris, called by Pliuy Zi;!orus, he puts at Suvarndurg, 
Vincent at Jaygad. Ptolemy calls this place an island, Pliny a 
river and a port, and the author of the Periplus a place on the 
contiueDt. A tolerable agreement can be found between these 
three apparently contradictory descriptions if it is remembered 
that the Arabic word Janjira, which may bo evidently traced in the 
two names given, is still used not only for the rocky island off 
iMuda-Uajapur, but al<o for the similar rocks at Suvarndurg and 
Mai van. either of which places, with the towns on the mainland 
which they protect, mijjht then be identified with Meli7,ig-ara or 
Zizerus.* Byzantium Lassen puts at Vijaydurp. And Nitrias, 
inenti'tned by Pliny an achief stnti* n of the pirates, Rennell identifies 
vvitli Nivti, between Mtllvan and Veugurla^ 

The identification of all these places is an interesting study for 
those who arc well acquainted with the district, aud there are certain 
resemblances of names which will ]irul>ably strike every reader; 
but the speculations made by different geographers are aliuoat 
endless, and the means of ascertaining the real situatiou of the 
places mentioned are so small, owing to Ptolemy's mistake of making 
the coast from BroMcli to the (langos run almost duo east, and tu 
no manuscript of the Periphis being known to exist, that it seems 
useless to go deep into the subject. Except Kalyan the places 
mentioned in the Periplus arc all given as country ports freqiient'ed 
only by the natives.® From Baruga;;a (Broach) ami Ariaka to the 
coast of Africa were exported corn, rice, butter, oil of sesamf, 
coarse and fine cotton goods, and cane-honey (sugar). And ships 
with these cargoes sometimes went on from the Afrii'ati to the 
Arabian ports. ^ Whether this African trade was in. the hands of 
Arabs or uf the natives of India is doubtful, but all writers are 
agreed that the tratlic from the west coast of India to the Ked Sea 
was nifiiuly in the hands of the Arabs. ^ The trade of the ancient 
Kgyptiaiis with India is to be looked on as previous to history and 
a matter only of specalation.* The Greeks irom Egypt may 
occasionally have gone across the Indian Ocean, but iu general 
they contented themselvea with getting Indian goods from tho 

• Vincenl, II. 427, 431. ' Liber, VII. Cap. T, Bom. Coz. XIIL Part 11. 414. 
' Map to Indische Altherthiimskimde. ■• Vincent. II. -130. 

* Memoir, .11 ; Vincent, II. 449 ; Bom. G«z. XV. P*rt II, 336. The gimilarity of the 
narae aud fmsitinn snpgest that Mamlagora is Mandauciwl, ft lofty iin«i prominent hill 
close to Ma.h.'tpral, ft village oti the Biinkot creek, to which large native craft still |>a*8. 

6 ViDcent, II. 428. Compare Bom. G&z. X. 192 ; XI. IM. 1.37, note 6 ; XIII. Fart II. 
414 . 418 ; XV. Part II. 78 and note 1. 7 Vincent, II. 2S2, 42.3. 

" Heeren. IL .3(»1 ; Elpliinstouo 166 j Vincent, I. 43 ; II. 35, Uy ; Robertson, 38. 
•Vincent. I. 281. 


Keiimud* gires an extract fjom an Arab writer named Beladori 
to the effect tliat in A.D. 6;JG tlie Khalif Omar seTit an army to Taunii 
ami h\i tliinks thai iliis was probably our Tlidna. But be acknow- 
Unlf^'en that tlio diacritical marks of the icitial letter are wanting 
and he gives no other purticniara. In the travela of the nierehanl 
Siileiinan written in A.n. 851 the country of Konikam is given as 
part of the kingdom of the BalhiSra.* But AlherunJ, of whom 
Culiinel Yule says that ** iu Indian matters be knew what be was 
talking about a great deal better than otter old Arabic writers," 
says nothing of Balhara, lie mentions a kingdom of Konknn 
with its capital at Talah and gives the itinerary alon^ the coast aa 
Broach, Sindan 50 parasangs, Soubarah C parasanj^s^ Tana a para- 
Bangri. Then tbe country of Ldran and in Ihut Djymowr, Malyah, 
Kantljy ; then the Dravira ivhieh Reinaud says is the Coromandel 
Ctias^t. Alberuni also mentions the plains of the Konkan aa 
runtaining; the auimal called Scharan, a quadruped with four extra 
legs standing up above its back.* 

Ranhid-nd-Diu about a.d. 1300 mentions Konkan, of which the 
capital is Tana on tbe sea- shore. But further on he mentions 
(Iiijarat as a large conntry within which are Cand>ay, Somnai 
Kiiiikau^ ' Tana and several other cities and* towns ; ' and ngniu 
' Beyond Ginarat are Kankan and Tana, heyond them the country 
ol ilalubar/ ^ The question ajs to the dependence of the Konkan 
on Gujarat will be considered in the next section. It is sntticieui 
here ti* say that the abont'e extracts prove that tbe Konkau was h 
ueparate province with a enpiittl cjtlled Thana, which is nienlioueJ 
as a town on the coast by the traveller Al Masudi who dieil in A.n. 
tKitj.*' By Al Idrisi in the twelfth century the following itinerary 
nf the coast is given : " From Bannk (Broach) to Sindhabur' along 
the coast four days. From hence to Bana (Thana) upon the coast 
four days. Tliis is a pretty town upon a great gulf where vesseks 
imrhor and from whence thoy set sail."** Uildomeister has U'«do4il>t 
rlmt the aneieDt aatl modern places are the satn<», and thinks thai 
Thau a is the only port known to tho Arabs between Bruach and 
Gua of wliich the situation can Im- exactly ascertaiiiod.* When it 
is considered that, at no very distant time, the sea must have tilled 
tho whole space between the hills on the east of the Thiina creek 
and those on the west of it, and must have fluwed also uver a very 
■wide expanse of cfmutry between Th^iua and Bassein, it seom» 
that these descriptions may have been tolerably correct for the 
Tlidna of eight bundroil years ago. TIkj last of these early Arabian 


» R. A. S, Jouriml (New Series), IV. 840 ; Yule's Cathay, I ocxxx i 

» Fragments, 1820. ' Elliot, I. 4. I 

" Yule's Cathay, I. clncxiv ; Reinan.], l(»il, 1 21. » Elftot, 1. GO, fi7. • EUiot I *>4 
7 There is sorac confusioii among travolli'i-a .ts to SindAlmr. t'olnnel Yule tbiuks it 
,*'a» <ioJi. Imtttiat Al Idrisi and othera coufomuled it with Saniau. ludiau Autiuuarv 
■■ ".. 116. ■ Elliots I. 89. « De R*>1„.. In,iw.:. ir. a"'^"tuary» 


' De RcbiiB ludici*. 4C. 

Section I. 


ChiTstians, that is to say, of Nestorians, who are schismatics and 
heretics/' The friars were apparently hidden in one of iLese 
Nestorian houaeg, and the Ka<1i accidently heard of it, and sent 
for them, and Friar Thomas of Tylenhuo, Friaf James of Padua^ and 
Friar Demetrius a Georgian lay brother " good at the tongues "went, 
hut Friar Peter of Sienna was left at home to take cai'e r»f their 
things. There they began to dispute, aod Friar Thomas confounded 
the Suracens as to Christ. Then the Kadi and the Saracens nrged 
them to say what they thought of Mahomet. So, after trying to 
evade the question, Friar Thomas at last saiJ, " Mahomet is the 
sou of perdition, and hath his place in hell with the devil his 
father." Then the Saraceus tied the friars up io the sun, that they 
might die a dreadful death by the intense heat. Hut after six 
hours they were cheerful and unscalhed. So then they selected 
to burn them, and kindled a great lire "on the maidan, that is the 
PiaK?ia of the city,'^ and threw iu Friar James first, arid it blazed so 
high and wide that they could not see him, but they heard him 
invoking the Virgin. And when the fire was spent there he was 
unhurt. Then they made a much larger fire, and stripped him 
naked, and covered him and the wood with oil and threw him in 
again, w)iil« Thomas aiid Demetrius prayed fervently. But he again 
came out nnhurt Then tho Malik (or podestu) tried to rescue 
them, and convoyed them " across a certain ^rm of the sea, that 
was a little distance from tho city where there was a certain 
suburb,*' and there they were received into tlie house of an idolator. 
But tho Kadi overpersuaded tho Mulik, aisd sent four men to kill 
tlie friars, and caused all the Christians to bo imprisoned ; and after 
talking in a friendly way to tho f rial's, the four men cut otf tho lieads 
of Thomas, James, and Demetrius. And the air Wiis illutninatod, 
and there was wonderful thunder and liglituing, and the nhip the 
friars had come iu went to the bottom. And uext day they found 
Friar Peter and tried to conveit him, and on his refusing tortured 
him and then liuiig hitn up to a tree, and as he came down unhurt 
they clove him asunder and in the morning no trace of him could 
bo found. Then a vision appeared to the Malik which disturbed 
him so much that he released the Christians, and " caused four 
mosques to be built in honour of the Fj'iars, and put Saracen 
priests iu each of tliem to abide continually .'' But the Emperor of 
Delhi sent tor the Malik and put him to death, and the Kadi fled. 

*' Now iu that country it is tho custom never to bury the dead, 
but bodies are cast into the fields, and thus are speedily destroyed 
and consumed by the excessive heat ; so the budies of these friars 
lay for fourteen days in the sun and yet were found quite fresh 
and umlecayed as if on the very day of their glorious martyrdom." 
So the Christians buried them. Afterwai-ds Odoric came, and took 
their bones which worked various miracles.^ 

' Tlie ftbove deecription is from Yule'a Cathay^ T. 57. There is another account not 
nmcli dllferijig froiu this, l)at taken from u Latin niunusciipt in ihe preface to 
YuIo'h Mirabiljft Dc^.iiripta, page ix., aud auothor Jiffuriujj an to dates and other 
particttlarH io Flaktnyl'a Voyages, II. IGO. 



[Bombay Oaiette^r 



leotion I. 


the end of the eighth century. It is certain that after living for 
some years at Diu they first settled on the continent of India at 
Sanjdn, now an utterly insignificant village, but which is believed 
then to have extended nearly to the sea coa^t.^ ' Here tliey were 
permitted to settle by the R^na, who is called Jjide, and whom Dr. 
Wilson believes to have been Jayadeva, a chief subordinate to the 
Rajput kings of Ch&mpdner or Patau. In the next three hundred 
years they were dispersed through Hindustan ; but the places 
mentioned as receiving them are all north of Sanjdn, which agrees 
with the present facts of their settlements, for it is about Ddhinu, 
twenty miles south of Sanjdn, that P^rsis begin to be found in 
considerable numbers, and not merely as settlers for purposes of 
trade. Tdrdpur, ten miles south of Ddhdnu, has also a large settle- 
ment of Parsis ; but Kaly^n is the only place south of that where 
their settlement is believed to be of earlier date than the British 
occupation of Bombay. Ntfrgol, at the mouth of the Sanj4n creek, 
is still one of their largest villages, but Sanjdn itself does not now 
contain a single Pdrsi resident. 

■ Wilsfin's Sermon to Pirait, 6 ; Bom. R. A. S. Jowrnal, I. 170. Compare Bom. Oa 
XIV. 506-536. 

Bectioti II. 

genuine Buddhist temple, college, and monastery. The preat temple 
ia not equal iu beauty to that of. Kdrle iu Poona hut it exceeds that 
culk'tl Yishvakarma at Elura, aod every other on this side of India,*"* 
** It is not only the numerous caves that j^iv^nn idea of what theJ 
population of this barren ruck must haTe bc^en, but the taoka 
tlie termces and the flights of steps which lead from one place tc 
another.*'^ The caves of Kanheri indeed are not a mere serieil 
of temples and halls without any trace of the existence of th« 
worshippers who should hare filled them, but the excavations includ* 
arrangeuients such as wore required for a resident coramuuitj^ 
There are hero in close proximity several r /Atf rs or monasteries fuf 
associations of devotees, a great number of solitary cells or grihda^ 
fur hermits, with «hdlds or halls for lectures and meetings, and 
thaidjas or temples with relic-shriues not out of proportion in uam*i 
ber or size to the dwelling-places. Outside the caves are reservoiraj 
fur water, a separate one for each cell, and coaches or benches forthfl 
monks to recline on, carved out of the rock like everything else, whik 
flights of steps ainl paths worn iu the nn'k lead like streets froml 
nue series of caves to another; for the excavations are not only at( 
different elevations in the face of the same hill, but also in sevOTa' 
ciitTerent hills aud ravines. Here 

" All tUiugs in tlieir nlace remain 
A* all were onlerea :igea siuct»/* 

and the effect is that of a town carved out of the solid rock, which, 
although '' life and thought here no longer dwell,^' Would, if the 
monks and worshippers returned, be in a day or two as complete as 
when first inhabited. 

The excavations are 102 in number, besides a good many now- 
fallen iu or cliokcd with rubbish. They are all distinctly Buddhist, 
and contain fifty-four inscriptions, which vary iu date from the first 
to the ninth century.' Only two of the inscriptions, however, 
contain dates, Shak lib (a.d. 853j and Shak 779 (a.d. 877). They 
belong to tho Sillidra kini^s uf the Konkan who were tributaries of 
the Rashtrakiitas of Mftlkhet.* These inscriptions have been all more 
or less completely deciphered. "Except the Pahlavi inscriptions io 
cave (56, two, in caves 10 and 78, in Sanskrit, and one in cave 70 
in peculiar Prdkrit, the language of all is the PMkrit ordinarily 
used in cave writings. The letters, except in an ortmniental look- 
ing inscription in cave 84-, are the ordinary cave characters. As 
regards their ago, ton appear fr*>ni the form of the letters to belong 
to the time of the Andhrabhritya or Sbatakarni king Vasishthi- 
putra (a.d. 133-162), twenty to the Gotamiputra XL period (a.d. 177- 
196), ten to the fifth and sixth centuries, one to the eighth, three 
to the ninth or tenth, and one to the eleventh. Three inscriptions in 
caves 10 and 78, bear dates and names of kings and three in caves 
3, 36, and 81 give the names of kings but no dates. The dates 

• W. iWuiie in Bom. Lit. Trans. III. 394. • Lord Valpntia. II Isa 
^ l>rt.-iils of the Kunheri caves arc given ia Bom. Gaz. XIV. 1*21 -IW. 
*Si»o l»e]ij¥r p*;;e 11. 

of the rest have been calculated from the form of the letters. 
Thougli almost all are mutilated, enough ia in most cases left to 
show the name of the giver, the place where he lived, and the 
character of the gifh Of the fifty-four inscriptions, twontj-t'ight 
give the names of donors, which especially in their terminations 
differ from the names now in use. In twenty-one the profession of 
the giver is mentioned j the majority were merchants or goldsmiths, 
aome were recluses, and one was a minister or leading officer of tho 
state. Except seven women, four of whom were nuns, all tho 
givers were men. The places mentioned in the neighbourhood ot 
the caves are the cities of Knlyan Sopdra and Chemula, and the 
Tillages of Mangalsthan or MagiUhan, S^kapadra probably Saki 
Deou: Tulsi, and Saphdd. Of more distant places there arc Xasik, 
Pratisth^u or Paithan near Ahmadnagar, Dhanakot or Dharnikot 
Dcar the mouth of the Krishna, Gaud or Bengal, and Dittdmitri in 
Sindh. The gifts were caves, cisterns, pathways, injages, and 
f^OiJowments in cash or land. Of the six inscriptions which give tho 

aes of kings, one in oave 36 gives the oamo of Madharipiitra 
one in cave 3 gives Yajnashri Satakarni or Gotamipulm II, 
two Xndhrabhritya rulers of about the first or second century after 
Christ. Of the two, Madhariputra is believed to be the older and 
Yajnashri ShAtakarui to be one of his successors, Madharfputm's 
' been foun^ near Kolhilpur and Professor Bhandsirkar 

:a to be the son and successor of Pudnm^yi V^asishthi- 

pulra V.I40 is believed to have flourished about A.D. 130 and to b« 
the ^ri Pulimai whom Ptolemy (a.D. 150) places at Paitlian near 
Ahmadnagar. Yajnashri Shdtakajui or Gotamiputra 11. appears in 
the Ndsik inscriptions and his coins have been found at Kolh.ipur, 
a* l>harnikot near the mouth of the Krishna the old capital of the 
Xndhrabhrityas, and on the 9th April 1882 in a stupa or relic 
mound in .Sopdra near Bassein. Two of the other inscriptions in 
which mention is made of the names of kings are caves lU and 78. 
These are among the latest inscriptions at Kanheri both bi-loiigincr t.r> 
the ninth century, and the names given are of SildliAra kiogfs of the 
Knokan. They are interesting as giving the names of two kin^s 
in each of these dynasties as well as two dates twenty- four years 
apftrt in the contemporary rule of one sovereign in each fan»ily. 
KAp&rdi n. tlte Sililhara king, the son of Pulashakti, whose capital 
waspr 'lemula, was reigning for the twenty-four years bet wenn 

85i{ a-i . , rid apparently Amoghvarsh ruled at M^lkhet during 
the«atzie ponod. This Amoghvarsh is mentioned as the son and s^ic- 
oeA«or of Jagnttung ; Amoghvarsh I, was the son of Goviod HI. 
one of whose titles was Jagattang; and he must have ruled from 
MO to 830. Amoghvarsh II. was the son of Indra himself who 
sy hmTe borne the title of Amoghvarsh and he succeeded Jagat- 
Bg about 850. 

nearest caves to Kanheri, those of Mandapeshvar and 
than, are Brtlhmanical. This may be attributed cither 

the Brilhmang> after tho overthrow of Buddhism in Western 
lodia^ having taken a pride in attempting to rival the worka 

Section II. 


Section II. 


of ttieir predecessors,* or to the fact that in tho early years of our 
era Brahmaus and Buddhists lived at poaco with oue another, and 
were equally favoured and protected by the reigning sovei-eigna.* 
In accordance with this view Colonel Sykes rewrds of the Chftlukya 
kings that, though mostly votaries of Shiv, they extended the 
most perfect toleration to other creeils.* The caves at Wandapeshvar 
are rendered more curious by their having been occupied by tho 
Portuguese, who called the place Mont Pezier, and erected a 
church and college on the hill in which the caves are, and set up aD 
altar in the caves, so that they became, as it wore, a crypt to the 
church above. 

The caves of Kuda are purely Buddhist, and form a large series of i 
twenty-si"!. Almost all of them are plain and, except in size, much J 
alike. Five of thorn, one unfiuishod, iiro cAaifyas or temple caves ^ 
conUunini* tho aecrod i*elic -shrine or ildghofKi; the other twenty-r>DO 
are dwelling caves or louif as they are called in the inscriptions. , 
These lendji generally consist of a veranda with a door and window ' 
opening into a cell or cells iu which are rock-cut beaches for tho 
monks to sleep on. Tho doors are almost all grooved for woodeo 
frames. Tho walls of almost all the caves were plastered with 
earth and rice chaff and on several of them are remains of painting. ^ 
There are in all twonty-four ioscriptionn, six of them in onefl 
cave, the sixth, which is the only cave with sculpture. Five of 
these six iuscriptious belong to tho fifth or sixth century after 
Christ; all the rest are iu letters of about the first century before 
Christ and record tho names of the giver and the nature of tho 
gift, whether a cave, a cistern, or both. Several of the figures aro 
women and one of them is a Brahman's wife. It is worthy of nolo 
that the name Shiv forms part of the narao of several of the givers. 
The caves in the neighbourhood of Muhd«l are mere cells. One 
group of twenty-nine of about the first or second century after Christ 
are at Kilo abotit two miles north-west of Mahild, and two groups of 
the same age at Kol, about a mite to the south. The Pale group 
lius one inscription of about a.D. 130 and the second Kolo group b.'Ui 
three short inscriptions of about the same time. There is a third 
group of a few cells and cisterns in a hill to the north-east of 
ilahdd, and one cell io a hill to the south near the road leading to 
Nfigothna. In the hills above the old port of Cheul aro ten caves 
of about A.D. 150, all plain and mu»"h mined. It is probable that^ 
besides those mentioned above, tnany other small caves exist in 
hills and other places not generally accessible, and one such may 
bo mentioned in the hill-fort of Asheri, 

The conclnston undoubtedly is that Sdlsetto and a part of tho 
Koukan south of Bombay were strongholds of Buddhism. It is not 
uo certain that this would involve any considerable degree of 
civilisation. On the contniry it is known that tho Buddhist leaders 
inclined to establish their great monasterios in places remote 

' Dr. Wilson in Bom. R. A. 8. Joumnl, III, 6. 

' Dr. Stevenson iu Bom. R. A. S. JoiiruAl, V. 41. 

■'K, A S.JournRlIV. 18. 

moral Chapidrs.] 



and chiefly remarkable, as Kfloheri ucdoubtedly is, for 

siLuatiun. Here indeed we may believe that to many 

" the calm life of the hermit seemed a haven of peace where a life of 

'''-denial and earue«t meditatioD might lead to some solution of 

strange enigmas of life." * 

t ahonld be mentioned that when the Portngaese took possession 

"ilsette they found the Kanheri caves inhabited by J<tgis, about 

whom as well as about the caves themselves the early historians made 

manjr wonderful statements. Thus the cells exceeded 30{JO in 

namber, each with a cistern supplied by one conduit ; the chief Jogi 

150 years old j and from the caves at Kanheri an undoiground 

:e Pome said to Cambay, some to Agm, iu which a number of 

'ortat?uese explorers travelle*! for seven days without seeing any 

of an outlet, and so were obb^i-ed at last to tarn back.- The 

ihiiot at Elephanta was the work of a king in whose time a 

iwer of golden rain fell for three hours.'* Even to an English 

^Teller of the sixteenth century it seemed scarcely inci'edible that 

water there ran uphill in order to supply the wants of the monks. 

f coo.siderably later date than that given to the Kanheri and 
other cave inscriptions are the inscribed sfones and copperplates 
w? ' ^ • been found in the Konkan in considerable numbers, and 
wii » the ninth century downwards afford some evidence as to 

tho civiiiaation and divisions of the country. 

A copperplate found by Dr, Bird in 1839, in a relic mound at 
K.inheri in front of the great chapel cave No. 3 is dated in the 2 l-^th 
year of the Trikutakiis, a dynati^ty of kings who, alx)ut tlie fourth or 
ftflh ncntury, appear to have held Central and South Gujarat and the 
North Konkan.' From the form of tho letters, which seem to belong to 
the fifth century, Dr. Burgess considers the era to be the Gupta com- 
mflieing in a.d, 219 and thus makes the date of the plate a.d. Ai'y^J' 
Two hoards of silver coins beaiing the lei^end, " The illustrious Kri^hiia- 
Dija the great lord meditating on the feet of his mother and fallier " 
wore fonud in 1881-82, one iu the island of Bombay the other at 
Mulgaon in Siilsette. This se^i'ms t(j show that the early Rushtrakuta 
kiii<> Krif^na (a.d. 375-400), whijse coins liave already Ixien found in 
Bi^lan hi N^k and KarhAd in Satdra, also held possession of the 
North Konkan.** 

About tho middle of tho sixth century kings of the Manrya and 
Kala dynasties aj>pear to have Ijeen ruling in the Konkan, Kirtivarma 
(A,D. 550-567), the first Chalukya king who turned his arms against 
tli6 Konkan, is described as the night of death to the Nalas and 

Section II. 

Rhf* Dkvid's Bu.i4hi«m. » DeContto, VII. 338. ' DoOoatto, VII. 261. 
A a^»peri»late of the Thkntaka kmg Darhiuena was in 18S4 found in Pir<tt in the 
_/a» dMtrict. , , 

>Thk«lB or The Three Hill* la mentioned by KAlfdAs (a.d. 600) as ft city on a lofty 
at* bfuk by B«gha when he com^uercd the Konkan. The name is the same as 
Trifin the aawkrit form of Tagar, and Pandit BhagvdnUl identifies the city with 
Jttimaf lit fceat P<x»iia, a place of great importance on a high site, and between tho 
' laneshlena, and Manmodi. 

.im'a Archaaological Survey Report. IX. 30 ; Fleet's KAnarwe 
itica, '4i itutc 1. 

[Bombay Oazeti 

Section II. 




Mauryas.' And an insciiption of Kirtivarma^s g-iundson Pulikefhi II. 
(a.d. G1U-6I0J under whom the Konkan was conquered, describes hia, 
g-eneral Chanda-daoda, as a great wave which drove before it thfl 
wat^jry stores of the pools, tliat is the Mauryas. •Tlje Ch;lhdiya gener " 
with hundreds of ships attacked the Maurya capital Puri, the goddesil 
of the fortimes of the western oeean.- A stone in??cription from Vadftj 
in tlie north of the Thana district shows tliat a Mauryan king of _ " 
name of Suketuvarma was then ruling in the Koukan.* 

During the reign of the great Naushervan (531-57S), when 
Persians were the rulers of the commerce of the eastern seas, the 
relations between Western India and Persia were extremely close.* On 
the Arab overthrow of Yezdejard III. (l5Ji8) the last of the Saseanians, 
several bands ctf Persians sought refuge on the Thana coast and were I 
kindly received by Jtidav Rilua, apparently a Yadav chief of San Jan.* 
In the years immediately after their conquest of Persia tiie .rVral>s made 
several raids on the coasts of Western Indb ; one *>£ these in 637 f rom| 
Bahrein and Ooiaii in tlie Persian gulf plundered the Konkan CQ a&tJ 
near ThAna." 

» lod. Ant. VIII. 244. 

* Dr. Burgess' Archwological Survoy Bepori, III. 26. Puri baa not bc*n iilentifiod, ^ 
Bom. Gnz. XIV. 401- 402. 

' Dr. Bhagvdnlal Indriji. Compare Bom, Gaz. XIII. Part IL 420 not* 8; XIV. 

* Yule (Cathay. I. .%) notices that about this time the lower Euphrates was called 
Hind or ladiiv, but this seera* to have been au ancient practice. Rawlinson in J. K. 
O. 8. XXVII. 186. As to the extent of the Pcraian tr.ade at this time, sue Reinaud's 
M^moire Sur I'liuif, 124. In the fifth and sixth centuries, besides the Persian trado^ 
there was an active Arab trade up the Peisian gulf and the Euphrates to Hiraon the 
right or west bank of tho river, not far from tho ruins of Ba))ylon. Ther^ was also 
much traffic with OboUah near the month of tho joint nvcr not far from Basr.i. 
Rtrinaud's Abu-l-fida, occlxxxii^ Obollab is also at this time (a.d. 400 - HiiQ) 
notict'd as the terroiaua of the iTidinn and Chinese TMseU which were too larg» * 
to pass up the river to Hira. (hittn and Yule's Cathay, Ixx-vni. 55.) So close w a* 
its connection with India that the Talmud writers always speak of it as HiodikAJ 
or Indian Obillah (Rawhnson in J. R. G. S. XXVII. 18«j). According to Masudii 
t9l.'i) Obollah was the only port under the Sassanlan kings (Prairies d'Or, III. 
IW). McCrindlc (Periplus, 103; compare Vincent, IX. ."iTT) identifies it with the 
Apologoa of the Periplus (jv.d. 247) wliioh he holds took the place of Ptolenjy'a 
(A.D. 150) Teredon w Diritlotus. Reiuand (Ind. Ant. VIII. :i.30) ho'ds that 
Obollah is a corruption of the Greek Apolog<)a, a cnstom house. But Vincent's 
view (11.355) that Apologoa i» a Greek form i»f the orij^dnal Obollah or Obollegh 
seems mure likely. In Vlnoent's opinion (Ditto, II. 356) Olmllah was founded 
by the Tarthiann. At the time of the Arab conquest of Persia (iVM) AbUlah is 
mentioned as the port of entry at the mouth of the Euphrates f J, R. A. b'. XII. 
208). In spite of th« rivalry of the new Arab port of Basrah, OlK>IUih continued 
A oonsiderable centre of trade. It is mentione<l by Tabari in the ninth century 
(Reinaud^s Abiid-fola, coclxsxii.) : Masudi (313) notices it iif a leading town (Plrairies 
d'Or, I. 230-231} ; Idrisi (113^) as a verj- rich and fionriahinp city (.laubcrt's Ed. I. 
i?69) ; and it appears in the fourteenth century in Abu-1-lida (Rcinaud's Abu-l-fida, 72)» 
It was important enough to give the Persian gulf the name of the Gutf of Oboll&h 

< IVHorbelflt's Bibliolheque Orientale, IH. Gl). According to D'Hcrbclot when he wrote 
(about 1670) Olxillah was Btill a strong well peopled tcwu (Ditto). The importanoe 
of the town and the likeness of the n;uues 8iig>,'e«t that Obolbkh is the Abulamah f.-om 
which came the Persian or Parthian Harphi\rau of Abulatnah who records the gift of 
B cave in Kirli inscription 30. This identidcation supports the close connection by sea 
between the Parthians and the west coast of India in the centuries before and after 
the Christian era. * See above page 8. 

■ Elliot and Dowson s History, I. 41 5, 416*. As the companion fleet which was sent 
to Dibal or Diiil in Siadh made a trade settlement at that town, this attack on TbAnA 

iBomb&y Oazottoor 

Bection II. The SilrlhAras seem to have remaiaed under the RiUhtrakataa 

. r till about the close of the tenth century a,i>, 907, when AptirAjit 

assorued independent power.^ The Thdua Silaharas seem to 
have held the greater part of the presont dfstricts of Thdua and 
Kolriba. Their capital seems to have been Pun',- and thfir pltices 
of note were Hainjaman probably Saiijfin in Dalidnu, Thrina (IShri*' 
Bth^uak), Sopdra{Shurpdrak), Chtiul (Chemiili), Lonjid (Lavanatuta), 
and Uran.* As the Yiidavs call themselves lords of ihe excel leut 
city of Dvdr^vatipara or Dwarka and the Kadambas call themselves 
lords of the excellent city of Banavasipura or Banaviii^i, bo the 
Silsihiiras call themselves lords of the excellent city of Tagampura 
or Tagar. This title would fornish a clue to the origin of the 
Siliiharas if, unfortunately, the site of Tagar was not uncertain.* 

ckI Oarnilft, who restofed )\\m to life and si bcr rpqtlest ceased to davonr the sorpenU. 
For i\m f^'i of self Kacrifict- Jimutvikhan gained the name of the Ko<'k-ilevinirc<l { 
i>ft,l<ihlnr,t. J. R. A. t>. (Old SurifsK IV. 113. Tiiwney's KathA Sarit SAgara, I. 174-186. 
A Btaiua from this story form» the bt'^luninitf of all SiJili^d copperplate inacriptiun*. 

' Hcv 1)lIow page IS. The rnrly 9il4hAr*», thou|?h they oall thctnaolvc* Urfj;w nnd 
Koiiknii ChalcravArtirt, «Cfi(n to have Wen only MahaniaudleshvanM or MahAaAiunTitA- I 
dhi]iAti<», that h p-eat tiobk-s. In two Kanhi-ri cave inscriptions {Arch. Sar. X- •jl, 021 j 
the thiftl Sllah.lra kill)? Kapanli 11. (A. 0.85.1 Ui877) Is mentioned aa » subordinate of j 
the Iti^hlrakutas. Of the later SiUh Iras Anantapil, A.D. 1091, and Apar4ditya, A.i>. 
113S, claim tu be independent. Ind. Ant. IX. 4i5. 

'The Silahdra Puri, if. as ^cvtaa likely, it is the sanie a* the Maurya rtiri (hut. 
Ant, VIII. 2U), wa* a c<ja»t town. Of the p<iB'«ible coast towns Tlittrm and t'haul may 
bo rejectwl. as they api^ar under the mimes of ShriHthAnak and Chemuli in insoriptinna.^ 
in which Pari abo' occurs (.\9. lies. 1. .361. 3frl ; Ind. Ant. IX. 38). Kalyau and Sup^rft' 
may be given up as unsuitable for an altaok by sea, and to Sopara tbefe is the further 
ohjeetiiHi that it api*ears in the s.^nie copporpl.%te in which Pori occuri!. (Ind. Ant. IX. 
3S,; There reinrtin Manpalpuri or MApiUlian in S.'ilsettp, Ghirdpun or Elephanu, and 
Rljipuri or Janjira. A»t ueithor Mar>p*lpviri nor li ij;ipuri has rt<mainsof an old rapiUil, 
l>erhai>» the most likely identification of Puri i» the .Nlori'h landing or Bandar on the 
norlh-cttst corner of (.Jhilripuri or Elephanta, whetv many ancient remains have bceQ 1 
found. Compare Bom. Gaz. XlV, Places and Appendix A. ' 

' Other places of lestt note mentioned in the inKcriptioita are Bhadan, Padeha. and 
BAhgaon villagcH, and the Kumbhiri river in Bhiwndi, Kanher in Baa»cin, and Chunje 
(Chadiche) village near Uran. 

■• Tagar Iw* Iteen identified by Wilfonl (As. lies. I. 3G9) M-ith Devgiri or Daulatabid 
and by Dr. BiirjiesH with R.wu about four miles frtnu Danlatabad <Bi<lar and Aunm- 
gabad', 7>i}) ; Lissen and Yule place it doubtfully at Kulburga (Ditto) ; Paiidit Rhng- 
vjinh'il, art alrea<lv Btatwl, at Jnnnar; Grant Duff (.MiirAthis. 11) near Bhir on iho 
Go«Uvarl ; and Mr. J. F. Fleet, I. C S. (Kanarcse Dynaatie*, 03- 103 ) at KolhApnr. Prof. 
Bhanddrkar observes : ' The identification of Tagar with Devgiri is ba-tcd on the 
aappoitition tliat the former name is a comiption of the latter. Bat that it i» not 
flo is proved by its occurreuce as Tagar in the Silah^ra grant* (A.n. 997-lOOi), 
and in a Chalukya grant of A.c. 612. the langiiage of all of which is Sanskrit. 
The modern Junnar cannot have been Tagar, since the Greeks place Tagar ten days* 
journey to the east of Paithan. On the supposition tliat Junnar was Tagar, ono wcmld 
expect the Ch&lukya plate issued to a BrAhman of Tagar to have been found 
Et or near Junnar. But it was found at Uaidaraba«l in the Dalchan. The antbor of 
the Periplu.* calls Tagar "the greatest city" in Dakbinabades or Dakshinapath. 
The SiUbiii-a princes or chiefs, who fonT)e<l three distinct branches of a dynasty that 
roled over two parts of the Konkan and the country about KolhAiHir, 'trace their 
origin to JimutvAlian the Vidyudhar or demigtxl and style them^^'lves "The lords 
of the excellent city of Tagar." From this it would appear that the SiUhdiras were an 
ancient family, and that their original temt wnt "Tagar whence they spread to tho 
confines of the country. Tagar therefore wm probably tho centre of one of tho 
earliest Aryan aettlements in the Dandakdranya or ' forest of Dandaka,' as the Dwkhan 
or Mah&rdahtra was callwl. Thego early settlements foUowetl the course of the 
God&vari. Ucncc it is that in the formula repcaUHl at the beginning of any religitmc 



anerai Chapters 1 


the SilAliira references, the only known Sanskrit notHM of 
_ is in H CUiilukya Copperplate f-juuil near Haidarabad in the 
Ukhan and dated a.d. 012.* As has been already noticed, the 
' T»igar<n Ptolemy and in the Poriplus point to a city 

-»ly tu the east of Paithaii, and the phrase id the Periplus,^ 
Uiit iuany articles brought into Tag[^ar from the parts alon^ tha 
St were sent by wagons to Hmach/ seorna to show that Ta«;f.»r 
in communication with tbo Bay of Bengal, and was supported 
the eastern trade, which in later times enriched Malkhet, KalyAn, 
Bidur, Golkooda, and Uaidarabad. 

From nnmenius references and grants tlio Th^na Sildhflras seem 
to have been worshippers of Shi?.* 

Of Kapurdi, ihe first of the Thdna Sil^hdras, nothing ia known 
c- ' -■ claims descent from Jirautvslhan. Pulashakti his son 

a , in an nndated inscription in Kanheri Cave 78, is 

I' rlie governor of Mangalpuri in tfve KoukaUjOndas the 

\v^ at of (the Rishtrakiita king) Amoghvarsh. The third 

king, Pnlashakti'-s son, Kapardi II. was called the Younger Laf/ltn, 
"no ihscription* in Kanheri Caves lO and 78, dated a.d. 853 and 877, 
ra to »how that he was subordinato to the Rttshtrakutas The 
pardi II. was the fourth king Vappuvauna, and his sou 
jha the fifth king. .Ihanjha is mentioned by the Ai-ab 
lliiitorian Masudi asr ruling over Saimur (Cheul) ia A.i). 916.* 
H.. ifinjut have been a. staunch Shaivite, as, according to a Sililhclra 
rplate of A.D. 109+, he bailt twelve temples of Shambhu.* 
^' to an unpublished copperplate in the possossion of 
I* N:igv'!inlal, Jhanjlia had a daughter named Lasthiyavva, who 

Wiw luarnetl to Bhi llama the fourth of the Chdndor Yddavs." 

Tho next king wna Jhanjha's brother Gogsij and after him came 
1*8 srin Vajjadadev. Of the eighth king, Vajjadadev's sou 

\i./i..^-i >,<„j the pluro whvxv the ccTcraony is peffonnwl is ttlluil*?«l U> 
fwm the (ioldviiri. PiH)plo in KhAiule!«h um? tlm Words 
' Ihftt i* ' on the mirilit-rn hank <»f the QtnlAvari,' whilo those to 
1A» Biuii ol ihc rivsr. u f ar as the h<}rdcra of the country, uho tlw oxprension ' Oofld- 
m af ym ^^il^Vw tir^' th»t 'm 'on the *»uthern hank nf the OvxlAvari.' If then Tagnr 
%«. ' t of the Aryan fH'ttleuieiit'j. 5t must l»e «itunto<l on or near tho 

li' (M the unoit-nt U>wn of Pditlisin U; and its bearing from 

Pk ^ircflc pvHijrrApheiM a{?Tee8 with this s«ppo««ition, as tho course 

of U ciL point i< nearly easterly. TuKiir ttierofore be looked 

f - ' - ha.n. If the name hftH nnderttone eomtption, it must, by the 

I'' "I»l»i"« the initial nmte». be first rhanj?efl to Tiiaraura, and thenco 

I" Can it l>e the mf»lerti Dirnr or DhArur in the Nixdm's dominions, 

t««u;> &v« uuU» urtm of (trant Duff's Bhir and »eventv mile* Bouth-east of Paithan? 
• lod. Atit. VI. 7". * MoCrindle. 1*26. 

*TV/ • ir»? in a eopj>eri)lato of A.T».lfK)l, nrhcrc the fifth 

ktMff J i;; hnilt twi-lve tempk-H to Shamblm. and tbo tenth 

liagAr I t^nn of his father, \-iirited :S (imeshvar or S.^innlith, 

•ftiiB^ hi . 1 111 (Ind. Ant- IX. 37). Tbo Kolhilpur SllAhiira* 

m^^mt kiii;/^, ^, one copjkerplate refonU i^rants to Mahridev, 

hA Arlwl {^uar. H. U. . U. A. S. XI II. 17). Compare Fleet's Kaiiart-ie 
}*n * Prairies d'Or. II. 85, * Ind. Ant. IX. 85. ^^ 

w— , the ChiniUir YA*iav» ia u'ven \\\ the NAtik Statistical Account, 

Section It. 


• 972—3 


[Bombay Oasetteef 


Recti on IX. 

Aparajit or Birutnlakiiiilni, a copperplate dnt^d 997 (ShakOlO) has 
lately been found at Blier, about ten milea north of Bhiwndi.* 
It uppeavH from this itlate that durinri^ Apariijit's reigu, his 
Riishtrakuta ovurlji'd Karkarjija or Kakkala \»as overthrown and 
slain by the Chiilykyan Taihipa, and that A paraj it became indepen- 
dent some time between 972 and 9W7,^ 

In a copperplate of A.I). 109 1, recording a grant by the fourteenth 
king Anantdt'V, Apai'djit is mentioned as having welcomed Gomma, 
conlirmed to Aiyapdev th^ sovereignty which ha«l been shaken, 
and a1foi:dod security to Bhillainaniniamanambiidlia ?* The next 
king w*is Aparajit's son \%vjjfi<hulev. The next king Arikeshari, 
Vayadadev's brother, in a coppi^rplute grant dated A.D, 1U97, is styled 
the lord of fourteen hundred Koiikan villages. M«*ntion is also made 
of the cities of Shristldnak, Puri, and Hamyaman probably Sanjan.* 
The eleveiitli king was Vayjvladev'.s son Chhittariijdev. In a 
copperplate dated Sfmk 948 (a.d. 1025) he is styled the ruler of the 
fourteen hundred Konkaii villages, the chief of which were Puri and 
Uamy.iman/' The twelfth king was NagJlijun, the younger 
brother of Chhittar^jdev. After him came Nagarjun's younger 
brother Muramuni or MTunvani, who is mentioned in an inscription 
dated A.D. lOoO (5//(//.- 9S2).'' The fourteenth king was Mummuui J 
or Mhmvdni'8 son Auantpal or Anaiitdev, whose nome occurs in two 
grants dated a.d. lOSl and 1111)67 la the lU'Jd grant Anunt]ial is 
mentioned &8 ruling over the whole Koukau fourteen hundred 

1 Tlie coppLTplute rcuords the grant at Shristh Inak or Thina, of BhAdAno village 
about oi(i;ht mileti oiut of Uliitvndi for the wor^luy* of Luii<i<IUya residing id (who«e 
temple is m) Livamitata (LonUd), on the fourth of the dark half of At/iAdh (June-Joly) 
Sfuik !)10 (A.D. 097), a» a Dahthindyan gift, that in a lerift iutuU< on the occasion uf the Min 
l>Cffinning: to pass to the south. Apar^jitti's ministen were Sitipilaiytt and Sinhapaiyii. 
The insi-ription was written by Singahiiya's son Annapai. The grunt wa* settled in 
TliAua, TiwhcJta Hhrigthdnah' ithrvram. » Pandit Dha(j^inlAl Iiidraji. 

^ Ind. Ant, IX, 30. Of Gonima and Aiyapdev nothing is biowii ; of the tlurd name 
only lihillani the 80U-in-law of Jhnnjhii can Iw made out. 

* Asifttic Keoinirches, I. 357-3(37. This grant woa foand in 1787 while digrtiring 
fottndjiiioua in ThAua fort. Arikeshari's ministers were Viaapaiya and VArdhapaiya. 
The grant consists of Btveml villages given to a family prioat, the illustrious Tikk»- 
paiya son of the illustruHiH astnilo^'r Chchhinpaiya,* an inhabitant of Shritithanak 
(^Thitia) on the ooeaniou of a full eclipse nf the moon in Adr/i'i- (October- Novemlier) 
a/nik \)3Q (A.D. 1(117) rinpuhi SamntitMara. The grant waa written by the illusitriijns 
Kilgalaiya, ihe gft.'«t bani> and engnivo<l on phit«<s of copi>er by Vedaiwiya'* ion 

" Ind. Ant, V. 27G-'i81. Hi» minifltcra were the chief functionary 5firt«d<i/»iib<fri the 
illuatrioaa NAtcanaiya, the miniitter for peace and war the illn-itriou* Sihaijaivft, and 
the minister for peace and war for Kanuita (Kunara) the illustriou* Kapanii. The 
grunt, which ia dateti Sunday the fifleeiah of the bright half of Knrtik (O.-tolicr- 
Ncvt-niber) iShok Slit (a,d. Vhw) K^hilyH Sammtxara is of a field in the village of N^ur 
(the modern Naura two uiili-s north* of Bhiudup) iu the tdliiLa of ShatshiU-hlhi 
(SAlBctU'J included in Shristhdnak (Th&na). The domv is a Hr^hman Amade^Tuya the 
■on of Vjpranwlamaiya, who hclGnge<l to the ChhandogujihAkha of the SAnived. 

«Jour. B. B. B. A. S. XII. 3i!'J-3;}2. In this inscription, which is in the Ambiir- 
nith fcetnplo near Kaly&n, he is called M^uivduinijiuicv and his ininiHters are nami-d 
yinta(pHiya), N4ganaiya, Vakathiiya, Jogulaiya, IVdhiscna, and Uh^laiya. Thu 
inscription n conlu the construction of a temple of Chhittarajdcv, that is a temple, the 
merit of building which counts to ClihittarAjdev. 

'' The A.D. lOSl grant was found in Vehur in SAlHctte and the 1096 grant in KhUiv- 
pAtftn in Devgad iu the Uatn.igiri diatrict. The >\'hdr stone was fouml in 18«1 and 

llfl^os, the chief of whicli wtts Puri and next to it Hanjaliiaua 
»tt»ljttbly Stmjan, and as having cast into the oceaji of the edge of 
iiis sword those wicked heaps t)f sin, who at a time of minfortune, 

caaset} by the rise to^owerof hostile relatives, devastated the wliole 

£onkan, harassing goda and Brahnians.^ 

111*? names of six Silah^ra Wings later than Anantdev have been 
made out from land-graut stones. As these stones do not give 
a pedigree, the order and relationship of the kings cannot be 

The first of these kings is Apoi'Atlitya, who is mentioned in a 
stone dated a-D. 1138 {Shak lOGO},^ The next king is Harimlldev, 
who is mentioned in three stones dated a. d. 1149, 1100, and 1153 
(Shak 1071, 1U72, and 1075).* 

The next k-ing is MallikArjun, of whom two grants are recorded, 
one from Chiplun in R^itnfigiri dated 1 la6 [Skak 1078), theother from 
JBanein date«i IIGO (^ifiak lOSJ). This Mallikslrjun seems to l>e the 
Konkan king, who was defeated near Balsdr by Ambada the general 

Section IL 

gmai by Anantdev in Shak 1003 (a..d. 1091 )» the chief minister being Uadra- 
(«i. Th* in»rripdon mentions Ajajilkiya, won of MAtaiya of the VyAxHka family, and 

Uw gBkal 'if •mne rlramiiicuio khardtdn Hi*in<//j[?] ( Pandit Bha^-4nl61). Tin- KUAivpAtan 

^^■ttticTfi fouTid scvcml veara ap> and give the names of all the thirloen 

^■UkAn^ " AimnUh*v. Ind. A at. IX. 33 -4i^. 

^^^Tk« »r<-, ti -, f, n to >onie civil utrifc' of winch nothing i« known (Ind. Ant, IX. 

■Ail i •. t- VLtv the iJlustrions N!iu\'itaka VAjMiida, Rishihluittii, the 

M.liuUvuJya prahhu. iind Sjiiianaiya prabhu. TUe jjrniut is drtlod 

.111 h-iif of ildgfi (Jannary- February) in the \nu,r Shak 1016 

'ttara. It t'onsiats of an exemption from tolls for all •"arts 

Litittfr the illttilrious Bhibhana .'JirfJihtki, the son of the grvat 

• if Vali^javana, probably I'alpattna or the city of I'Al near 

.Mi-i lU '•:■ -f.h r the illustrioQ'* I)banamshre»hthi. Their cartn may 

\,'n\-. s lii-tbinak, NAifpur piThapn Ndgfrthna, Sburp.irak, 

tbi' Koakan Fourtet-n llnndrt-d. They an? also froitl 

41). AuMnUi^^y 

MthtA in K>'i.ii 'I .Mi'i 
MM Axiy of thL> 


tt- V , _i J-; of those who carry on tlu- bnaincMfi of norika (?) 

« Thiy t-^ liiuit iti ISHI at Ch^njc near Unin in the Karanja petty 

^wiiM, TBcotils viu? icrant of a fiuld in Nlgum, prolmbly the modern Ndt.Mun aboiu, 
fov tsilM wwt of Uran. for rhe merit of his mother Lil^vvi ; and another grant of a 
■udaA ia Chadija ( This is tht? AparAditya "king of the Konkan,' who 

blMiitiiiHil in lilank)ui' I'^barita (a bor>k found by Dr. Rnhlerin KA-^limir and 

• ' 11. . . I . .1 as sending Tojakarith from ShurpArak (SopAra) to 
I KAiihmir, of whioh diilail* are given in tlmt hook. Jour. B. 
. _ ^\mjil>er, 51. exv. 

is built into the plinth of the back veranda of the bonne of one 

r^r nt Sipitra Tt rtconls a gift. The name of the king w donbtful. 

■ V. The 1150 stone was found near AgArthi in ISSl it is 

. r- Janitirv). in the Tnunoda Sampatmra, Skak 1072 (a.d. 

V Mdval, Liikhsman prabhu, Pa<lmaHliivraul, and 

■ ruancnt income of Slirinevadi in t-harge of a 

it. l...ii.l.\ priest Brahmailevbluitt both of Divakarbbatt 

lit by prince A'havamaUa enjoying the villagi' of Vatturak 

i). Tlie witnesftfft to the grant are Kbi MhUara, head of 

jihatiira. AnAntnAyak. and CliAngtlev illiatara. [Pandit Hhag- 

linn uf HarjpAIdev lias been found on a stone in Kamnjon in 

1 is of thirteen \iiiee. which are very liard to n-iwl. In the third 

.id rerv doubtfully 'the illuatrious Harip.ildev, the cliiof .i the 

" I with all the royal titles.' The Wh'A Btone was fniml near 

inscriptinu is' in nine lines, and bears date Shak lOT.'i, 

name of kmg UaripAl. 


Section II. 

[Bombay Gaietteer 



ofthe'CujiirdtkingKuiiidrpAl Solanki (A.D.1143-n74).» Next comes 
Aparatiiiya II. of whnirr there are four land-graot stones, tbreo of 
tlioui dated, one in ll«l {Shak 1100) aod two iu 1187 {Shak 1109), 
and one undated.* • 

Tho next king is Keshidov, son of Apar'irka (Aparildifcya II. ?), 
two of whoso hiod-gi*ant stones have been found, one dated J 203 
(ShaJi 1125) tho other 1238 (iShak 1161).* 

* The KumArpAl Charitra (a.d. 1170) wliich jjiv** detaiU f»f this dpfi-nt of 
M*1Uk4ijan, i»ee bolow page 24, JescriV'S MalUkArjun's fAllu-r »* Mahiuiand. ftrul hi* 
capital as ShatAuandpur * siirroondftl by the i)o*'«n* ("ihntdnapure jnl>tdltit^iihtitf 
Mnhdnnndn rdja). MabAnaTid i« an additiou to thi' SilAhAm table, hot the fonii Appcar» 
doubit'ul and iU*i» not correspond with tho lumio uf any «»f thp prvoc<1infr or «aoc»ttHt»g^ 
kings. ' SurrijU!idod by the oca-mi ' mijrht upidy to a town oith'.T in Silsotte or on SopAn* 
inliuVK Ihit thi? epithet applies muoh IxittT to a towTi on Klo|>hiinta ishmd, and tlw? 
iimilarity in iiamo 8Ugge«ts that Shatdixandpor may be .Santapur, an old nauie for 
Elepliania, 8ee Bora. iJaz. XIV. Thiiiia Places of Intorust. 81-82. MallikArjun'a 
L'hipliii) stone waa found in 1S8U by Mr. Falle, of tho Marine Survey, under a wiJl in 
ChipUin (.Tour. V. B. R. A. S. XIV. Sr)). It is now in the ninscnm of the Homliajr 
IJruneh of the lioyal Asiatic Society The writing fj^ives the name of MallikJrjun and 
beara datu SJink l\J~H (A.i>. 11.16). Hi» mini»ters were N;i^ilaiya and Lak^ihrnanaix^a'a 
■on Anantugi (Pandit BhagviinUl). The Basgoin stone Htyles the king ' Shri SikhAm 
MalUkJkrjiin ' and the date given is Shak 1VS2 (a.d. 116<>), Vii*hva .Saw«'(i/«ira, bia 
tninistora being Prahhilkur naynk and Anantp&i pra])hu. Tlio grant is of a 6<3kl (?) or 
garden {?) called ShillrvAtak in PuiliuUasak in Katakhodi by two royal {nne^t*. for tho 
roBtoralion of a t«mple. Pandit UhagvAnhiV 

»The llHI {Shak llOf!) stone was found in Febnwry IS85 a1««t a mile south we«t of 
Lnnftd in Hliiwudi. Of the two .Sfml: 1109 (A.. D. Il»7) stone*, one f<.^nd near (tovcrn- 
mont llnuao, Pan-l, rerurds a grant by Apariditya, the ruler uf the Kuukan, of 5^4 
drnmtnn coitw after ext-ntptrng other tnives, the fixed revenue of one oarl in tho 
village of M/lliuli (probably the modern Mlihnl near Knrla) connected wiU» 
t>liat!}haditlii, which is in the poasession of Anautajnii prnbliu. for ix<rf<*nning the 
worship by live ritos of (the god) Vaidyaaith, lonl of Darbhiivati. The la^t Una 
of the inscription showa that it waa written by a Kiiyasth named Valig I'aiMlit (Jour. 
B. 11. H, A. S. XII. 336). Tho wcoml Shnk llOy (a.d. 1I»7) sUme is in tho 
innscnm of the Bombay Branch of tho l{oyal Aeiatic Society. It is dated Sh»k 
Host (a.d, 1187) Viahvavasu Samvatnarn. on Sunday the sixth of tlie bright half of 
Ghnitru (April -May). The grantor in the great minister LakshmannHyaka son of 
BhAskaruiifyaka, auid sometliiug is said in the grant about the god SomnAth of 
Bnr.Uhtra (Ind, Ant. IX, i'J), The fourth Htone, which bears uo datv, was found noar 
Kalanibhoin in Bfvssein in I.S8'2. It gives tlto name of Apar-iditya, and frwm the lato 
form of the letters probably Iwlongs to this king. A fifth stone ha« recently l»een fotm<l 
near Basstiu. The data is doubtful ; it looks hkc 6h(ik llt>7 (a.d US.j), Pandit 

* 'rhc ShftJc ]1?5 (a.d. 1203) stone waa found in 1S81 near M.indvi in BtMseiu, It 
records the grtiiit of somcLhing for offeringa, itaimfya, in the g<Kl I/akshminiirAyan iu 
the reign of the ilh^triuna KeshJilcv. (i^indit Bh.igv' The Shak IKJl (A.n.*12:W) 
«t<me wa^ found noiir LhujmI viUago in Ukiwndi in Fcbnuiry 1882. It lH?ars date tli^s 
thirtc-«nth of the dark half of .Hdijh (F*'bruary • March} and reconl* the grant by 
Keshidtiv, the son of AparArka nf tljc village of Bralunnpuri, to .one Kavi Soman, 
devoted to the worship of Slioni(ie<hvar Miih.idov, Tlie inscription de^eribea^ 
Bnilnnni>uri as ' pleasing by reason of its .Shaiv temples.' A field ur hamlet calledM 
Majn.*p!i!li in BApgr.'un, the nnxlem Biibgaou ncJir Louiid, is granted by the sauio^l 
insiiription to f»»ur worshippers in fnmt of the image of Shomiieshvar. Apariirka, 
Kushidcv'a father, is probably th*3 AjwrAditya (arta and dditya Inith meaning sun) 
ilte author of the commentiLry cnlliKl AiHlnirka on Yajuavalkya's law liook tboJ 
Mitikslmra. At the end of the cwmmentary is written: Thus 'ends the l'onanc»i 
Chapter in the commentary on tho Hindu law of Y.ijnavalkya made by the 
itluhtrious Apar.Aditya of the family of .rimntvaliAn, the Shillili&ra king of the 
dynasty of the ilhL-*trioiis Vidy Vdhara. Jonr B. B. U. A. S. XII. 335 and E\tr« 
Kunibvr, o'2, Aparar'^^a U cited by an author of the begiuuing of tho thirtecnCh 
century. Jour. B. B. U. A, S. IX. Ifil. 

General Chapters! 


The next is Someshvar, two of whose land-grant stones bave bocu 
found, one dated 12 19 {Shak 1171) the other 1260 {Shah ll82).» 

Thoajfh, with few exceptiong, the narii'.'S of the Thaiia Silahdrns 
arc Saniikrit the aauids of almost all their ministers and of many of 
Xiud gratiteea point to a Kanarese or a Toluga sourco. They appear 
lo be southerners, and ayyas or high-caste Dravidian Hindus seem to 
luTO had coosiderablo influence at their court.^ K^yasths, probably 
the ancestors of the present Kayasth Prabhus, are also moutioned. 

Though their grants are written in Smskrit, sometimes pore 
aometimes faulty, from the last throe lines of one of their stone 
inscriptions, the language of the country appears to have been a 
corrupt PrAkrit, the mother of the modern Manithi.'' The same 
remark applies to the names of towna. For, though inscriptions 
give such JSauskritised forms as Shri-Sthdnak, Shurparak, and 
ilaujaman or Hamyaman, the writings^ uf contempomry Arab 
^'^"Tollers show that the present names Thana, SopJira, and SanjAn 

re then in use.* 

On the condition of the Silahdra kingdom the inscriptions throw 
little light. The administration appears to have been carried on by 
the king assisted by a great councillor or great minister, a great 
minister for peace and war, two treasury lords, and sometimes a 
(chief) secretary. The subordinate machinery seems to have consisted 
of heftds of districts rihhtra^j heads of sub-divisions vishaya/ff heads 
of towns, and heads of villages.* They had a king's higli road 
tj^>iifft, passing to the west of the village of Gomvatji a little north 
idup, following nearly the same line as the present road from 
ly to Thana; and tliere was another king's high road near 
XJtittL. At their ports, among which Sopara. Thivua, Chaul, and 
psrhapa Ndgothaa are mentioned, a customs duty was Jovied. The 
drammn was the current coin.' The SilAharas seem to have been 


Section II, 

*Tk0 Skiii 1171 (a.d. 1240) stone wm fmiiul in KAnvad near Uran. In this 
rtow tSte HUli&ra king .SoiuMlivtu- ^thuU land iu ruilivaat} vilUgt) m Uran to 
pnrifj him IWm »m«, 'Vh» iifuik US2 (a.d. U'OO) 8t<ino was found in Clit'mje iklso 
Mar UrsD It records th<? grant by the Konkan monarch Sonu-sliVftr of lO'i 
/'ttrattAtf ( Parthian ?^ Jrammacc'ms, being the fixed income of a g'ardt:n in KonthalestbAti 
in GlslWiitf village in Uran, to Uttareshvar Mnlulduv of ^liri-Stht-UnUc 

(IkiHlk. T) on the WList is the royal or hig:h roujl rijpath. Someshvar's 

.■^adpnibba. MaiojUcQ, B«balaprabha^ Pcrauid« Pandit, and 

r<it% nfcg. Pandit BhoKvinlHl. 

»Ts^. Ant. IX. in, T\v.:^ 

soutlicm element U one reason for looking for Tagar in 
t* Aiff/a, the KAnarese for master, i» the term in ordinary 

%^ r.ik for Jangam or Lingdyat prieittct. The 8drusvat 

BeAhrcADJ u( 10 at preticitt ptLnsiUjor tbrot^rli the utage, whiL-h the upptT 

I of lb »eein t<> liax'o jjiiascd throiigli about HOO years ago, of 

J li for the northern nio. » Jour. B. B, U. A. S. XII. 334. 

^Ifiol «i i, 1'7, 30, 3-i, 38, 60, 61, 60, 67, 77, 85 j Masudi's 

id'Or. !_ . . iund III. 47. 
■JLifatae RcMUvhe*. i. aOl ; Ind. Ant. V. 280 and IX, 38. The name pattdkll 
rmadhf) nted in ttuiu; ioscriptions »eem5 to ahow that tlte villages were lu 

*3tummm, which ar« ttill found in the Eonkan, are hollered by Pandit 
BlMiiBlil io be ibc. cotns of a corrupt Sa^sanlan type which are better knovt-n as 
flbfib pm^ or ^mmmfy, Jmir. B. B. U. A. S. XII. 325-328. The I'drnith^i 
Dfwmm* ■nrlTfiml to uvtc 1 above eccm to be Parthian dramiuas. Pcrliaps they 

Sootion II. 

Ami qui tie a 

fonu of building. The Moliammadans in the beginning of the 
thirteenth century aud the Portuguese ia the fiixtofuth ceutur 
destruycd temples and stone-faced reservoirs by the score, 
stateuionts of travellers aud the remains %t Ambarnlith, PolarJ 
Atgaon, IVirol, Wahikeshvar in Bombay, and Lon^d prove that the 
masonry was of well-dressed close-fitting blocks of stone, and thai 
tho sculptures were carved with much skill and richness. Many of 
thcui seem to have been disfigured by indecency.' Some of the 
Silahiiras aeem to have encouraged learning. One of them Apardditya 
II. (1187) was an author, and another Aparad't^'-a I. (1138) 
mentioned us sending a Konkan representative to a great meeting 
of learned mou in Kashmir. 

While its local rulers were the Sildhdras, the overlords of th^ 
Konkan, to whom tho Silaharas paid obeisance during the lattor' 
part of the eighth and the ninth centuries, were the R^shtrakntaa 
of Malkhetj sixty miles south-east of Sholapnr.* Their power for «j 
time included a great part of the present Gujariit where their head- 
quarters were at 13ro!ich,^ The Arab merchant Sidaimiu (a.u. 850)| 
found the Konkan (KonikamJ under the Ballmra, the chief of India 
princes. The HalhAru an<l his people were most frientlly to Arabs. fl< 
was at war with the Gujar (Juzr) king, who, except in the matter a| 
cavalry, was greatly his inferior.* Sixty years later Masudi (9l€ 
makes tho whole province of Lar, from Chai^J (Saitnur) to Cambay, ' 
eubjeut to the Balhdra, whoso capital was Maokir (Mfilkhot) the 
' great centre ' in the Kdnarese-speaking country about 640 milea 
from the coast* He was ovoilord of the Konkan (Keujken) and 
of the whole province of hAv in which were Chaul (Saimur), Thana» 
and SnpAra, where the Litriya language was spoken. The BnUulra 
was the most friendly to Musalmans of all Iniiian kings. He waa 
exposed to the attacks of the Gujar (Juzr) king who was rich in 
camels and horses. The name Balhara was the name of the founder 
of the dynasty, and all the princea took it on succeeding to th© 

- an tho fAxno iia the ruins Tnotitioucd by Al>u-1-(i<!n h« Khur.-1sanl dirhcnie, and liy l^lasudi 
(Ih»irioa <rOr, L Hft-i) timl hxilftimAn t''^tli'>t ami Dowson, I, 3) as TaUriya or 
Tahiriyeli dirbunis Oeueral Cuiuiinjjliaiu (Anc. Goo)?. 31.'{) iiU'ntit^os tlicse 'r.1tAriya 
dirhoms with tlic t^kj^thic or Inilo>a!4i«unaii coins of Kflbul and North- V\ est Imlia of 
the ccuturitirt hofon' Mi«l iiftor Christ, uiid Mr. Thoirm,* (Elliot Hiid l)ow»on, I. 4) with 
the MuHJiliUiUi dviviuty of TaltiricU's who riiU'tl in KhurlHun in tho ninth oontury. 

' iX'tiiib of tkose remaiiH ftre given iti the fourteenth volume of tlu; Boniltay CJazt^ttcop. 
Tho only pbeu not mentioned in that volnuie of the Uiuettber 5s W;ilnkeshvar in Utmilnky. 
The reiuaiiw .it Wulnkeshvar consist of about sixty richly carved Htoncs, pillar capitals, 
atatueii, and other temple fraginents. one of them abtmt C X 3'. apparently of the teittb 
century, which He near the present WiUukeshvar temple on MalabAr Point. The memorial 
atones or pdlhjtU, which are interohtm}? and penerally "pirile*!, iK-em alraoet all to 
beloDj; to Hihlhilra times. The handsamest spueimena are near Borivli in 8dlfii-tt«>. 
Detaik of the wulptures on uumorial stone* are given in Bombay Gazetteer, XI V* 
un<ler EkHur and .^h;lhi^pu^, 

^ Like the SiljUiAraa tho FMishtr^ikuttia «eem to have been a Dnindian tril>ew 
Bdshtra ill ludiuveil (Dr. Bm riell in Fleet's Kiluarese Dynaatioa, SI -32) to bo a 
t^auBkrit form of Katta or Reddi the tribe to which the m am of the people iu many 

parts of the D.ikhari and Bombav Kani-itak behm^. 
» lud. Aut. VL 11&. * ijulaimfui iu EUiyt, I. 1. 

* Prairiea d'Or, L 264, 3Sl, 

[Bombay Gatetteer 

Section II. 



fictween the overthrow of the power of Malkhet (a.d. 970) and 
the CBtablit^linii'iit of the overlorcLship of Gujarat (a.d. 1151, the 
Silithilm rulers of the North Konkaii claim indepondem*, and, 
durin^^ part at of this time, Tliina \fas the «• " f the 
Kottkau.' Vjctween the death of Mulrdj (397) and the , .n of 

Bhioulev I. (1022- 11)72), tlie ]>o\ver ot" (jiijarat did not increase. 
iSut Bhiindev took tlie title of Rdja of R:1j;is, and BiHjnt most 
of his reig^ in spreading Iuh power northwards and in a great 
contest with Visaldev of Ajmir.- Neither Hhimnij nor his 
fiUeiL-essor Karan (1072- 10*} I) advanced liis Ixjrders to the south. 
Nor does iSidhnij (lO'^^-ll't^), the ^1 or y of tiie Chfilukvas, 
thoii^jh he spread his arras over so miieh of the Daklian as to 1111 with 
fc4ir the chief of Kolh'^pur, seem to have exercised control over the 
Konkan.'* Jdrisi (1 1:]5). whosedetails of Anahihiv-ula (NahrwiSra) 
to belong' to Sidhi-flj's reiarn, calls hira King of Kings.* lie show 
how wealthy and prosperous Gujarat then was,^ but p:ives no infon 
tion reg-ardiug the extent of's jtower. Idrisi's mention of 'IhAi 
(Bana) seems to show that it was uneonneeted with tiiijanit and 
is borne ou' by the aix^onnt of Kumh' Hnl's (114.S-117I) invjition 
the Konkaii, Hearing that Mallikrirjun (a SiUih{\m) kio^ of tl 
Konkan, the son of kiog^ MiJianand who was mliny in the se:igirt cit] 
of Shattlnand had mlopted the title of Oi'andfather of Kind's Rajt 
'jnhlinitli'i, Kymur Piil sent his jrencraJ AinbiKj against him." Ambac 
atlraneedl as tar as the Kaveri (Kalvini) near Navt^ari crossed the riverj 
and in a Iwittle fwiiq-ht with iMallikurjun on the south bank of tl 
river, was defeated and forced to retire. A second expclitlon wi 
more successful. The Kaveri was bridj»^ed, MallikArjun defeated ai 
slain, his capital taken and pliintlered, and the authority of th^ 
Aniihilav;i<la sovereign proclaitned. A'mljaul returned laden with gold, 
jewels, vet^sels nf precious nietak, pearls, elephants, and cfiined m 
He wiu? received gi-aciously and ennobled with Mallikdrjun's tit 
Grandfather of Kings. ^ The Konkan is included among the eighlecu 

wh«>9c r<'igi\ ftntl tlxe closing part of whose father's reigti were occupied in foreign 
wars; ((i) Trilochaui«U (1050) the grantor, whose reign also was rlL«iturt>ed by wax 
There iirc thrwt! copi>erplate8. the niiddlc! pljitu inscrilied nn both sides and the wit 
plates oil the inner aidca. They are well preserved and htdJ by a copper ring bcoru 
xipoii it the royal aoaS, stamped with a figure of the go<l ^hiv. The dat* i« the Hfteenti 
of the dark half of Pun)t/i (Janmary • February) Shnl 972 (a.d. 1050). The plate Btat 
that the king bathed at Agastitirth, the modern Bhagvadandi twenty miles nurtll 
west nf .-urat, and granted tlie village of Kr.ith.Aua, modern Erth.ln, aii miles nortl 
eiiat of Ulpiid in S?iinit. Mr. HaritU H. Dhruva. A Uat of reft'reneea to Ldt Deah i 
given in Bom. (laz. XII. 57 oott* 1. 

* Ra3hi<i-uddin in Elliot. I. 00. This independence of the bllAhiraa ia doub 
In an iuacription dated 1034 JayaHlmha the fourth western ChAliikya (lOlR-lC 
claims to have seized tlie seven Konkans. Bom. Arch, tsur. Rep. HI. 34; Fleet's 
KAnareso Dynaatiea, 44. ' R;is MjIM. 62, 70-75. ■'Rds MAlA. IHS, 

* Idrisi calla the ruler of Nahiwala Balhlra. He says the title means King i»f 
Kings. He seem-s to have beard from MtisiilmAn meroliants that Sidhrftj ha«l the 
title of King of Kings, and concluded that this title was BaUiAra which Ibn Khurtbulba 
(yi2) had transkted king of kioga, apparently without reason. Janbert's Idria 
1. 177 ; Elbot, 1 . 75, 93. * See Ras Maid. 18S, 1S9, 192 ; Tod^s Western India, l.i( 

* Rjis MaU, ]4r>. For the mention of the Silahdraa as one of the thirtj-six tril 
Bubject to KuinAr Tiil, see Tod's Western India, ISl, 188. 

' The title * Grandfather of Kings /i^<//Vf/)i/<f m<//«i,' occurs along with their ot' 
titles iu three f^iUhura copperplates (Aa. Res. I. 359; Jour. K. A. S. [O. 8.], V. II 

Kitlon II. 
iti qui ties- 

about A.D. 808 to 1008, si first nnder the Rishtrakntaa and then 
under tbe Clijllukjas until eventaally the Devgiri Yadavs became 
8uprenio over the whole Konkan.' 

Of tbo state of the country these inscriptions give us no informa- 
tioD. At tho samo time it is safe to infer that land mast have been of 
considerable value when grants of it were recorded by engravings on 
copper, and also that a community among which the art of engraving 
on metal existed, and was apparently not uncommon (for the inscrip- 
tions are not only numerous but lengthy), must have attained a 
considerable degree of civil izatioii. ft may also be remarked that 
all these grants refer to those parts of the Konkan which are still 
the most valuable, as well as the most naturally fertile, Sdlsette 
and the villages on the coast and on the great creeks. 

Pinftlly a caution is necessary. It is as well to be guarded in 
believing the grandeur which these inscriptions record by remem* 
bering that " the princes in all parts of India who are commemorated 
by these grants are all represented as victurious warriors and sur- 
rounded by enemies over whom they have triumphed. Though not 
pretending to be more than sovereigns of some particular district, they 
are described as conquerors and sovereigns of the whole worlds*' 

Before coming to the period of undeniable history it is worth 
whik' to give some early Konkan traditions. , The following is 
traditional account of the creation of the Konkan : 

Dnriog the constant wars between the Briihmans and the Ksha- 
triyasj the Briihmans had been so reduced that at length they 
Cfmld live only in caves and forests. To restore them to power 
the sixth awtfiir of Vishou appeared under the form of the son of ^ 
BrAhman named Jamadngni- This avat<lr, who was afierwar' 
known as Parasburam, from ftarashu an axe which was his usun 
weapon, standing on a projecting peak of the Sahyfidris, which were 
then washed by llie sea aud were a great place of retreat for the per- 
secuted Brahmans, shot an nrrow westward, and commanded tho &oa 
to retreat. The sea retreated and gave up a strip about thirty miles 
in bieadth, which has since been known as the Konkan, an<l of which 
the persecuted Brahmans imuiodiatc-ly took possession, Parashurtira 
then led them to battle and to victory, and the Kshatriyas in their 
turn wore reduced to extremity. 

The hill from which the avatar is said to have shot his arrow is 
named after him ParKhunim, and overlooks the fertile and very 
beautiful valley in which Chiplun stnnds, with "a full-fed river 
winding slow ** to the distant sea. The temple, though not 
outwardly remarkable, is oue of the most famous in tlje Konkan 
and is constantly visited by pilgrims on their way from Dwj^rka 
to Cape Oomoriu. Those who believe in Parahuram as a historical 
character say that he was never in this part of India at all, nnd 
Dr. Stevenson states that, though this is the first place whrre tho 
legends of Parshurilm affect the names of places^ yet thuy are 

UuMPiial B. B. H, A. 8. XIII, 1-16. 


Section II. 

A* tradition exists tbat the teraple at Nirmal near Basseiu 
was erected to commemorate the death there of the great Shankar- 
ichdrya, the chief teacher of the Shaivite worship in the eig^hth or 
ninth century. But he is known to have dned in Kashmir, and 
as there were twenty-seven of hig spiritual descendants who assumed 
hiB name^ and who are calculated to have lasted for about 650 years, 
it is probable that some one of theao was the person in whose 
honour the original teraple was built.* The present building dates 
only from the time of the Peshwaa, having Ijeen built by one N4ro 
Shaukar, probably the same mentioned by Grant Duff.* 

The hill and shrine of Tuogar near Bassein are also mentioned in 
some of the Purane,* but on these little reliance can be placetl. Its 
mention, however, may be taken as evidence that Tungdr was 
formerly a place of some pretensions, and there are remains of 
apparently ancient temples and buildings in variouH parts of the 
forest round the base of the hill which may perhaps, when properly 
investigated, throw more light on the ancient history of this 

So also the hill of Macli^l in the Southern Konkan where the 
river Muchkuudi rises is said to have been the scene of the exploit 
of the Rishi Muchkunda when he destroyed with a glance of his eye 
the rash person who awakened him from his sleep. This hill is 
close to Vishillgad, one of the most ancient *and &imous Sahyadri 
forts, but there is nothing in this legend having any bearing on the 
history of the district. 

This section may be closed with a legend of a different sort. On 
the bare sheet rock of the Southern Konkan where scarcely a blade 
of grass will grow are to be found, in the rains, masses of a very 
beautiful little purple flower (Utricularia alboctenjlea) called by 
the common people ' Sitae hi Asre ' Sita's Tears. The story is 
that after Rdm had recovered Sita from her captivity in Ceylon 
he reproached her with inconstancy. On his leaving her, or 
threatening to leave her, aho appealed to his mercy with tears, 
which, falling oa the bare rock, flowered forth then and for all 
in this lovely form. 






' H. H. Wilmn'n Works, I. 1«7. Compare Bom. G*2. XIV. 293.293. 
> History, 313. 327. ' Dr. DaCuulin'i Chaul mod Bftsseiii. 124. 

[Bombay Gazetteer 



Section III. 



in fhc Dakhan it was natural that lie should divide his kingdom 
into governments. Of these he made fear ; the first, which 
included Gulbarga the capital, extended to the sea at IJabhi)!, and 
the second from Daulatabad to Chaul.* Pjevious to this> about 
l;i4I, the Jawhar dynasty had been recognized by the Emperor of 
Dcllii. Ho conferred the title f>f Rdja o» the son of Jayab Mukne, 
the founder of Ihe family,^ whose descendant is now one of the 
last of the Koli chiefs. His country contained twenty-two forts, 
and yielded nine lakhs of revenue.'* There is no doubt that at 
this time, as earlier, there were a number of petty Kijds, sometimes 
called poligdrs, Kolis in the north and Mardthds in the south, and it 
does not appear that at this time the whole either of the coast or of 
the inland parts was conquered by the Musalmans. These local 
chiets obeyed the Hindu Rjijas of Bijnagar or the Muhammodan ^ 
Sultans of Golkonda as circumstances might require.* 

These are all the matoriala of history that can be found ia 
the fourteenth century. In 142t> Malik-ul-Tujar led a largei 
force into the Konkan, which Ferishta says brought the whole 
country under subjection. Briggs, however, thioks this was rather 
a marauding expedition than a conquest, and several elephant and 
camel-loads of gold and silver were sent as booty to the Bdhtnani 
king.^ Malik-ul-Tujar then seized on Mahiin (Bombay) and 
Siilsette. This aroused the hostility of the Gujarit king Ahmad 
Shdh, who to recover tho islands sent an array, part of which 
embarked io seventeen vessels, while the rest went by land. 1*I^i^H 
united force invested Thana by sea and land. The Dakhan generalH 
made some sallies, but eventually abandoned the siege of Thana 
and returned to MAhim. Being reinforced ha marched back to 
Thana, but was thero defeated and his army dispersed in an action 
which lasted all day, and the Gujarat fleet returned home carrying 
with it some beautiful gold and silver embroidered muslins taken 
on the island of Mabira.* 

Erskine says' that Ahmad Shdh during lii« reign reduci'd unde 
his power the lowlands to the south (of (JujaMt) below tho ghdtSj 
the Northern Konkan, imd the i:*land of Bombay, and in the Minit-i^ 
Ahuiadi a list of the po.ssessknus of tlie Giijardt kings during thS 
time the power and sovereignty of the monarchy continued to' 
increase is given. These are made to include in tlio Konkan the 
districts of Ba.sseiu, Bombay, Daman, and Danda-RajApur, and the 
ports of Chaul, Dabhol, Belawal (^)f Bassein, Damla, Panwclly, 
Aka.ssi (Ag^si)^ Sorab (?), Kallian, Bhiuiry (Bhiwndi), Danda- 
RAj^pur, and Goba (Goa).^ 

This may be taken to refer genemlly to the fifteenth century, for 
the Gujai'dt monarchy was established in 1:^91 and Mahmiid Shah 
Begada, who may be considered the last of its great sovereigns, died^ 

1 Biiggiy 11. 295 ; Grant DuGF. 25. 29. a Bombay Selection« (New Series), VI. 14. 
« Macintcwh in Bom. Geo, Sue. Trans. V. 238. * Jervif, (>3. » Brigprs. ll. 419: 
• Briggi, IV, 29 ; RAs MAlA, I. 300. ' History, 11. 29. « Bird, IW, 2«. 

[BombAj OM6tte«r 



Section III. 


Prime Minister Mahmud KhwAja Gaw4n took a force into the 
Konkan large enough to overcome all opposition, and being loinecf 
by troops from DAbhol and Ohaul set to work systematically 
reduce the country. He soon found that his'"cavalry was useless ii 
the Konkan, an4l sent them back, but advancing slowly and &teadily| 
through the jungles he gradually reduced a great part of th€ 
country. Vish^lgad, bowever, after a siege of five months still heW 
out, when the rains forced the Musalman army to retreat abovel 
the Ghdts. At the commencement of the fine season Vishdlgadl 
was again besieged, an<l shortly afterwards taken by treachery, and ' 
this Ferishta distinctly states was the first time the MusalmAns 
got possession of this faraouii fortress.* But the conquest of tho^ 
Visb&lgad district was still a work of time, and was not completed] 
till after the second rains. The army then proceeded towar«ls Goa»i 
and the conquest of the Konkan was considered so important thafef 
on his return to the capital Mahmud Khwaja QawAn was received 
with the greatest distinction.^ Though this conquest of the 
Konkan, or at all events of the southern part, must have beeu 
tolerably complete, it is not said to have been formed into 
separate government, but from subeeauent proceedings it would] 
appear that the governor of Dabhol haa very extensive authority. 

In 1478 the four governments of the Dakhan were increased to 
eight, and in this division all that part of the Konkan which be- 
longed to the Dakhan was put under the governor of Junnar,^ which 
although sufficiently distant, was yet nearer to the Konkan than 
any previous provincial capital. Soon after this, however, Bah^ur 
Khan Gildni, son of a governor of Goa, got possession of Dibhol 
and a great many places on the coast. In 148d Malik Ahmad was 
appointed to the governuient of the two provinces of Daulatabad 
and Junnar and shortly af terwank he reduced a number of Ghiit 
and Konkan forts, some of which had never before been subdued 
by the Musalm^ns. Among these were Kodri, Bharap or Sudhagad, 
ViXi or Sarasgad, and Mdhuli, and he laid siege to Danda-Rajdpur, 
but without success.* While thus engaged, his father Nizdin-ul- 
Mulk was put to death, and Mulk Ahmad thereupon threw off hia 
dependence oe Bidar and established the Nizitm Shahi dynasty of 
Ahmadnagar. In like manner Yusiif Adil Khin in 1489 founded 
the Adil Shdhi dyna'ity of Bijapur. In 14-90 the new king of 
Ahmaninagar took D4nda- Raja pur, and thus secured peaceable 
prmsession of that part of the Northern Konkan which did not 
belong to Gujarat.* But Bahddur Gildni was still unsubdued, and 
in 1493 he burnt Mahim (Bombay) and seized many ships belougioff 
to the king of (lujarat. The latter thereupon sent both a tana 
and sea force to Mahim, but most of his ships were wrecked there 
in a great gtorm : the admiral and those of the sailors who escaped^ 

> BriugB, IL 483. Ab io this see lad. Ant. II. 318 and III. 2». For further 
particalara u to the ShLfk^ family »e« Seotloo VII. 
' Briggi, II. WS. ' Briggi, II. 502 ; Grflot Dutf, 29. * Biiggs, III. Ul. 

' Briggs, IIL 199. 

rSombay Oas«tt#«r] 



Section III. 


BOW given to tlie former lamlliolders to occupy their land at a ligh 
rent. Thus many of these gniuts confirmed in their %yatans the old 
Hiodu proprietors desiiis, deshpnndes, and kiilharnis.^ It may be 
here meoitioned that the origin of the Hindu institution of desdis of! 
deghpdndes and denhmukhs is unknown, but it ia certain that tha| 
Moghals found them useful iu their new conquests. Their authority 
was therefore confirmed and iu Bomo crises extended by the Bijapiir 
government. It may be a<ided that although higher offices under 
the name nf sardeah/nnkhs and stirJesdis are kaowa to liav* 
existed, Elphiustone could hear of only two fatuiliea enjoying th 
sarde^hmiikhi, and of no sardeadia, except in the Konkan.* 

The date of the estabh'ahment of the Abyssiniana in Janjirai 
cannot be clearly made out. There ia one legend which shows them 
to have got possession about 1489. Another account puts tliom a 
great deal later. Two of them were, however, admirals of tho 
Nizjtm Shiihi licet in the time of Malik Ambar, and another had 
charoo of Hairi.^ The large number of Abyssiniaus and other 
foreigners employed in the armies of the MusaluiAu kin^s, not only 
as private solditTS but also in hig-h command, ia noticeable. In 
Daman there was a garrison of 3000 " Abyssinian Turks and other 
white,"* and they are mentioned on several other occaftiona. 
In fact, it is evident from the various alliances of Egyptians an 
Tnrks with the Haj^ of Cochin Cam bay •&c. and by the whol 
history of the lirst voyages of the Portuguese that the Musalm^n 
powers of Europe aud Africa were theo much more closely connected 
with the Mnsaluiaus of this coast than at any later time.^ And this 
ia not to bo wondered at, seeing how entirely the followers of thafc 
creed had monopolised the trade of Asia. 

A more definite account of the divisions of the country and of 
the importance of tlio various towns at the begiuuing of the sixteenth 
century is obtained from the early Purtugufise historians, thoug 
there are still but few events recorded. The kingdom of Gujami 
extended as far south as Nflgothna; that of Ahmadnagar, the kin 
of which the Portuguese always called Nizamaluco* from Nagotbn 
to Shrfvardhan or Bankot ; aud Bijapur included all south 
BdukotJ Chaul aud DdbhoPare called cities and i-atiked with iSurafc* 
and Goa : the other places montionod are Dahiinm. TeiMpur, Kelva- 
Mahim, Ag^shi, Bassein, Bdndra, Mdhim, Niigothna, iShrivardhanjM 
Jaytapnr, and Kluhep^tan.* Both Chaul and Dalihol wert^ indeec^B 
great commercial marts, with a large trade with Persia and the Red 

« E I. House Felectioni, IV. 667, 799 ; El pli in stone, IflL 
* DcCnntto, VllI, l.'>, 208. » DeBarro», VIII. 4u7. 

^ Jervis, 76, 8.3. 

* i.'mut Duff, G.X . _ __. _., ... 

• No doubt from Nizrlm-ul-Mulk, father of tlie founder of the kingdom. 
'DeRarrOB, Vir. M7. 
" Lmlovicn Varthema in lo03 speaks of Chaul and Dibhol as both hftving king, 

who wore idolatorn Init with many Musalm^Q subjecta. The inhabitants of botll 
Were mnch addicted to war and I Ubhol had an winy of 30,000 men. (Kerr, YI' 
83.) It Rcems impowible to give any weight to these 8tat«ment«. 

[Bombay GacettMi 



Beetion Til, 


exj^orts are fouod articles such as indigo and opium which must 
have come from a great distance inland.^ And as to the silk Pyrard 
at the beginning of the seventeenth century says that sufficient waa 
made there to supply Goa and all India, and ^lat it was better thaD 
the China silk and much prized at Goa. It was all made in the 
Mu Salman city, where were also mad© very tine boxes and other 
small carved articles.* Linscliottcn also mentions the silk, and says 
that the raw material was bixjught from China ; he also speaks of 
the lacqner work of Chaul.^ Fcroz Shih Biiluiiani is said to have 
despatched vessels every year from Goa and Chaul to procure 
manufactures and productions from all partA of the world, and to 
bring to his court persons celebrateil for their talents."* De la Valle, 
who gives a detailed description of Chaul in 1623, mentions tho ■ 
groves and gardens of palm and other fruit ti-ecs which shaded the ' 
broad roads and adorned the MusalniAn as well as the Portuguese 
city of Chaul. A long shady street connected the two towns, and 
in the shops all sorts of necessaries could be bought, and also fii>e 
silks and articles of luxury.'' 

With regard to the other ports, Basscin was apparently the most j 
important place after Chaul and Diibhol ; it had a gamsnn of 300O | 
infantry aud 500 cavalry in 15i?9, but afterwards in 1533, when 
the Musalmans were to some extent prepared for the Portuguese, , 
there were no less than tlian 12,000 trcxtps there. But more is said 
of the fej-tility and importance of the surrounding country than of 
the greatness of the town, the district which is called ** one delicious 
garden" being the most productive in provisions and timber of all 
those belonging to Canibay. Many ships used to load there with 
timber and carry it to Mecca where the Turks used it for their fleets, 
and it was to exclude these as well as to strengthen themselves thai j 
the Portiigutie took the place.* Py rard says that all the timber 
required at Goa for building houses and ships came from Bassein, 
and also a very good building stone like granite, of whicli all the 
churches and palaces at Goa were biiUt.- Agishi is spoken of as a 
large and rich place, but poor in buildings, with a trade in timber, j 
It was defended when tirst attacked by 5000 infantry and 4000 
cavalry ; aud, as showing the equality on which these places stood 
with Portugal in the art of ship-building, it must l»e mentioned that 
in 1540 au expedition went from Basaein against Agcishi with the 
solo object of getting possession of a great ship, wliich was just 
built there, and was then ready for launching. The ship was taken 
and aftei'wardis made several voyages to Portugal.' One of the 
Surat ship.'j stopped by Sir H. Middleton on its voyage to the Red 
8ea in 1012 was 153 feet long 42 beam 31 deep, and said to bo o£| 
1500 tons burden.* One of the Dibhol ships stopped at the same 
time was of 1200tons. Similarly Fariay fciouza explicitly states, 

' Ciwar Frederiak and Ralph Fitch in Haklayt, IL 3S4, 39ft. 

' Viapen, 11. 227, 226. ' Histoire, 21. •• Brijtgs, II. 30S. 

• Viagjci, in. 40SI. • DcBarron, VII. 220, 49-1, 495, iM\». 

1 lioCouttu, IV. Oa, * Oi-me'* FragmeuU, ^26. 

CBombay Gazetteer 


BCtiou HI. 


thotfgh tliey could scarcely he called independent; ; tbey were loffc 
out oi the pale of society, which they eometimea disturbed by thoir 

The course of the Portuguese conquests given in detail in 
Section IV. but it seems better to give in tliis section the remaiuder of 
what is known about the Musalm^u rule down to the time of Shivilji 
The whole of the coast belon^^ing to the kingdom of Gujarat fell to 
the Portuguese before the middle of the sixteenth century, and thas 
Kalyan was the only part of the district of any value to which the 
Moghals succeeded on the fall of the Uujarat sovereignty. The Nizam 
Shahi kings of Ahmadnagar were always favourable to the Portu- 
guese, the only exceptions being a misunderstanding in 1557 regard- 
ing the rock of Korlai opposite Chaul, their joining thcalliance against 
the Portuguese in 1570, and the hostilities which ended in the capture 
of Korlai iu 1594. Thus the cities of Upper and Lower Chaul, re- 
spectively Musalraii^n and Christian, flourished as long as the Ahmad- 
nagar kingdom lasted, and for some time afterwards. But the Bijapur 
kings were always more or less at war with the Portuguese, and 
their coast was subjected to perpetual ravages, yet it remained entirely 
in the hands of the Masalmans until the Mardthas took it. In the 
decline of the Niz4m 8bi£bi kingdom Malik Ambar, the Abyssinian 
minister of Ahmadnagar, managed the revenues in the most enlight- 
ened spirit, and extended to the Koukan all the advantages of a 
good government. Ho abolished revenue fSlrming and committed 
the management of the districts to Brjllunan agents under Muham- 
madan Buperintendence.* Ho also carried out a survey on very 
excellent principles, and this in the Konkan extended from the 
Vaitarna to the Sdvitri, except in the Hubshi*s territories.* Hia 
jurisdiction is said by Ferishta to have extended to within eight 
kos of Chanl,^ and from this it may perhaps be assumed that that 
city and creek were under a separate governor. But in 1636, only 
ten years after Malik Ambar's death, the whole of the Konkan 
dominions of the Ahmadnagar kingdom were ceded to Bijdpur. 
The cession is said by Kbilfi Khan to have been made by the Emperor 
of Delhi iu exchange for districts belonging to Bijapur in the neigh- 
bourhood of Aurangabad, and the part of the Koukan given up is 
described as "jangles and hills full of trees."* Shahji Bhonsia had 
before this begun to overrun the Northern Konkan, and had taken 
a number of forts. An account of one of the expeditions made 
against him by a Musalraan force reads very like the history of the 
pursuit of Tdtia Topi by our troops in 1858. The Imperial general 
Khan Zaman was ordered to co-operate with the Bijapur general 
Randaula against Shahji. After investing Junnar the armies went 
towards Poona and Shahji fled into the Konkan by the pass of 
Kumbha. Finding no support there he returned by the same pass. 
The Imperial force then went down the Kumbha pass into the Konkan, 
while the Bijapur general was closing Shdhji iu on the other side. 

I Grant Doff, 43. « Jervia, 68. • Brigga, UI. 315. * EUiot, ^U. 256. 

[Bombfty Gftf ©ttoer 



Section iii. 


overtnros totbe Portognese with a view to getting' their assistance if 
he made himself independent. The Portuguese, however, refused to 
help him.^ In 158:} and again in 1585 the Portuguese in eoDJunc- 
tion with Bijapur troops attacked the Naik of Sangaraeshvar, who 
bad seven or eight villages and 600 sepoys, and lived by piracy and 
pillage. His lands were given to another naik.* 

The remainder of the Konkan was divided into two subhed^ris : 
the first, Kalyan, extended from the Vaitama to NAgothna under 
a Muaalra^n otficer ; the rest down to the Savitri was committed to 
the management of the Hah.shi of Janjira, whose own estate was in 
the niiddio of this district. His charge inclnded the great forts of 
Tala, GhosAla, and RAiri (afterwards RAygad).* Thus the govern- 
ment was administered until Shivaji's invasion of the Konkan.^ 
The Northern Konkan was to so great an extent in the hands of 
the Portuguese that not much besides the inland and wild parts 
of it were left to the Mnghals, and of this a great part, as already 
mentioned, was held by the tributary state of Jawhdr. Although 
the Moghalft in 1572 succeeded to the territories of Onjarfit in the 
Northern Konkan, yet they did not much interfere with the Portu- 
guese, and a treaty was soon made between the two powers.* In 
1582 they invaded the Daman and Tar.ipur th^naddris, and attacked 
Dahanu, where the captain and fifty men defended themselves in 
a tower.* At Miihim the captain and villagers fortified the church 
of the Dominican Fathers to resist them. Peace however was soon 
made. This moderation may have been attributable to the iuHuence 
of a Portuguese lady of rank in the seraglio of Akbar, who is said to 
have obtained favourable concessions for her countrymen.* 

In lf)13 the Moghals besieged Daman Bassein and Chaul, and 
desolated the surrounding country, and peace ^was purchased only 
by concessions and presents^ although the Portuguese of the Mahim ^ 
and Tartipnr districts are said to have defended themselves valiant- 
ly.'* Bassein is spoken of by a Muhamraadan historian of that tlnio 
as a Moghal port, though in the hands of the Portuguese.* The 
Emperor Sh?ih Jahan was however as favourable to the Portuguese ] 
as Akbar had been^'^ and no further hostilities by the Moghals 
against them appear to have taken place till near the end of the 
century under Aurungzeb, when great cruelties were committed. 

tnoath of the Sangameahvar river, and even by Orme Sanganteshvar is put for 
jaygad. This and Hamilton'a remark that " being inlialiite«i by Raparees, it ia not 
frequented," Hufficieflitly identifipB Jaygad with ttie piratical station of Muaaluijiu and 
Portugueae times, Piulcerton, VIII. There is also wome doubt about this Asad 
Khan, as in the frequent mention of the well-known toldter of that name in Munal- 
ni4.n history he ia never said to have been governor of the Konkan, and hia coiistani 
loyalty is parlioularly noticed. Scott, L 275. 
■» DeCoutto. IV. 352, • DeCoutto, XIT. 30 ; Faria in Brigga, HI. 254 

* Grant Duff, 63 ; Jervie, 90. * DeCoutto, X. 84 ; Mickle, clxxx. 

* DeCoutto, XI. 195. 

° Jen. id, 84. It is evident, however, that this could not have been the cauae of 
the original cessionB of territory to the Portugueac as Jervia states, aince Akbar waa 
bom in iri42, before which time nltnont the whole of the possesatona they ever had 
on the coast were in the hautda of the Portugneae. 7 Mickle, ccii. 

* O ChrOftiaU, III. 2l». " Tohfat al Mujahidin, 174. «" Jervia, 84. 

[Bombay Gazetteer 

Section III. 




When the forts are examined it will be found that from the much 
greater importance their successors attached to these than the 
Musalmans did, the older work is generally hidden by the more 
modern. At Vizaydurg however the most massive of the buildings 
within and on the fort walls are evidently Musaluian. At Avchitgad 
the crenated battlements of the outer wall seem to prove the same 
origin. The island fort of Arndla near the mouth of the Vaitarna 
appeal's to be entirely Musalman, with domes, Saracenic arches, 
octagonal recesses, and other features never seen in Mariltha forts, 
though there are also marks inside of its Hindu occupation. But 
there is scarcely any mention to be found of any of the Konkan forts 
in the records of the Musalman time- 
One more Musalmdn relic must be mentioned, the picturesque 
bridge at Nagothna. This is said to have been built about 15S2 
by one K^ji Alauddin of Chaul,' and as this date is between the 
fiioge of Chaul during the alliance of the Musalmfin kings against the 
Portuguese and the activity of the Nizdm Shdhi troops at the same 
place twenty years later,^ it may without improbability be assumed 
that the bridge was built to facilitate the march of the troops from 
Ahmadnagar to Chaul, as from Nagothna there was a ghfit by Koiri 
considerably nearer to Poona than the Borgh&t.* The chie£j 
peculiarity of the bridge is its narrowness, the space between thel 
pirapets being only nine feet nine inches. ^ 

Villages with Musalman names are often met with, of the originl 
of which nothing can be heard. Two small districts close to 
Ddbhol retain the names they received from the Musalmdns, though 
everywhere else the ancient Hindn names of prdnis and tara/g have 
been preserved. These are Haveli Jafarabad containing thirty- 
seven villages, and Haveli Ahraadabad containing twenty-one, and 
the probability is that when Ddbhol was first taken by the Musal- 
mans these villages were assigned for the support of the governor, 
and his establishment. 

» Ea«t India House Selection* (1826), HI. 786. 
» Hamilton, U. 102. 

> .See pages 38, 39. 

GoaerAl Cbaptors-J 




The proceedings of the Maslmans, so far as they caa be tracoJ, 
have been brought down to the middle of the seveuteenth century. 
It is now necessary to turn back to the first appoaniiioo on fclio 
coast of the Portuguese who here as over the whole of the cast 

ayed so grand a part through the whole of the sixteenth century. 

. is impossible to nnderstaad the poaitiou which they held on this 
coast without considering the objects which they pursued as to the 
whole of Asia and the enmities which they thereby excited. For 
many centuries the Egyptians had held the monopoly of the Indian 
trade, and the Venetians were closely connected with them as the 
chief carriers of Indian goods from Alexandria to Europe.' But the 
Portogaese immediately after the discovery of the Cape of Good 
Hope and their tirst visit to Calicut in 1498, resolved to become the 
oomoaerciai masters of the East, and for that purpose thoy not only 
claimLMl the monopoly among European nations of trading by the 
Cape of Good Hope, but also undertook the wonderful enlurprise of 
conquering the whole coast of Asia, from the Red iSea round the 
Persian Gulf, along all the shores of India, and away to the Straits 
China and Japan/ This of coarse brought thorn into imraediiite 
collision with the Egyptians in the Red Soa, and with the whole body 
of MuAalmAn traders spread along the shores of the Eastern seas, 
who aoon saw the necessity of opposing the Eoropeans by every 
ArtiBce and every force,* for the Musalmiins of those days had no 
more idea than the Christians of commerce being the right of all 
nuii-ns iKjoally. Thus the Egyptians, who were the first enemies of 
the Portugaesc, were entirely supported by the local traders ; and the 
Veoetians, seeing how seriously the defeat of the Egyptians would 
ftfivct their prosperity, joined in the vain attempt to confine the 
T: ' \<\q within its old bounds,* The Portuguese had gradually 

I IV way up the coast from Calicut, and had had many more 

or less casual encounters with the Musalman fleets. 

Their first voyage north of Goa appears to have been in 1^03 
ander V^i^cent Sodre, who sailed along the coast as far as Cambay.** 
This was just before their tirst voyage from India to the Red Sea, 
and no places in the Konkan are mentioned in the account of this 
▼oyage, nor anything of importance on this part of tho coast until 
in 1607 Lorenzo d' Almeida destroyed seven vessels of tho 

Section IV. 



* fioWUuD, 41. ' Robertson, 151. ' Mickle, Ixxxviii. ; Robertson, 153- 
• Mickle, cxviii. * Corrcii, 1. 3-16. 

[fiombay Gazetteer 


Section IV. 



Moors in the port of Cbaul because tliey entered without return- 
ing bis salute. He then went to Dabhol, and found the Calicut 
lleet therej and having called a council of war and resolved not to 
attack it he wont on to a river four leagues from Ditbhol, and took 
all the vessels in the harbour, and burnt them, except two richly 
ladeu ships from Ormuz, which he took with him to Cochin. Ilia 
father however expressed great anger against bira for not having 
attacked the Calicut fleet, and it is said that the remembrance of 
this in the following year cost him his life in the famous sea tight 
at Chaul, for be refused to fly or surrender though there w^as no 
possibility of otherwise saving his life.^ At that time he had conveyed 
some merchantmen to Cbaul, where the governor under the king 
of Ahmadnagar received them kindly, aud permitted them to trade. 
But whiie lying in the harbour- they were suddenly attacked by the 
combined fleets of Egypt and Gnjar^t.^ The Portuguese were out- 
numbered, and lost the flagship witji their commander, and one 
hundred aud forty others killed and one hundred and twenty-four 
wounded. They put the Musalmdn loss at six hundred and 
Ferishta at four hundred, and this was naturally claimed by the 
Musahndns as a victory,* but the Portuguese were soon afterwards 
amply avenged by the fleet of the elder Almeida, who destroyed 
the Egyptian fleet and the Gujarat sea power at Diu. The account of 
the sea fight at Chaul is thus given by the Gjjjarat historians : " The 
infidel Europeans, who had of late years usurped the dominion 
of the ocean, endeavoured at this time to occupy fur themselves some 
part of the coast of Gujai-tit, on which they wished to settle.'' 
Amir Husan, the admiral of the Turkish Emperor Bajaxet II., arrived 
nil the coast of Gujarat with a fleet of twelve sail carrying fifteen 
hundred men, and Mjibmud Shah (Bcgada) anxious to aid in the 
expulsion of the foreigners sailed in person with his fleet to Daman 
and Mithim (Bombay). The Amir al Umra Malik Aiaz Sultani 
sailed also from the port of Diu, and having united liis squadron 
with that of the Turkish admiiid attacked the Portuguese fleet then 
lying off the liarbour of ChauL The Portuguese fled with the loss 
of "three thousand or four thousand iutidels."^ 

A war carried on against so many enemies, in so many seas, and 
along so vast an extent of coast, necessarily lasted for very many 
years ; and when the Turks had conquered Egypt they fonsidered 
the expulsion of the Portugtiese from the Persian gulf and from 
India as not less important than the Mameluke rulers had done.* 
Therefore in 1538 Sulim^n the Magnificent sent to this coast a fleet 
of seventy large vessels, on board of which were many Venetian 
galley-slaves and 7000 Janisaries.'^ This force besieged the Portu- 
guese in Diu, but was beaten off after the garrison had defended 

* Fnria y Soaza in Kerr's Voyages, VI. 98, 112. * 
' Mr. Talboys Wheeler M-ithuut giving aiiy authority jjuta the first fight as well a« 

the8«condftt Diu. History, HI, 41tl. 

* Rohcrtson, 154 ; Micklb, cxx. ; DeBarroB. II. 204 .in.l HI. 1S6. 

* Tohfat al Miijabiilb, 02 ; Briggu, IV. 75. - U.-is iMaii, 1. .378 j Hinl. '2M. 
Kubcitsuii, 192. ' Micklc, cliv, ; DcHiU^ios, \'1II. 50. 



Qenoral Cbapters] 


itself moBt heroicallj. A similar expedition and siege took pkco 
in 154(5,' and that was apparently the last great attempt on the part 
of the former possessors of the Indian trade to expel tho Portuji^uese. 
But as late as 158C the Turks with ships built at Suez took two 
merchantmen of Chaal, and a fleet was accordingly ?ent against them, 
but was defeated by them at the entrance of the Red Sea. 

It is not likely that the Portugaese .in the beginning of the 
sixteenth century with all their great schemes would have troubled 
themselves about the Koakan, if there had not been in it ports 
and marts of too great importance to be left in the hands of their 
enemies. But Chaul and Dfibhol coald not be so left, while the 
Portagneso could not spare men enough to establish themselves 
in these portf in the same way as they had determined to do at 
Goa. The state of the Musalmdn kingdoms, which divided the 
Konkaa among them, was however at this time eminently favour- 
able to the designs of the Portuguese. The Northern Konkan 
as. far south as Nagothna had always belonged to Gujarat^ but 
the .Southern Konkan had only just been divided (as narrated in 
the last section) between the dynasties of BijApur and Ahmad- 
uagar. The rivalry which existed between these two' was pro- 
bably the cause of the Portiiguese lirst obtaining a footing in tho 
Konkan. The Ahmad uagar king, who had possession of the 
coast from Nagothna t^ Bdnkot, admitted them into Chaul, and 
at a very early date accepted the protection of their fleets for the 
vessels which frequented his ports, and for that protection paid 
them a tribute, and allowed them to establish a factory at Chaul.* 
This was between 1512 and 1521.^ And by the latter year the 
Portuguese had obtained permission to build a small fort there, 
and had command of the whole river,® ITie captaincy of the 
fortress was already an important appointment in 1524, when 
Yasoo da Gama took charge of the Viceroyalty there, as the first 
port toached at,^ 

The good understanding between the Portuguese and the 
Ahmadnagar kiugdom (or to speak more coiTectly tho governors 
of Chaul) was scarcelv broken during the sixteenth century. On 
the other hand the Bijiipur king was too powerful on the coast 
to arropt the protection or acknowledge tho supremacy of the 
1^3' -e fleet, and the consequence was that as early as 1608 

port of Ddbhol was destroyed by tho fleet of Francisco 
d' Almeida, consisting of nineteen vessels and 1600 men, half of 
KWhom were natives^ On several subsequent occasions the de- 
letion was repeated ;® for Dabhol was so great a place of resort 
'lor ships from Malabar and Arabia that it very soon recovered its 
importttnce.'** The king of Gujat'dt also for some time felt no 

Section IV. 


• D»Coatto, V. 1-20. « DeBarros, VU. 537. * Elphmatone, 41G. 

• OvitofTOs, V. 31*; : DeContto, IV. 209. 

• Th« hi«tr>risr!5 differ as to the exact year, Faria in Brigg9, IV. 512 ; DeBarroe, V. 
]6w s VI. C9» 81. ' Three Voyages of Vaaco da Gama, 384. 

• Pbria I- . 507 ; neBnrros. HI. 266. 

• DeCottf.-, V 11- ; VII. 198, 280 ; IX. 326. «' B.-vrbosa, 72. 

[Bombay Gazettoer 


Section IV. 


necessity for the Portuguese alliance, and as there was no great 
port in his part of the Konkan the Portuguese after punishing him 
at Diu did not trouble theaiselvea much about him. But in 1521 
his Admiral defeated the Portuguese off Chaul, and sank one of 
their vessels, and remained for twenty days off the port greatly 
harassing them.* In 1527 another GujarAt fleet was sent to Chaul, 
bufc a great number of its ships were destroyed by the allied 
forces of the Portuguese and Abmadnagar.* In 1528 there was 
a decisive battle off Bdndra, in which the Portuguese took seventy- 
three ships out of the eighty which composed the Cambay fleet.* 

These attacks led to frequent marauding expeditions of the 
Portuguese along the coast of the North Konkan, in one of which 
in 1529 they burnt Ndgothna Bassein and Ag^shi. At this time 
also Thana Bdndra and Karanja paid tribute to the Portuguese, 
these towns having sent a peaceable embassy instead of resisting 
as the others did.* The Portuguese possession of Salsette appears 
to date from about this time,^ though Faria puts it at the same 
time as Bassein,' but it seems unlikely that they had any more 
than a very precarious hold on any of these parts for many years 
after this, and it is expressly stated as regards the country round 
Bassein that the natives were masters of these villages in time of 
war.* The war between Gujarat and the Portuguese was continued 
in 15!^0, and the Portuguese suffered anot!^er repulse at Chaul. ^ 
In 1533 an expedition consisting of eighty vessels with ISCQ 
Portuguese and 200Q Kanarese attacked Bassein, and stayed 
there ten days, destroying the fortifications : after which the fleet 
proceeded northwards and burnt all the places as far as 'i'di-Apur.® 
In the next year Bassein was ceded by the king of Gujarat; and 
lie then, as Ahraadnagar had done before, put his ships entirely 
under the protection of the Portuguese, and agreed that none 
should sail from his ports without taking out Portuguese passes 
and paying port dues at Bassein. Thifi" last stipulation was 
relaxed soon afterwards on the king ceding Diu as the price of the 
Portuguese alliance against the Moghals, but their passes had still 
to l>o taken and dues paid to them.*^ They were newr however on 
such good terms with the Gujan'it as with the Ahmadnagar kings, 
and thero were frequent expeditious into their dorainious, while in 
1530 Bassein was besieged for some time by a Gujardt force.'* 

The Bijilpur dominions in the Southern Konkan had during this 
time suffered from the marauding expeditions of the Portuguese 
quite as much as the Northern Konkan. In 1547 John de Castro 
made treaties both with Ahmadnagar and Bijnagar, that is 

1 Faria in BriggB^ IV. 512. Bird says that this wm in IS^S, and the Mirslt AhxnAdi 
Bays tbat Cliaiil was plaadered on thiB occasion. Bird, 237. 
5 Faria in Brigps, IV, 5IS, 6U. ' Faria in Kerr, VL 210. 

* DeBarroB, Vll. 217. 224. » Hongh. I. 156 ; Kog. I. of 1S08. 
« CicKir Federick and Ralph Fitch in Hakluyt. II. 344, 3S4. 

- Fftri* in Bricgs. III. 531. « DeBarroB. VII. 501. 

• DeBarros, \ II. 531. This is ni>t mentinned in the Sliriit Ahmndi, which wiys 
that after 1536 the tribute from the porta held hy the EurnpcaDs wa* uot paid. Bird, 
253. 1" DeBarros, VIIL CU. " Fai-ia in Brig««» HI. 51«. 

Section IV. 


possessed any territory between Bombay and Goa except the new 
town of Chaul, now called Revdanda; and in 1510, when they took 
the fortresses of Sdksa and Karnala, they speedily restored them to 
Ahmadnagar for an additional tribute.^ They had however a 
factory at DAbhol, though it is very seldom mentioned, and it was 
apparently not established till after 1570.- In the Northc^rn Kon- 
kan they seera from the first to have held the productive villages 
between Bassein and Agashi, and this small district they then andfl 

Lbout 15.56 they acquired the inland" 

afterwards called Casaba.*^ About 

forts of Asheri and Manor* as giving them the command of a rich 
and productive district.^ The fort of Asheri was considered almost 
impregnable, and was given np by the Abyssinian captain command- 
ing the district on payment of Rs. 6500. A garrison of sixty ■ 
soldiers was put in it and a church erected. This fort was always ■ 
greatly valued by the Portuguese, and >vas described in 1818, after 
the Marlthas had had it for eighty years, as accessible only at one 
point, and of such natural strength that with a handful of men to 
defend it it may justly be considered impregnable. The latter part m 
of the ascent is an almost perpendicular staircase (with a preci- !| 
pice of several hundred feet immediately below it) hewn out of the 
8olid rock forty feet high, at the top of which is an iron door hori- 
zontally fixed, and from which the ascent is nearly as steep and of fl 
equal height to a second gateway.® Soon after the capture of " 
Aahcri and Manor, Daman, which the Portuguese had long coveted, 
was ceded to them, and with it apparently a good deal of the coast 
between Daman and Basseiu. The Tdr^puv pargajw is mentioned as 
the best and most prosperous of all the districts within the jurisdic- 
tion of Daman. In 1359 a body of Abyssinians made an attack 
on SanUn and Tanipur; at the latter place there was then only a 
fitockaaed fort (tranqueira) and forty men, but the Abyssinians 
after ravaging some villages were beaten off.'' In 1569 there was 
an expedition against the Kolis which seems to have penetrated 
quite up to the foot of the Ghats, and a stockaded fort permanently 
held by the Portuguese is spoken of at Sayvan on the Vaitama 
river. The Koli country was again ravaged in 1583, and on both 
occasions the Portuguese suffered considerable loss from the 
difficulty of the country and the activity of their enemy, whom 

the want of activity of so ismall a natioD in Gujarat and the Dakhan " to timiiiity or 

diainclination," while a comparison between their exploits and settloinents in a hundred 
years and thote of the Engl iah in the Brat hund re " 

certainly not be unfavourable to the Portugese. An hiBtorian of tho first class may 
be properly, and tho writer hopes conclusively, quoted against Colonel Taylor. Dr. 
Robertson savB of the Portnguese conquesta : ** By the outerprisiug valour, military 
■kill, and political sagacity of the nnicera who bad supreme command in India, 
and who have a title to be ranked with persons moat eminent for virtues or 
abilities in any age or nation, greater things were i>erhap8 achieved than were 
ever accomplished in so short a time." Historical Disquisition, 150. 

> DeContto, IV. 184, 201. » MUbum, I. 305 ; Bruce, I. 23 ; DeCoutto, X. 17. M 
» Oemelli in Churchill, IV. l&O ; Chronista, I. 30. S 

* There is no trace of any fort at Manor, nor is there any commanding site near^ 
the present town. 

* DoCoutto, VIL 229. '^ Dickenson's Manuscript Report. ' DeCoutto, VIII. 28, 208. , 

Goneral Chapters.) 


tbey described as jumping along from tree to tree like monkeys. 
The chief towns of the Kolia mentioned at this time aro called 
Darila, possibly Darje Tavar and Vazen (perhaps Viisind). Tavar 
appears to have been to the north of Daman, but the other two in 
the Konkan, and Darila is described as a considerable town of 
yp^at stone and tiled houses.* 

In 1570 the kings of Bijapur and Ahraadnagar entered into an 
alliance against the Portuguese ; and while the Bij^pur troops in 
great force invaded the district around Goa, those of Ahmadnagar 
besieged Chaul, which was defended by Don Francisco de Mas- 
carCnhas, afterwards the first Viceroy under Philip II. of Spain.' 
This was one of the severest trials the Portuguese ever had to 
ondergo, and the result covered them with glory. They estimated 
the troops of Ahmadnagar which invaded their territories at 
42,000 chivalry and 120,000 infantry, a force which it is needless to 
say would have eaten np the Konkan ten times over. After the 
Musaltn^ns had several times unsuccessfully assaulted the fort a 
battle was fought outside, in which the Musalmans were defeated, 
and soon after they made peace and retired.^ All that the Muham- 
madan historian Ferishta says of this expedition is that the king 
Mortaza Nizam Shah marched against the fort of Revdanda belong- 
ing to the Portuguese, but was obliged to raise the siege after a 
blockade of some montlm, as the enemy obtained provisions by sea, 
owing to the treachery of the Nizim Shdhi officers who were bribed 
by presents, particularly of wine.* While this was going on the 
Portuguese were able to make an attack from Basseiu on Kalydn, 
which then belonged to Ahmadnagar. The suburbs were burnt and 
a considerable booty taken. Their fleet also destroyed Dabhol.'* 
On the other hand 4000 Ahmadnagar cavalry marched along the 
Konkan north of Chaul to cut off reinforcements and supplies from 
Bassein, and the Portuguese were besieged in Karanja, where they 
had a small fort and forty men : they were however relieved from 
SiUette.® The terms of the peace were altogether favourable to 
the Portuguese. 

From the descriptions given of Chaul at the time of the two 
Bi^es^ it appears that the main part of the fortifications were built 
between 1570 and 1592, and an inscription states that those along 
the beach were made in 1577.* It was later than this the exten* 
sire fortificjitions at Baf^sein were begun, though there had been a 
fort there since lbti6.^ In 1597 the new works having got on very 
slowly, Ayres de Silva de Mello was sent to superintend them.^*^ 

In 1592 there was again war with Ahmadnagar, as the king had 
determined to ex]3el the Portuguese from the Chaul creek. It ia 

Sootion IV, 



» DeCoQito, IX. 257 and XU 346. ' DeCoutto, IX. 290. 

» DeCoatto, IX. 453 and X. 17 : Faria in Brigga, IV. 522. 

* Briggs, III. 254. A very (allaccooat of the siege will be found in DaCunha'i 
r>.,r.i ,oa BaMcin, 47. * DeCoutto. IX. 326, 427. 

" ' outto, IX, 3G2. ' DeCoutto, IX. 290 ; XIII. 165. « Heam, III. 

riirnw, VIII. 102. *<> DeCoutto, XIV. 6i5. 


[Bombay Gazetteer 



Section IV. 

1500 1600. 

not clear whether the rock of Korlai, which commands the entrance 
of the creek, and which was called by the Portuguese and other Eu- 
ropeans II Morro, had ever been in the possession of the Portuguese 
before this.^ It wns always looked upon by them as a position of the 
greatest value, and in 1557 they had determined to get possession of it 
somehow, but the king of Ahraadnagarou their asking for it temporised 
with them while he began to fortify it himself. The Portuguese had a 
cross at thecxtrome point which was miraculously preserved from the 
nttempts the Musalm^ns made to destroy it, while their fleet bombard- 
ed the rock, and prevented the Musalmans from working at the 
forliiicatious. In the end an arrangement was come to, that no fort 
should be built on the rock by either people.- Nevertheless in 1592 
when war broke out tho MusalmAns were in possession of a fort 
there which is described as a wonder of strength and completeness, 
and Ferishta implies that it had only lately been built. They greatly 
harassed the Portuguese at Revdanda, having a considerable force 
outside tho fort as well as within, and the latter after many skirmishes, 
being reinforced from Bassein and Sdlsetto, determined to beat 
np the enemy's camp, but without any idea of taking Korlai. On 
the uight of September 4, 1594, fifteen himdred Portuguese crossed 
the river and attacked the Musalmiln camp. Tho Mnsalradus, though 
not altogether unprepared, fled to the fort, and the Portuguese fol- 
lowing were able to enter with them through the first gateway being 
blocked by a wounded elephant. The resi«laiioe though brave waa 
disorganised, and after about two hours tho Portaguese got pos- 
session of the whole of the works, with a loss of only twenty-one 
killed and fifty wounded, the Musalmans being said to have lost 
10,000 men. The fort was destroyed, as the Porhiguese could nob 
afford men to garrison it, but they retained the battery command* 
log tho entrance to the creek, and afterwards rebuilt the fort on tho 
original plan.^ 

After this the Portuguese had full possession of the creek and the 
kingdoms both of Bijapur and Ahmadnagar were now too near 
extinction to give them serious trouble. Yet in 1609 the Musal- 
mdn governor iu Chaul sent out a fleet of thirty prows to cruise 
against the Portuguese, and the latter could get no redress from the 
Ahmadnagar government.* This last event may bo taken as 
illustrating the view of tho Portuguese historians, that as the period 
np to 1560 was the infancy of their power iu India, and from 1560 
to 1600 its manhood, so from 1600 its decline began.* And as their rise 
had been rapid and their success marvellous, so their decline began 
early and was unchecked. After the beginning of the seventeenth 
century no more is heard of aggression or acquisition on their part, 

• fJeraelli aays the Portngaese built a fort there in 1520 {Churchill, IV. 200), but 
this ia not bonie out by the aocounta of their historiaim. ' DeCoutto, VII. 370. 

^ DeCoutto, XIII ; BriggB, IV. 284 ; Heara, 42. Feriahta 'a account of these proceed- 
ings does not differ much from that given by the Portuguese hktoriaus, but he puts 
the Musalmiin loss in tho final aasaalt at twelve thousand, and says that the Porta* 
gueae reduced the fort to ashes. Briggs, III. 284. 

* F«ria in Briggs, 111, &28. • Hough, II. 213. 

rBombay Gazettesr 



Seotion V. 



In describing the system of government of the Portuguese in 
Konkan it is, as may be expected, not possible to make a very accu- 
rate distinction between what would now be called the different 
departmenta. Although trade was the nominal object of the Porta- 
gnese settlements in India^ the nature of their schemes, as already 
describedj made it inevitable that at first the persons of the greatest 
influence should be the military governors. The trade being a royal 
monopoly, Albuquerque established custom-houses in every portj 
and later there were in every city factors (veadors) and treasurers.* 
At the same time magistrates (ouvidoros) were appointed by 
Albuquerque, but only apparently at Goa Cbanl and Bassein, and 
these decided all civil and criminal cases. Thoy were subcrdinate 
however to the captaios of the fortresses, '" who often abused their 
powers and made the ouvidoros decide as «thcy liked. History is 
full of the arbitrary acts of these tyrants in their fortresses, who 
were nearly all Fidalgos of the highest class." - In case of dis- 
agreement between the ouvidor and the captain, the veador was 
called in, and the majority decided. The appeal from the judgments 
of this bench was in 1587 to the Supremo Court or Rola<;Jlo at Goa,* 
but later to the desembargadores or district judges, of whom there 
were six or eight, one bciiig at Bussein.* These besides the appeals 
decided original civil and criminal cases of importance. The 
desembargador at Basseio in Gemelli's time was a gownsman (pro- 
bably a doctor of laws), and Gemelli as a doctor of laws himself 
was asked to remain at Basse in as advocate for the various religious 
societies tliere, because the native pleaders in the courts were so 
ignorant.^ The judicial establishment at Bassein in 1552 was one 
ouvidor, one oflBcer of police (raeirinho), one king's solicitor, two 
administrators of intestates, one sea-baililf, and ten peons. At Chaul 
the establishment was smaller, but there was a jailor and presumably 
a jai!,^ neither of which are mentioned at Bassein at this time, 
although in 1674 Del Ion, who had tried both, said that the jail at 
Bassein was larger than that at Daman and then contained a good 
number of priaouora of the Inquisitiuu,^ 

» Mickle, cxii. and cxxiv. ' Inatituto, I. ] 17, 253. ' Arohivo, V. 11S3. 

* Gemelli in Churchill, IV. 102. The writer has quoted GemfllJ Can'eri as freely 
05 any one else, and thinks it hotter therefore to mention hero what Hallaio says about 
him : "* Carreri has been strongly suspected of fabrication, and even of havina never 
seen the eoiintries which be deflcribcs ; but hia character, I know not with what 

justice, has been l.itterlv vindiL^atcd." Literature of Europe, 111- 603. 
* Chwrchill. IV. 192. " " ln3tituto, I. 253. • Dcllou, 



Very little is told of the arrangements for the collection of the 
revenae, but the lands of Sdlsette and of the North Konkan generally 
were at a very early period parcelled out araonp^ the Portuguese 
settlers at a very small quit-rent, amounting it ia said to not more 
than four to ten per cent of the ordinary rental.^ Villages were 
also sometimes given to soldiers and others for their lives.* These 
large landholders were called fazendars, a name which still survives 
in Bombay and the neighbourhood, and their descendants lived on 
and managed their own estates, levying from the cultivators a fixed 
proportion of the produce in the umnner usual under the Native 
Governments.^ In the same way Bassein was said to owe a great 
part of its prosperity to the noblemen who lived there on the rents 
of their villages.* In Sfilsette there were under the veadors, presum- 
ably for those lands not granted to the Portuguese, managers of the 
cultivation, called mhatar^* or elders, whose duties were similar to 
those of patois under the Native Governments.^ From an account 
supplied by the Government of Goa to that of Bombay in 1821 it 
appears that in 1688 the total revenue of the province of Basseiu 
was about Rs. 1,30,000, and of this sum the quit-rents amounted to 
about half. The tobacco tax was farmed for Rs. 47,000. Twenty- 
one villages had to keep for the defence of the country one Arab 
horse each, and one village a country horse, and these obligations 
were commatable by a Yearly payment of Rs. 132 and Rs. 8S respec- 
tively. Alienations of land and revenue to the Jesuits of different 
colleges and churches are mentioned.® It is expressly stated that 
the island of Sdlsette was in a high state of prosperity under the 
Portuguese.' And the Factor of Basseiu in 1728 wrote that the 
greater part of the establishments both in Goa and the Bassein 
district were supported by the Sdlsette villages.'^ Yet it must be 
remembered that the grants of land on low quit-rents were confined 
to either Portuguese of European birth or to couverts of hi^h rank 
who adopted the names and style of living of their conquerors. The 
Hst of cesses at that time in addition to what would now bo considered 
a heavy assessment on the land* would of itself raise doubts as to the 
prosperity of the island having extended to the lower classes. But 
an acute observer of the seventeenth century allows of no doubt on 
this point,® for he speaks of the native inhabitants as " poor wretched 
Gentiles Moors and Christians, worse than vassals to the Icds of 
the villages." And in the articles of the cession of Bombay to the 
English^** it is implied that their condition was that of slaves, for it 
was stipulated that "the Curumbies, Bandaries, or other inhabitants 

^ Bui India Hooae Records (182G), III. 774. * Gemelli in Churchill. IV. 198. 
"^^R««.L of 1808. Tbifl Regulation i^ the authority for many other statementa 
Cbrougficrut thin work, and as these early regulations are but little known it may be 
atalMtbat this one gives a complete and very interesting history of SAlsettc as 
rs^M^ fiical matters from the tinte of the Portuguese. There ia reason to suppOHo 
that it was written by Mr. Jonathan Duncan Governor of Bombay. 

♦ DeCoutto, XI. 46. 

^ Mhitilra is still a very common surname in Sdlsette and Basseiu both among 
Chrutians and Hindus. " Manuscript Records. 

- O Chronista, I. 56. » Reg. I. of 1808. » Gemelli in Churchill, IV. 197. 

»*• Bom, Geo- tSoc, Transactions for June 183D, 

Section V. 




[Bombay Gazetteer 


Section V. 




of the villages belonging to the Portuguese shall not bo admitted 
into Bombay, and all such persons resorting there shall be imme- 
diiitely delivered up to their respective masters." There is in fact 
nothing whatever either in their own histories or in the accounts of 
travellers to show that the Portuguese ever took any trouble to 
protect or raise the condition of their native subjects as Shivdji did 
in the seventeenth century. With this fact may be mentioned their 
great estaVjlishments of domestic slaves brought in Portuguese ships 
from the African settlements and distributed at very low prices all 
over their Asiatic possessions.^ In the treaty of peace after the 
fail of Bassein the negroes are specially mentioned in the stipulation 
for the release of prisoners.* To this institution of domestic slavery 
may no doubt be ascribed the strain of negro blood frequently 
perceptible in the Goanese. 

The military establishments in the Konkan must be next*mention- 
ed. After the Viceroy and the great dignitaries of the Church there 
was no greater officer than the General of the North who resided at 
Bassein,* and after him came the captains of Bassein, Daman, 
Chaul, and Salsette. All these appointments were held for short terms 
of years, Bassein Daman and Chaul are said to have been the only 
fortresses (fortalezza) between Cambay and Goa, except one at 
Dabhol which was not in the jKJssession of the Portuguese.* No fort 
is mentioned in Sdlsette in 1034 except tJie small one at VesAva 
(Madh). The Baasein district then extended from the Vaitarna 
to Karanja, and in this there were besides the captain of Bassein, 
fourteen captains of forts and tranqueiras, that is stockaded posts. 
The district of Daman extended from the Vaitarna to Pdrner and 
included the thdnad^iris of Saujjin, D/ihanu, TdrApur, and Mahim. 
All along this part of the coast were many towers and fortified 
houses for protection against the pirates, as is apparent from the 
ruins still standing, and there were also the important inland forts 
of Asheri and Manor. But it does not appear that there was then 
anything so large or strong as the now ruined forts of Ddhdnu and 
Tflrdpur must have been, and the garrisons were small and included 
but few Portuguese.^ Bassein and Chaul were the two great places 
of arms, and were apparently considered sufficient for the protection of 
the whole coast. But in 1728 the Factor of Bassein made a detail- 
ed report* on the defences of the North Konkan, drawing particu- 
lar attention to the insecure condition of the forts, and especially 
to the want of protection in Sdlsette against the Marathas. There 
was no fort at Thana but only the three small towers commanding 
the creek, and containing throe or four men each. Bassein had 
ninety pieces of artillery, the largest being twenty-four pounders. 
Chaul fifty -eight, and a fortified camp outride the walk nineteen 

• Bal(la!ua in Churchill, III. 546 and G«melU in Churchill, IV, 203. 
» Jervia, 130. » Gemelli in Cburchilt, IV. 190. 

* Linsohotten alsosAys that in 1593 the Portuguese did not hohl Ddbhol, having 
been dispoaaessed of it some years before. Hiatoire, 20. 

» Chroniata, UI. U9, 198, 218, 211. « Chrynista, I. 20. 

IBombay Oazotteer 


Section V. 



of tbe Inquisition. But the account given of the state of public 
morals at laoa when Xavier arrived in 1544^ is sufficient to prov^e 
that so far from any niissionrary spirit existing there was then scarcely 
any practice of Christianity at all. Two years later tbe King, after 
regretting that the wor&bip of idols was allowed even in Goa, men- 
tioned among other objectionable practices that of the Portuguese 
buying slaves cheap and selling them to Musalmaus and other 
heathens,* Xavier, however, though he spent but a very small part 
of his time at Goa, or any place north of it, was able to change the 
whole aspect of affairs in respect of Christian observances : he 
established a Jesuit seminary at Bassein in 1548, and in 1552 sent 
missionaries there as well aa to Thdna and Chaul But he refused 
to establish a college at Chaul because there were still so many forts 
and stations without a single missionary. Tbe visits of so great a 
man are sufficient to distinguish any district, and it is recorded that 
he was at Bassein at least three times, first at the end of 1544, again 
in 1548 when the great Viceroy John d© Castro was there, and lastly 
in 1552. He also visited Chaiil on more than one occasion, and 
KharepAtan once.^ After bis death he was made patron saint of 
both Bassein and Chaul.* 

In 1560 Goa was mad© an archbishopric, and Inquisitors were 
sent out from Europe, and from this time the work of tbe Church 
was carried on with great vigour. The povj^r of the ecclesiastics in 
tbe State was well shown soon afterwards, when tbe tooth of Buddha 
having come into tbe possession of the Portuguese during their wars 
in Pegu they were offered an enormous sum if thoy would return it. 
This the Viceroy was anxious to do, bub the Archbishop opposing 
the ransom as an encouragement of idolatry, not only carried hia 
point, but also persuaded the Viceroy to join in a great auto-da- f 6, 
in the course of which the Archbishop publicly pounded up tho 
tooth in a mortar. Not long after this the Franciscan Fathers 
took possession of the caves of Kauberi and Maudapeshvar,* expelled 
the jogis who occupied them, and did their best to destroy the 
Bculpturea, as at Elphanta, on account of the superstitious feelings 
of the natives with respect to them.* Over the caves at Mandapesh- 
var were built a church and the Royal College of Salsotte for the 
education of tho children of the converts, and this received from the 
King all the endowments which the caves had enjoyed.'^ 

The Jesuits, commonly called Paulistioes,* gradaally established 
themselves in every town and village;" but in 15S5 the Franciscans 



' Bohom-s, 74 ; Vida de Xavier, 18, ' Vida de J. de CMtro, 50. 

3 Vida. de J. de Caatro^ 110, 120, 179 Bohours mentions a visit to Bauein in 1649, 
ftfter the death of John de Castro, but doea not give that of 1552. 

* ItiBcriptioni. * DeCoutto, Vli. 245^ VII L 335, 42&. « Fryer, 73. 

7 DeCoutto, VII. 217. An inacription gives 1623 as the date of the college' being 
built, but thia probably refers to aomo particular part of it. Bom. Geo. Soc Trans- 
actions, VII. 149. 

* This name ia explained, firstly, by tho Jesuits* college at Goa having been dedi- 
cated by Xavier to H. Paul, and, secondly, by all their churches in India bciog called 
after tho same saint. De la Valle, III. 135 ; Hoiigh, I. 67. 

* De la Vatle, III, 360. 

[Bombay OsBettc 

SeotiOB V. 





ojftrationa all over the Portuguese possessions, and bad commis- 
Barioa at Damau, at Bassein, and doubtless atotber large towns. ^ The 
Grand Inquisitor was appointed by tbe King and confirmed by the 
Pope, and had authority over all persons clerical and lay, except 
the Archbishop, his grand vicar, and the V^iceroy : but even these the 
Inquisition might arrest after advising the Court of Lisbon and re- 
ceiving orders from the great Council of the Inquisition there.* Thus 
Dellon" seems justified in saying that people had much more respect 
for the great Inquisitor than for the Archbi.'^hop or the Viceroy. 
Pyrard says that the Inquisition in Goa was much more severe than 
in Portugal, and its administration of justice the most curel and 
pitiless in the world. '* Sometimes the converts are accused of 
putting crucifixes under the cushions on which they sit or kneel, 
sometimes of whipping their images or of not eating pork, or ia 
some other way respecting their old faith, while they outwardly con- 
formed as Christians*'.* The auto-da-fe at Goa usually took place only 
once in two or three years, and as this was the only gao! delivery for 
«4piritua] offenders that there was, it followed that if any one was 
arrested soon after an auto-da-fe he had to uudergo a long imprison- 
ment, as Detlou bad. ^ 

Now as to the work of converting the natives, DeCoutto at the end^ 
of the sixteenth century speaks of this whole coast " as a great fishing 
ground for the Fathers of the company,'* ^d estimates their con- 
verts at 60,000.^ As to the extent to which this was assisted by the 
State it must be noticed that its action was very different under differ- 
ent Viceroys, some of the greatest of whom expressly tolerated and 
protected the religions of the natives,® Thus Albuquerque endea- 
voured to conciliate the goodwill of the natives, and to live ia 
friendship with all the Indian princes, most of whom were better 
pleased to have the Portuguese as governed by him for neighboura 
than the Moors. So also Kuno da Cunha prohibited the priests from 
persecuting the Hindus for not being Catholics, and he administer- 
ed justice to all persons, whether Portuguese Hindus or Moors. But 
others (and the policy of those eventually prevailed) went as far as 
they possibly could in destroying the temples of the heathen and 
even slaughtering the worshippers. In 1546 the King wrote to the 
Viceroy John de Castro,' complaining that idols were worshippedf^ 
not only in other places subject to Portugal but even in Goafl 
itself. He therefore commanded that search should be made and aU 
idols broken to pieces. Any one who should venture to make them 
was to be severely punished, as well as all who should publicly or 

» HoMgh, I. 214 ; Dellon, 118, 330. « Dellon, 192. 

' DeUun vas a French doctor an rl when liring at Daman waa arreated by orders i 
the Inquisition and taken to Goa, After a lone imprisoument he had the good fortun 
to escape with hia life, and aftervards pubTiehed a most intereBting account of k 
©xpeiiences, a good aammary of which is p^ven by Dr. Rule in his " History of th 
Inquisition." * Pyrard, ll. 80. 

* DeCoutto, XI. 49. This exproaaion is probably due to the fact tliat by the early 
Portuguese writers the cowt between Cane Comorin and the Isle of Man4r was called 
the " Coast of Fishery." Bohours, 81. 

» Micklc, olix. * Vida de J. de CMtro. «. 

[Bombay Oasettc 

Seotion V. 




auy public practice of their religion/' while all the inouasteriai j 
throughout India were subeidised by the State.* Linachotten sayn 
that the people of India had liberty of religion, bnt with these rather 
lurge exceptions, that they were not allowed to burn their dead nor 
to perform marriage ceremonies or other diabolical superstitions 
(over which the Bishop had supervision,) for fear that scandal might 
be caused to the converts ; so also Mnsalmdns and Jews might not 
publicly exercise their religion in the towns under pain of death, but 
outside the towns might do so.' Dellon says that although the 
King allowed liberty of conscience, yet the Holy Office interpreted 
this to mean that heathens might live in their religion but would 
be punished if caught in the exercise of it,* Finally after all these 
Christian wiiters, both Roman Catholic and Protestant, the Musal- 
m&n historian Khati Khan may bo quoted, who after praising the 
Portugoese system of government, called it an act of great tyranny 
that if one of their subjects should die leaving young children only 
they were considered wards of the State and brought up as Chris- 
tians, whether they were Syeds or Brdhmans.* And in a recently 
published work by a Hindu^ it is stated that the Portuguese utterly 
disregarded difference of caste, and exacted the same service from 
Brahmane as from Kolis. Several Prabhua were employed in high i 
positions under the Portuguese Government, and even these could fl 
unly perform their religious duties iecretly and by night, while " 
6ome were forcibly converted to Christianity, whose descendants 
are still to be found in S^lsette and Bassein. 

The jealous and rigorous system of the Portugnese in matters of 
religion may be pretty well understood from the above extracts. 
Yet there is one more fact to be noticed which shows in an even 
stronger light the pressure under which their native subjects lived. 
It has been already mentioned that the Pominicaus sent missionaries 
to India before the Jesuits did, and it must be noticed that between 
these two orders there was always a great jealousy, and that while 
ihe Jesnits were particularly given to the work of conversion, the 
work of the Inquisition was chiefly done by the Bominicans. *" In 
India and China the Inquisition and the Jesuits could the less 
easily agree because their action was entirely different. The 
Jesuits thought it expedient to pursue a policy of extreme concession, 
surrendering the distinctive truths of Christianity and keeping out 
of sight the discipline and ritual of their own church, if they could 
thereby win over the heathen to their side rather than lead them 
to Christ. The Inquisitors on the other hand pretended perfect 
orthodoxy, assumed an air of intense anxiety to preserve the 
integrity of the Romish faith, and so far as the power of Portugal 
extended and they could avail themselves of military force, they 
had the power of life and death in their hands, and could impress 
the natives with dread, and overawe their own clergy too. Hence 
it came to pass that not only the Jesuits bub the bishops and the 

' Chin thill, IV. 20;i. 
^t^ir H Ellu.t. VII, 345 

-■ LiiiKiL-holtet^ ITHi. ■" Pollon, 18fi. 

* Hietorj- of rathana rrabli««, W. 9\. 

tBombay Oatetteer 



Seotion V. 



they felt themselves strong enough to do it with impunity, and 
frequently they procured their cargoes entirely by plander. By 
such acts of piracy they brought disgrace upon their country and 
became a principal cause of the downfall of the Portuguese empire 
in India." ^ The army and other departments of the Government 
service were deserted for this illicit trade, while Portuguese sailors 
after coming to India despised any places but those of captain or 
oflScer, so that the merchantmen were chiefly manned by Arab and 
Abyssinian sailors, who were cheap and docile.^ Both on account 
of these inconveniences and for the sake of the profits of the 
Govei'ument monopoly the Portuguese Governors did all they could 
to put down this private trade, but with little effect. The universal 
practice of illicit trading, in which all the servants of Government 
from the Viceroy down to the private soldier indulged,' was of 
course another hindrance to the King's Government getting the 
fair profits of the trade. Linschotteu says that even before the end 
of the sixteenth century all the officials from the Viceroy down- 
wards thought of nothing but enriching themselves, and he ascribes 
this in great measure to the fact that all appointments were held 
for three years only.* The result of all this was that in 1580 the 
monopoly of the trade was made over by Government to the Portuguese 
East India Company, But the private trade was never stopped.* 

Up to 1565 the chief trade of the Portugut;se was with the king- 
dom of Btjnagar or Vijayaoagar. They took horses, velvets, and 
satins there and brought back linens and muslins, which were sent 
to Europe by way of Orrauz as well as round the Cape.* John de 
Castro made a treaty with Bijnagar in 1547 for mutual defence 
against Bijfipur, and in this there were many stipulations as to 
trade. Besides the articles given above coral and silk from China 
and Ormuz are mentioned in this treaty as being taken to Bijnagar, 
and saltpetre and iron as coming from there. The fall of Bijnagar 
therefore is mentioned es a calamity to the Portuguese, but it is 
not stated why no effort was made to save the kingdom. 

The exports of Chaul were indigo, opium, cotton, silk of every 
sort, with great store of iron and corn ; and the imports came from 
Mecca and China as well as from Europe.'^ Ships laden with fine 
stuffs used to come to Goa from Sindh.® But with the seventeenth 
century the European rivals of the Portuguese began to trouble 
them as well as the Malabar and Arab pirates. In 161 5 the chief 
points in the treaty made between the Emperor Jahflngir and the 
Portuguese expressed their mutual enmity to the English and Dutch 
and the necessity of destroying the Malabdr pirates, • The entry 

* Macpheraon, 26,30, 32. * Linachottcn, 78, 

' In Cltiiveriu8*B Geography publialied at AmfiKrdaiin in 1607 thero ia no mention 
of tLe Dutch on the west coast of India, nor is Vengaria marked on the map. The 
Dam« of the district is nven in tho map aa ' Cuncam,, ' and in a note it is called 
' Dccan sive cuncang ', Ueean beirg also given tu a city. 

* Linschotteu, 62, 66. * Mickle, cxc. ; Macphenjon, 32. 

* DeCoutto, IX. 93. ' CwflAr Frederic in Haklayt, It. 384. 

* DeCoutto, XIV. 59. » O Chronista, 111 269. 



have influenced tbera as long as the Portuguese were in possession^ 

for as early as 168i5 tlie conquest of Bflkette was proposed on a 
Bofficient force coming from Engl and, and the same course was 
suggested fr*om home, and apparently only abandoned from doubts 
as to the complications that might ensue.* It must be evident 
that aft^r the European trade with India bad been turned into tho 
iroute of the Cape of Good Hope tho Malabar ports were of far 
greater value than those of the Konk&n or Gojar&t, which had 
their day when the line of traffic wds by the Persian gii1f and the 
Red Sea. The capture of OrmuE by the English in 1022 and of 
Cochin by the Dutch in 1063 deprived the Portuguese of commercial 
superiority and prestige on both routes, and in 1G64 when peace 
was concluded the claim of the Portuguese to the monopoly of the 
trade was finally abandoned.* The Dutch gradually succumbed to 
the English, and never made any other settlement in the Kunkan 
than Vengurla> though they are said in the eighteenth century to 
have greatly wished to establish a factory at Bassein.^ 

One cause of the decline of the Portuguese power remains to be 
mentionedi the indifference of the kings of Portugal^ and the 
email value they set on their Eastern possessions. This was due 
partly to thetr thinking so much more of their Brazilian colonies 
&nd partly to the Indian settlements being ao expensive. Their 
disregard of this Country was particularly great during the subjec- 
tion of Portugal to Spain,* when the Court of Madrid ordered that 
to meet the expenses of Government all employments and offices in 
India should be sold publicly to the highest bidder. On the 
restoration of the national dynasty of Portugal in 1640 more interest 
began to be shown in the Indian colonies/ but the Dutch were by 
this time too strong to be opposed, and the English after the civil 
War soon became so. By the end of tho century India was again 
neglected, and so remained til! the catastrophe of 1739, 

This sketch of the Portuguese Government of the Konkan haa 
father exceeded the proper limits, but the subject is an interesting 
one, and no connected account of it can be got from books j 
readily obtainable. It only remains to add that the Portuguese ■ 
during the period of their supremacy and for many years afterwards ^ 
lived in India with considerable magnificence. Fryer speaks of the 
''stately aldeas and dwellings on both sides of the Th&na creek, 
and the delicate country mansions of tho Fidalgos who all over the 
island live like petty monarchs." The mansion of John de MeI!o» 
three miles from Thana, was " curiously built with a teiTaced 
descent and walks and gardens extending half a mile down to a 
stately banqueting house over the water with stone steps for 
landing.^' And a mile further stood " Grebondel^ a large neat built 
town of Martin Alfonso's, with his house fort and church of as 
stately architecture as India can afford, he being the richest Don on 

> Bruce, II. 577. 626, 635. ' Houeh. II. 381. 

♦GemeUiin ChurohtU, IV. 208 ; Mickle, cxv. 
* Mickle, ceil. ccKii« ; MacphcrftOD, 35^ 37< 

>3tayorisiu, III. 107. 

General Cbapters.] 


this aide Goa." The Fidalgos at Basseiu had *' stately dwelliaga 
graced with covered balconies and large windows two stories high 
with panes of oyster shell or latticed."^ Gemelli speaks of the 
pleasiire-hoases of the Portuguese gentry near Bassein in the same 
way.* Of these lordly mansions there is now nothing to be seen but 
a tew rained walls, though foundations may here and there be 
traced of sufficient extent to prove the truth of these accounts. 

The chief remains of the Portuguese are at Bassein and lower 
Chaol, now known by its old Hindu name of Revdanda. These 
are large walled towns, but the fortifications generally have little 
appearance of strength. At Bassein the line of the streets can be 
tnM^i and many lofty buildings, principally churches, remain. These 
are " of considerable size bat mean architecture^ though they are 
striking from the lofty proportions usual in Roman Catholic places 
of worship, and from the singularity of Christian and European 
rains in India."' There is now a high road through the middle 
of the city which prevents it from being utterly desolate ; on the 
north side there is a large space without any ruins, owing no doubt 
to the plague which towards the end of the seventeenth century is 
said to nave unpeopled one-third of the city on that side.* The 
rains of Revdanda are siinilar but on a smaller scale, and from the 
tpaoe within the walls being entirely occupied by cocoanut gardens 
tney can be seen less fa«-ourably than the Bassein ruins. The maia 
walls are nearly entire, those on the north side being far the 
stroQgeflt, and having been protected, in its whole length apparently, 
by an outwork which has now mostly fallen into the sea. The 
present main entrance facing nearly south and with the citadel just 
inside it is probably the original entrance.* 

AU over Sdlsette and in the neighbourhood of Bassein are parish 
charches still in use; but though some of these, for instance those 
of Thitna and Remedi near Bassein (originally Nossa Senhora doa 
Remedios),' are large and respectable, and appear to be in the 
HMne state as when first built, there is nothing very striking iu any 
of them. Deserted churches and convents more or less ruined are 
found at many places, especially in Salsette. The ruins at Marol 
have been already mentioned.® At M^ndvi on the Vaitarna there 
is a pictoroaqae ruin of a conventual building, and at Yerangal, ten 
miles north of Bandra, a large church stands in a very pretty little 
bay close to the sea but distant from anything like a town. This 
i§ dedicated to St, Bonavontura, and is stiil used on the feast of the 
Bpiphany. The outline of the church at Kelva-Mahim is now barely 
fen<MBable, but the buildings there were certainly of considerable size. 
These convents were very frequently either themselves fortified as 
thai at Yerangal or built close to a fort : thus the College at Bandra 
Hd "eeven guns mounted in front of it and a good store of small 

Section V. 




» ftyw, 74 - 76 ; ChurchiU, IV. 19a » Gemelli in Churchill, IV. 190. 

♦ DMaOed dtwirtpUoM of the ruina of Bawein and Chanl with many particularo 
MtotWt btttory will bo found in Dr. DaCunha's Chaul and BaBtein. 

* DtBtRKM, Vn. 244. • Scctioa II, near the eod, 


(Bombay Oasetteer 



Section V. 




arms/'^ and took toll from all vessels going up tlie creek.* The 
greatest in extent of these ecclesiastical ruins is at Mandapeshvar 
or Mont Pezier already described, and this part of Sdlsette mast 
have been a favourite one, as within a mile of this there were the 
two large churt*.hes of MiigAthan and Poisar standing within a 
stone's throw of each other, and within four miles on the other side 
is Ghodbandar, The buildings at this delightful place included ' 
a fort, a monastery, and a large church. The latter, dedicated t(M 

ITT r\f ^ia foafiivpc TTmlri»^a 

St. John,^ ia the present bungalow, but many of its features makv 
it appear to have been originally a Musalman rather than a Christian 

There are two forts which show that the Portuguese were scarcei 
inferior in the art of fort-building to the MaratMs. One of th 
is Thana, the size and strength of which can still be seen after 
the alterations it has undergone, and which seems to owe nothing 
to the Manithas. The other is the fort of Korlai opposite to Chaol, 
which is perhaps the most interesting of any Portuguese building 
remaining in the Koukan. The plan, however, which is very strike 
ing and unlike auything else in the district, is Musalmdn,* the 
Portuguese having destroyed the first fortress and afterwarda 
rebuilt it on the same plan. It stands on a very narrow ridge 
which stretches far across the mouth of the river, and which ia 
completely surrounded by a strong wall* Inside this are two 
walla crossing the ridge at the top, and as each was strongly pro* 
tected by towers and bastions there were virtually three fortresses,' 
On the north side the hill slopes gently down to the water's edge, 
and this slope, being enclosed like the rest of the hill by the fortiBed 
Wall, formed a broad way, which also was crossed by walls and 
bastions and ended at the bottom in a wide level space. Hero 
apparently were the quarters of the garrison and a strong battery 
commanding the entrance of the river. On the most prominent point 
of this stood a large cross, and the bastions and gateways all over 
the fort were dedicated to saints whose names are engraved on 

There were numbers of other forts all along the coast, of which 
Tdrapur and Dtihi'mu appear to have been the chief. Others may be 
traced which were little more than fortified outposts. At the time 
of the expulsion of the Portuguese, Bsindra and VesAva (probably 
Madh) were the most important forts in Salsette after Thana.* 
Scarcely anything remains of the fortifications at Bdndra, and 
Ves^va appears to have been so rebuilt and enlarged by the 
Mardthda that it is difficult to trace the Portuguese work. Finally 
there are a number of round watch-towers on promontories and 
rocky islands, the use of which is said to have been to give notice of 
the approach of Arab pirates. The most southerly of these which 
ia on a small rocky island with four palmyra trees towering above 
it, is visible from Malabir Hill on a clear day. 


» Pry«r. 70. » ChxoniiU. II. 71. 

* Mftcleod's MauaBcript Account of S4lMt(«* 
* Gr»Dt Daff, 242. 

CBonibsy QatettMr 




too hot to hold hiiii. In 1658 he got permission from Aarangxeb 
to take possession of the whole Konkan, and the first use he m&de 
of this was to occupy some of the neglected strongholds of the 
coast, and to invade the Sidi's districts.* Bat now as afterwards 
the conquest of the Sidi was too great a task for his power. The 
bivant-s were of the Bhonsla family as Shivdji was, and were 
anciently known as the Sardesais of KudAl, nnder which title they 
entered into engagements and treaties with the Bombay Govern- 
ment as late as 1838.* ^t this time they made a temporary alliance 
with Shiv^ji, but soon afterwards returned to their fealty to 

In 1660, after the murder of Afzul Klian, ShivAji carried the war 
into the oldest of the Bijapur possessions by plundering Rdj^pur 
and burning DAbhol ; and the three powers of the Southern 
Konkaii — Bijdpur, the Sidi, and the Sdvants — then united against 
the invader. Early in the following year, 1661, Shivdji again 
plundered Rajapur and captured DAnda-Rajapur, though neither 
now or at any subsequent period did he succeed against Janjira. 
He was however to a great extent successful during this campaign 
and the SAvants having submitted to him,* that part of the Konkan 
south of Salshi Mahdl (that is the whole of the present M^van 
Bub -division and a part of the VAdi districts) was left under their 
exclusive management, and the revenue, system there remained 
unchaogod.* At this time Shivdji caused a survey to be made of 
the coast, and having fixed on Malvan as the best protection for hia 
vessels and the likeliest place for a stronghold, he built forts there, 
rebuilt and strengthened Suvarndurg, Ratnagiri, Jaygad, Anjanvel, 
Vijaydurg, and KoUba, and prepared vessels at all these places. 
3ut in the meantime the Moghals had taken KalyAil, and Shivaji did 
not then find it convenient to oppose them or to attempt to retake 
it His position in the Southern Konkan was now however very 
strong, and he removed his capital to Rdtri, henceforward to be 
called Rdygad, and for some years after this bestowed much labour 
both on the fortifications and the public buildings of that mountain, 
which Grant Duff calls the Gibraltar of the East.* 

In 1663 little was done in the Konkan till late in the year, when 
Shivaji collected a force near Kalyan and another near Ddnda- 
BajApur.* Four thoysand horse from Kalyan marched secretly 
to Surat, and after plundering it brought the booty to RAygad J 
In the * following year, 1664, the Bijdpur troops made a strong 
attempt to recover the southern part of the Konkan, but Shivdji 
came upon them suddenly, and completely defeated them. Ho burnt 
Vengurla which he believed to be hostile to him, and then collecting 
a fleet al Malvan made a plundering expedition as far as Barcelor. 
This was remarkable as tho only maritime expedition in which 

' AitcbJson's Treaties, VI. 110. ' Gmnt Duff, 50, 65, 63, 74, 75. 

« Grant Duff, 80, 83, 84. ♦ Jer^rts, 101, * Grant Duff, 85. 86 ; HotchinBon, 18 
• Grant Duff, 89. Ormc tayi the two oimps were «t Chaul and B«Mein. 
menu, 12. ? Orme'i Fr»gmeiit«, 12; Grant Duff, 89. 


himself took part, and perhaps the adverse wiuds wh*ch 
3 him on his return, as they usually do all voyagers up the 
uring the latter part of the cold weather, had something to 
I his not repeating the experience. Immediately after his 
to R^ygad a moat formidable Moghal force attacked hia 
ions in the Dakhan, and Shivflji, having resolved to yield, left 
d and went up the Ghats. There he gave up all the forte and 
ry he had taken from the Moghals, but some were returned 
I, and his possession of the South Koukan was not interfered 
He did not retam to Raygad till December 1660, having 
interval been to and escaped from Delhi. ^ During his absence, 
Datcu, who was deshpdndya of Sangameshvarj had charge 
Dibhol suhha, Moro Pingla the Peshwa of Rajpuri and 
df and A'bdji Sondev of the Kalydn province.^ On his return 
i immediately recommenced hostilities against the Moghals, 
ere once more and very speedily driven out of the greater 
'the province of Kalyln, the forts being occupied and repaired 
viji's troops. In 1668 he attempted to complete his power 
Southern Konkan by the conquest of Goa and Janjira, but 
isncceasful in both attempts.^ Soon afterwards he visited 
I, and built the Sarjekot fort commanding a river two miles 
of M4lvan, which was then navigable for some distance.* 

Moghals had cpntinued to hold the ports of Mahuli and 
In. two of the most iamous in the Konkan ; but in 1670 
after nearly three years' truce open hostilities again broke 
tese two forts were besieged, and the latter taken without 
trouble. At Mdhnli however Moro Pant was at first 
d with a loss, it is said, of a thousand men, but after a 
repulse and a siege of two months the place surrendered, and 
lole province of Kalydn was taken before the raius.* During 
Die proceedings were going on in the Konkan with a view 
capture of Janjira. The historian Kh4fi Khdn was then in 
iatrict and has given a long account of what took place, but it 
m\j here be said that Shivaji was himself present in this year, 
lat Fateh Khdn the Sidi who was in the Bij^pur interest, 
ned D^nda-Rajdpur and took refuge in Janjira, and was 
to surrender even that. But throe of the other Sidis 
ted thL3, and having deposed Fateh Khdn put themselves 
le state under the protection of the Moghals. Khan Jah&n 
aperial general sent ships to assist them, and during this 
nd the next there were frequent naval fights between these 
hivdji's fleet, in which the Moghals and Abyssinians were 
ictoriouH.^ At the end of 1670 Shivdji sent a large fleet up 
t, of which the Portuguese captared twelve vessels and took 
into Bassein. The Marittha fleets however, took a large Por- 
ship and brought her in triumph to DabhoL* The Sidia 
low as anxious to take Dinda-Raj^pur as Shivdji was to get 

Section VI. 

Grant DufE, 90, 94, 97. ' JerviB, 92. •"• Hutchinaon. 156, 

Orant Duff, l\0. ' Sir H. Elliot, VII. 289. * Grant Duff, 111. 

>mbay Gazetteer 


Section VI. 

Janjira, aud ou ono occasion, apparently tho Hull of 1G72, 
advantage of Shivaji's abaeoce to land and destroy the fort ificat ions.- 
At the samo time the Sidi took several forts in the neighbourhood, 
one of which held out for a week, after which it surrendered on the 
promise of quarter. But when seven hundred people had come out the 
Sidi put the men to death, made slaves of the children and pretty 
womun, and released only the old and ucfly. For these services he waa 
well rewarded by the Emperor^ Whde this was going on Shivaji 
twice brought troops down from Rdygad to retaliate, and sent a force 
under Moro Pandit to burn the Moghal ships at Surat, but in thia 
he did not succeed,^ He however took possession of various place* 
(in the Bassein and Dahana sub-divisions apparently) which had 
hitherto belonged to Koli Rdjas. He made an attempt on the fort 
at Ghodbandar, then with the rest of Sdlsetto belonging to the 
Portugueso^ but was repulsed.^ In November 1072 he marched from 
Raygad with ten thousand men, levied a large contribution from the 
Dakbauj and returned to Raygad without interruption.* 

In 1673 the Sidi's fleet blockaded the Karanja river, and built a 
small fort to com maud its mouth.'' In October the troops from the 
Sidi's aud the Moghal'a ships landed in the Nigothoa river, laid 
the villages waste with great cruelty, and carried away many of the 
inhabitants as slaves, but troops arrived unexpectedly from Raygad 
and inflicted a defeat on the Sidi.'' Shivaji in April 1(374 returned 
to Ritygad, and in Juno was crowned there with great pompJ After 
the rains Moro Pandit came down to Kalyan with 10,000 men, and 
sent to Baaseiu to demand chaaUi from the Portuguese. At the 
same time a fleet from Muskat appeared before Bassein and landed 
600 Arabs, who plundered villages and churches aud behaved with 
great cruelty, the garrison of Bassein not attemptiug to molest 
them. At the end of the year Sbivilji with reinforcements having 
joined Moro Pant, the whole army marched up the Ghats towards 
Juimar, but after ravaging the country they returned to Rayg^ in 
February 1675.8 

The siege of Janjira was continued as it had been every year since 
166 1,® and an expedition at the same time went against Phonda on 
the Goa frontier, and on his way there Shivdji visited Rdjapur, 
where ho kept great quantities of warlike stores. After the rains 
of 1C75 a large Moghal fleet came from Sui-at to Bombay and pro- 
ceeded down the coast as far as Vengurla, which they burnt. By 
this time Shiv^ji's fleet, now increased to fifty-seven sail, was con- 
sidered fit to meet the Moghal*s, and it put to sea from Vijaydurg 
and Rajapur, but did not fall in with the enemy. A Moghal force 
at the same time came down to Kalydn, and threatened the districts 
south of Bombay, but soon after returned above the Ghats. On 
this Shivdji'a troops returned to Kalyan, and began to build a fort 

' There ia some confusion in Ehifi Ehan aa to the exact year in which some of 
iheao OGcurrencca took plooe. 
' Ome. 28. ' Grant Duff, 113. * Orme, 30. * Bruce, II. 340. 

^ Orme 38 - 39. " Grant Duflf, 117; Orme, 40 ; Frj'or, 77. * Orme, 3S, 45, 46. 
■* Orme uys since 1605, FragmQats, 24. 



near Siyvin on the Vaitama river, within the territory of the 
PortQgnese, who of course resented the encroachment, but ineffectu- 
ally.* From the end of 1675 to July 167G SLivaji was at Satara or 
Riygad^* and this is stated to have been the longest rest of his life. 
He then made a rapid excursion to the Dakhan and returned with 
his plunder to Rdvgad in September, but immediately afterwania 
Bet off with a still larger force on his expedition to the Karuitak. 
From this ho did not return to the Konkan till April 1678,' and in 
the meantime AnnAji Datta, the Pant Sachiv, was left in charge of 
the Konkan from Kaly^n to Phonda/ and he, besides appointing 
oflBcers to every district, is said to have made a survey and 
assessment of the land on fair and equitable principles.* 

Tfaensaal operations on the coast were continued notwithstanding 
Shivaji^s absence. Moro Pant took 10,000 men against Janjira in 
Aagust, and in October Sidi Sambhal set out on a cruise of retaliation- 
He burnt Jaytdpur at the mouth of the RajApur river in December 
1676, but lUjApur itself was too well defended to be attacked, 
and in the meantime Moro Pant's attack on Janjira had been beaten 
off. In the following season, 1677-78, the Sidi's fleet plundered on 
the coast as usual, and finding little other pillage carried off numbers 
of the inhabitants as slaves. In revenge for this Shivdji on his 
return to the Konkan sent down ships and men in July 1678 to 
Panvel in order to bum the MusalmAn fleets then in Bombay 
barboar. but not being able to get boats to cross they went up to 
KalylLo with the intention of passing by Thdna into Bombay. This 
alarmed all parties, and the Portuguese Governor of the Bassein 
district anchored forty armed boats off Thana, which prevented any 
attempt being made there. The Mar&th^s thus baffled burnt some 
Portugaese villages, but were soon recalled to RAygad. This 
complication was followed by a rupture between Shiv&ji's auhheddr 
of Chaul and the Bombay Govornment, for the subheddr seized 
thirty Bombay boats in the Panvel and Nagothna rivers, most of 
|h' ■ retaken by some Europeans from Bombay. Shivaji 

ni not tind it convenient to support his officer. While 
had been going on, an attack on a larger scale than usual had 
been in progress at Janjira, but with the usual want of success.® 

Early in 1679 Sambb^ji deserted his father s cause and leaving 
Rftygad joined Sultan Mauzira, Anrungzeb's son, at Auraogabad.^ 
In rvrlum Shivaji ravaged the Musalraan territories up to near 
Sarut. He also in the middle of the rains took possession of 
Kh^nderi or Rennery, which until now had been uninhabited, and 

Section VI. 

* Onae. 61, 54. > Grant Duff (page 120) says MtAra. ; Onae (page 58) RHygnd. 

* OuuK 60. 69. • Grant Duff, 123. 

' Jarris, 93. Jervia states (p&£« 68) tba b D:iii&ji Konddev's asaeaament had extended 
pntiaUy through the Dibhol tubkeddri. This is not conBiatcnt with Grant 

» gat of DAdlAji'i gOTemmcnt, which does not Beem to have extended into 

t at all. nor doea Shihji at that time appear to have had any possessioua 
I thm Kookar tT, 56 - 57. * Orme, (J4, 70 - 72 ; Grant Duff, 128. 

' Oraot DzM ■■> »aya it waa the cominander-in-ohief DiUvur Rhin to whom 

ltiBbii<|i daMrted. The differ«nce U not iaat«rial. 

[Bombay Oasetteer 


Seotion VI. 

fortified it, on which both the EngUah and the Portuguese claimed 
the island.^ On October 15 Daulat Khdn, Shivaji's Musalmto 
adiniraL brought his fleet to engage Iho English vessels which 
were watching KhAndcri. The Revenrje a sjixteeD-gun frigate, 
beat them off singlehanded, and they sailed off to the Ndgothna 
rirer. Boats and troops however managed to get over to Khanderi 
a few at a time, notwithstanding the watch kept by the English 
vessels, and 5000 of Shivaji's troops came down to Kalydn to be 
ready to take advantage of any opening. The Sidi was now in 
open alliance with the English, as he had been in reality though in 
rather an arrogant way for several years : but after working with 
them for some time in the blockade of Khdnderi he in January 
1680 suddenly and secretly took possession of the neighbouring 
island of Underi or Hennery and began to fortify it, a proceeding 
which was scarcely more agreeable to his allies than to his enemies. 
Two engagements between the Sidi and Daulat Khan's ships 
followed, in the last of which the Mardthds lost 600 men, and were 
BO much damaged that they sailed away to Rajitpnr to refit. The 
Sidi then sailed up the Panvel river, and burnt and pillaged 
without mercy. The English however now made a treaty with 
Shivdji, and being heartily tired of the Sidi'a alliance, agreed to 
exclude him from Bombay harbour for the future.* This, as far as 
this district is concerned, may be consyiered the last event of 
ShivAji's life. After returning from an expedition into the Dak 
he died at Rdygad on April 5j 1680.' 

It cannot of course be supposed that the general condition of 
Konkan during the reign of Shivdji was prosperous according i 
our present understanding of the word. Fryer* speaks of both 
KalyAn and Chaul as utterly ruined in 1072, the Moghals having 
been expelled from both at the time of his visit. Dabhol had been 
burnt so often since 1508 that but little could have been left in 
Shiviji's time, and it is then described as much ruined by the wara 
and decrease in trade.^ A curious proof of its desolation is that» a 
few years after this, this once great city was granted to the Shirks 
family.*' There would thus remain of the old marts of the Konkan 
only Baasein in the north, and this, as has been shown was gradually 
declining, and R^jdpnr in the south, which Baldaeiis^ calls one of 
the cities of note of the Bij^pur kingdom, and which alone of the 
older towns had prospered under Shivaji, On the other hand Mah^ 
had no doubt increased and flourished from its neighbourhood to 
BAygad,and Rdygad itself was of course a small centre of prosperity. 
At the same time it is clear from what has gone before, that the 
great ravs^es of war had fallen on the district between Kalydn and 
K^ygad. The coast of the Korthern Konkan had felb them bat 
little; but on the other hand the Portuguese could no longer 
pretend to be a match for the Arab pirates. 

[> of 



1 Orme, 78; Bruce, II. 442. ' Orme, 80-88. » Orme, 90 ; Qraat Doff. 133. 

* TravelB, 124. * Ogilby, Vol. 5 ; Sir Thomai Herbert, 349 f Mandelilo, 75. 

• Onint Daff^ IJ. ' Chwrcbill, III, 641. 

In the Soafbern Konkan, except on the coast where alone ShivAji 
much opposed, there was perhaps not much to complain of 
revenae system was a ^eat improvement oo any that had been 
pre»ionsly known in the Konkan, the cultivators wero protected, 
and all classes of the population, except perliaps the outcastes, 
had the opportunity of entering and rising in the military service. 
The Hctkaris* (Mar^thds from Malvan) had very early beeji 
among 8hiv^ji*s favourite troops, and the Mar^thds all along the 
Gh.4ts, or Mdvalis as they were then called, have always been 
inclined to military service. Besides this, the establishment of the 
Gadkaris,' or sepoys holding land round the forts on condition of 
serving in them when necessary, must have provided for a 
considerable proportion of the population in a district where forts 
were so nnmeroas. And the mere re-building of the great forts 
wn the coast must have given subsistence at least to great 
uurobers and for many years. Shivaji'a system of government and 
revenae administration is described at length by <iraot Duff,' and 
mast have been more systematic than any tbiug that the Konkan 
bad known previously. The Masai man historian Khd,fi Kb An, 
who, AH already mentioned, spent some time in the Konkan, abuses 
ShivAji as an intidt'l and a rebel, and is particularly proud of a 
chrooogmra which he made on the date of his death, *' KAfir 
bftjahaunaiu ntft," that ij '' the infidel goes to hell.'' But he says 
ID favour that he always strove to maintain the honour of the people 
ill hia territories : he persevered in rebellion, in plundering caravans, 
and in troubling mankind, but entirely abstained from other 
diBifracefnl act<, and wa& particularly careful as to the honour of the 
XT' *!i fell into his hands, and would not allow auj dishonour 

ti' to mosques or to the Kordn. In short this historian 

di_ mm with the title of a wise man.* It is necessary to 

fvL^ . _ the cruelties and hardships which the Portuguese in the 
oane of religion and civilization had inflicted on the iuhabitants of 
th^ *'''■■' '.a, and the atrocities of tlie MusalinAns during their wars 
^ iji, and in particular the death which Aurungzeb hitnbelf 

iuli.ctta on ShivAji's son and successor. In view of these things wo 
cvrtMoly cannot sa}^ that Shivdji, barbarian as he was in many 
re«peicis tad without pretence to culture of any sort, was the inferior 
of ihcae of bis contemporaries either Christian or Musalmau, with 
vhoQS he was brought in contact on this coast. And altogether it 
tB poesible to believe that notwithstanding'^ the clamour of continual 
war," the greater part of the Konkan in his time enjoyed mora 
proeperity than at most periods of its history. 

The grtut forte, both on the coast of the Southern Konkan and 

•i&hiod, are so entirely associated with Shivdji that this seems the 

inosi fitting place to describe them. There is scarcely an instance 

di one of these standing on level and open ground : they are all 

Imilt on some natural post of advantage. If on the coast, on a clifl* 

Section VI. 

• He! or ?ioI, iAi<l tct be origlually a GujarAti word, i* very ooinmoiily aaod in the 
iDtKcra Konkim to signify -Mown the cooat." 

Sir H. Elliot, V 1 1. 2G0, 305, M h 

RoDtKcra Konkim to signify -Mown the cooat. 
'Onnt Duff. Hmi, un. > Hiitory. 104 to lOG. 

• •J7«-10 

(Bombay Qftset 



«eoUon VI. 

orti spit of land more than half surrounded by the soa ; if in the 
low country, on some steep hill commanding a river or a pass ; if 
the Ghdts, on some projecting spur or i*ock, or above a gre 
natural scarp. The construction of all is on the same principli 
the whole top of the hill or the end of the promontory is surroundel 
by a wall relieved by numerous bastions. If there is any slope ol 
place likely to invite approach, an outwork is pi*ojected and con^ 
nected with the main fort by a passage between a double wait 
There is seldom more than one entrance to the fort, and this *" 
generally the strongest part and the most noticeable. The out 
gateway is thrown forward and protected by a bastion on e« 
aide and often by a tower al>ove ; entering tliis a narrow pas'sa^ 
winding between two high walls leads to the inner gate, which isT* 
the face of the main wall^ and defended by bastions which command 
the approach. This arrangement in a time when guns could nc 
compete with stone walls rendered the approach to tlie gate^ ver 
hazardous, Inside the main wall there was generally an inner fortn 
or citadel, and surrounding this were the various buildings requir 
for the accommodation of the troops, and also magazines tanks and ^ 
wells. In many of the greater forts living houses for thecomioand* 
ant or massive round towers were built upon the wall of the main 
works on the least accessible side. The larger forts had generallyJ 
a town or jyetha clustered about the base of the hill on which th€ 
fort stood. Finally may be mentioned, as one of the invariable 
features of Shivfiji's forts, a small shrine with an imag« of Hanuma 
fche monkey god, standing just inside the main gat*^. 

This genera! plan was of course subject to many modi Seditions,' 
duo to the greater or less size of the site and also to the considera'j 
tion of the fort being required only as a place of arms or als*) as th&l 
residence of a chief. The greatest forts answered both purposes, and 
perhaps Vijaydurg 

« Broad, massive, high, and stretching fur, | 

And held ini pregnable in w»r " 1 

is the most perfect example of a great coast fortress, which was also 
as much of a palace as the Marsltha chiL*fs allowed themselves. Thi« 
stands on a spit of land pmjecting iiitu the broad estuary of a noble I 
river, and communication with the continent was cut off by a ditch i 
which extended across the spit. The outt^r walls are washed by the 
sea round the greatest part of their extent, and wherever that is not 
the case out-works are thrown forward down to the shore. The 
citadel is of great size, and the walls both of it and of the main 
works are immensely massive and lofty, and thus looking up from 
the landincj place a triple line of most formidable defences is seen. 
On one side a great roun<l tower and other buildings rise from the 
highest part of the main wall, and from these the view is lovely 
and varied. In front the open sea, on one side the broad estuary, 
and on the other one of those little coves of white sand bounded by 
black rocky promontories which are so common through the 
Southern Konkan. Behind the river stretches away to the blue 
line of the distant GhUn. 

0«neral Obapierg.; 


Tbe island forts or Janjiraa deserve separate notice. Suvarudurg 
(the fort of pold) ia perliaps tlio most strikiiigr.ns the walls remarkable 
for ihfir loftiness seetn to rise straight out of the sea, and are now 
so well covered witli trees and shrubs as to be very picturesque. 
But the forts of Mdlvan are in other respects more interesting. 
They consist of a fort nu the mainland and two fortified islands about 
a qnarter of a mile from the shore lying in a bay which ia so 
studded with rocks and reefs that at low water it looks as if 
nothing Iftrj^er thun a rowing boat could enter. The largest of 
these islands, SindhuJurg (the ocean fort), is of considerable extent, 
bat bein^ no more than a sand-bank and the walls neither massive 
oor very lofty^ it is not so strikinsr as Savarndiirg. The fort seems to 
hnve been very full of buildings, and though there is no record of 
Shir^ji ever having spent any long time there, it is impossible to resist 
the belief that he meant it, partly at least, as a place of refuge in case 
he should ever be too hard pressed to be safe on the mainland.* He 
ia mid to have w.irked at the walls of tbis fort himself, and what is 
csllcd a print of his hand and foot in the stone is sliown and rever- 
enced. He himself is enshrined in a temple as a deity or an avatar 
according to the ta-^te of the worshipper, and the idol which 
reprfseiiLs him has a silver mask for common use and a gold one for 
festivals, both bearing the sembl.snce of an ordinary Maritha face. 
The second island is called PaJmagad, and is said to have contained 
Shiviji's ahip-biiilding establishments. This is now the most pleas- 
ing point in the scene, being half reef and half saud-bank ond adorned 
with ruins and cocoauut trees just sulTicient to make it picturesque. 

Tbe only entrance to the bay at Mai van is by a narrow channel 
through the rocks, and the passage from the land to the island is 
eqoiilly intricate. From the lauding place the approach to the fort 
is even narrower than usual, and altogether the choice of this placo 
in pref»?rence to the many good bays and harbours all about 
seeins to prove that u convenient naval station was not the chief 
object. But it would seem that Shiv^ji's idea of a good harbour 
was a ptac« that could not easily be got into, for Koliba, which Grant 
Doff says was his naval head-quarters previous to his fixing on 
lf4lTan» is nearly as much hemmed in by ro?ks and reefs as the 
latter, and much more so than any other port south of Bombay. 
And when it is considered that he roig^ht have chosen Vijaydurg 
with its noble river, easy entrance and safe anchorage, or Jaygad 
g similar in position and but little inferior in advantages, or 

gad with a narrow but safe channel opening into a large and 

tejprfectly land-locked harbour with deeper water than any of 
ohivAji's ships could ever have required^ the preference shown to 
MAlranand Kol&ba seems only to be explained as above. 

(X the inland fortresses it seems unnecessary to give any parfci- 
eolar description, since though many of these, as Rdygad and 
Tisbilgad, are both grand and celebrated, they do not differ much 
from bill-forts in the Dakhan and other parts of the country. 

Seotion VT. 

^ThkkhinUdtdhy Hutchinaon, bat the wntt-cbasseenit nowhere «tie mentioned. 

Section VII. 





1680 TO 1739. 

On tbe death of ShivAji there waa for some months every prospeci 

uf a war between the ndherenta of his two sons. Rajar^m, tbe 
youuger, was at RAygad, and the array there and in the neighlxjur- 
hood was greatly strengthened in his interest. Sunibhaji was at 
Panli^la, and the conspiracy against him at tirst seemed formidable 
and Phoud Savant took the opportunity of recovering tho territory 
south of the Karlai river. But by tho end of June th»^ oppoaition 
bad lost all its strengthj and Sambhaji escorted by 500U horse entered 
Rdygad in July. He there punished with great rivrour those who 
bad led the opposition against him, and Annaji Dattu, the late 
governor of the Konkau, was one of the fifst who was imprisoned, 
and soon afterwards put to death.* His place was taken by tbe 
notorious Kaluslia^ who having at first put additional cesses and 
exactions on the mild and equal assessment which Annaji Dattu had 
imposed, eventually displaced the regular revenue officers and farmed 
out the districts.* The struggle between SambhAji and the Sidi 
for the possession of the islands of UndeH and Kbdnderi was renewed 
but without any decided result, and the fleets did little more than 
threaten one another.' The English were ecjually anxious to get rid 
of both parties, but were not able. In May 1081 Sultan Akbar, the 
fourth son of Aurangxeb, having been in rebolliun against his father, 
fled with 4-00 KajpuLs to Sambhaji, and arrived at Pali=» near 
Ndgotbua on Jidy 1st, where ho remained and was treated with 
great respect till Sambhaji came down in September, and they 
retnrned together to Rfiygad.* Sambhaji gave him a house three 
kos from Rdygad and a tixed allowance but after a time began to 
treat him with less respect.* This alliance increased Aurangzeb'a 
hostility to the Marjltbas, and bis ships were again ordered to ravage 
the coast. In July 4000 of Sambh^ji's troops had come from 
Raygad to N^othna, and from there made an attack on Underi, 
but were beaten off, and the Sidi retaliated as usual on the inhabi- 
tants of the opposite coast. In particular the town of Apta waa 
burnt as it had been in 1673.* In January 1082 Sultdn Akbar 

1 Oi-me's FrogmontB. 96, 97 ; Grant Duff, 134.137. ' Jen-is. 108. 

* (.>rant Duff says (page 136) that Dodw was hiix place of rcfti«Ience. This however ' 
is cloac tu Fill. * Orme, 105, 107. ' Ellinl. VI J, 301*, 312. 



accompanied Sambhaji to the siege of Jaujira, which was carried on 
this jear on an unusual scale, the fortifications first being levelloil 
by cannonatling, and the arduous work of filling up the channel 
between the mainland and the island then entered on.^ The siege 
vens coutinuod till August, and then abandoned after a storming 
i>urfy had been repulsed with a loss of 200 men-; but Sambhilji 
Lad been called away in February by a raid of the Moglmis in the 
Kalyan district, 20,000 horse and 15.000 foot having come down 
the tihdts from Junuar. These he successfully opposed with a 
large array, and he also this year built the fort of Belapur" to pro- 
tect that neighbourhood from the irruptions of the Sidis. But the 
latter who again kept their ships during the rains in Bombay harbour, 
'e raids into the Mardtha territory even as far as Mahdd, and 
mbhaji s fleet at Nii^othna and Khauderi could do little. In 
October the fieets of Sambliaji and the Sidi were engaged in 
Bf»uibay harbour, and the Marathds, who on this occasion were also 
commanded by a vSidi, were defeated after a fight of four hours, on 
which Sambhaji plundered a few Portuguese villages in disgust and 
prepareti to fortify Elephanta.* 

In the beginning of 1683 the Company's ship Preeiihnt on 
her voyage up the coast was attacked oif the Sangameshvar river by 
acme Arab vessels which were aftersvards f'nind to be in Sambhaji's 
pay. The President loHt eleven men killed and thirty-five wound- 
ed- The Moghals this year again ravaged the country about 
Kalyin and the war between Ciambhaji and the Portuguese w^as 
carried on with great vigour on both sides. Sambhdji in June 
bronght 30,000 men to besiege Chaul, but was repulsed, fie how- 
efer succeeded in taking Karanja where the Portuguese had some 
vessels and he destroyed some places on the coast north of Bassein.''* 
The Viceroy invaded the Maratha territories, but had to retreat 
with iuS8, and the Portuguese were fallen so low as to be obliged to 
utake overtures for peace, which however were not'successful. At 
this time SultAn Akbar went to the Dutch factory at Vengurla with 
the int^intion of leaving the country, but was prevailed on to return.*' 
The Northern Konkan again suffered in 1684, when Bahddur 
Khan llanmast entered the Konkan by tho pass of Mhajah 
(M^ndha?), and shortly afterwards Aurangzeb sent his son Sult4n 
Aim. (afterwards the Emperor Bahadur Shih) with a larger army, 
by Orme to have numbered 40,000 cavalry, to subdue the 
• in the coast. Suit An Mauzim was accompanied by his 
8i. : IHio, and came down the Ambadftri Ghfit, and finding the 

pn..viiu:c of Ka]y<in already ravaged, passed on to the neighbourhood 
of Riygad, and ia said to have plundered and burnt the villages 
from there to Vengurla.^ This town he sacked as a punishment for 
its former protection of Sult5,n Akbar, but the Dutch anccessfully 

' The renuiinB of the itone mole built for this purpose may still be Been below the 

luriwre of the water. _ . ^ 

' Onne, 110 ; Grant Dufl", 138. ' Hamiltoti Bays PanwcJ, II. L51. 

« Grant Diitf. 139 ; Onne, 113. ' (Tme, 120, 122 ; Grant Duff, I4r>. 

• OllM 125 ' "^^ioii, II. 00 ; Ormc, 132 ; Grant Imff, 144. 

Section VII. 


Section VII. 


defended themselves in their fortified factory.' This was one of 
the greatest militarj expeditions over raade in the Southern Konkan, 
and wag on too largo a scale for Sambhdji to resist : so after putting 
g-arrisons into the forts he retired to Vishilgad with Sultan Akbar 
and watched liia opportunity. The country no donbt suffered very 
severely. The Moghtils however made no attempt on the hill-forts, 
and by the time they got near Goa they had, althongh unopposed, 
lost alfno&st the whole of their horses and cattle, and even the men 
began to suffer fiom Fcarcity. Tlie Mardthiifi then came down on 
them aTid harassed thoir retreat. " The enemy swarmed around on 
every eide and ent off the supplies. On one side was thii eea and OQ 
two other sides mountains full of poisonous trees and serpents. 
The enemy cut down the grass which caused great dbtress to man 
and beast. They hid no food but coeoanuts and the giain called 
kudu, which acted like poison upon them.*" Xumbers of veebeli 
containing supplies for the Moglials were sent off from Surat, but 
most of them wee taken by the Mardtha cruisers, and at last Sult-^n 
Jiauzira was obliged to retreat with the remainder of his force up tbt 
Amba Ghsit. In the meantinie Shfih'ibuddin Khan had brought a force 
nearly as far as RAygad, and defeated Sambhfiji in an unimportant 
action at Niz-impur/ after which he returned to the Dakhan.* The 
country being thus abaudonetl, Sambhnji took possession of it without 
opposition and returned to Rdygad. After the rains the Portuguese 
re-took Karanja and also the hills of Santa Cruz and Afeheri '^ Sultan 
Akbar and Sainlih'i.ii came to Kalyan, and after ravaging the PortngueBa 
territory invested Bassein/ but were called away by a reported invasion 
of the ^lusalmflns. The chances of war on land appear thus to have 
fallen pretty equally, but Sambhiji's ships at Rdj tpur wei'eat this Xim» 
more tJiau a match for the Goa fleet.^ 

For the next three or four years nothing of importance is recorded 
in the Konkan, the war between the Mariith^is and Anrangzeb 
being carried on chicily in the Dakhan. The Bijapur kingdom had 
ceased to exist, and though the Moghals had succeeded to its pes* j 
session yet they had no reasou for valuing the Southern Konkan so] 
highly as the Adil Shi'ihi dynasty had done. Sambh;i ji spent liis 
betw^eeu Panhala Vishalgad and Sangiimeshvar, and being given up ' 
sensual pleasures was at liist abandoned by Sultan Aklmr, who ir 
October I Li 83 found at Rfijipur a hhip commande<l by an Enghthman. 
and sailed in her to Fei-sia about the middle of 16S9.* A small partj 
of Moghal cavalry set oil from Kolhdpur and having got close 
Sangumet-hvar before the alarm was given ^^ succeeded in capturing 
Sanibhdji. Kh.iR Khdn save that he had two or three thousand horsi 
with him, and was told of the approach of the hostile force, %\hic 
consisted of two thousand horse and a thousand foot, but would not 



» BaldwuB, 152. " 

>Kh.ifi Khitu iu ElHot, YII. S14. In this account Khifi KhAn c»ll» the Konkam 
(or the pai t of it ravaged) Raim-darrd, which ia not explaiued. _ 

^ Thii ifl not mentioned by Omie. ^ ■ 

* Eljihinatone, 575 ; Grant, Duff, 146 ; Scott, II. 61. ^ 1 

» Orme, 134, 141 ; Kloguen, 18. • Grant Duif, 155. ^ Ordk, 141 -Ho ; Brnce, II. 68. 

'Qvnertl ChAptart 


believe it.^ Only two or three hundred of them Burprised SamliS^ji, 
and Kalnshji with a party of Mardthns tned to save him, and was 
himst'If wounded, while Sambhiiii hid himself in a temple. "When 
found he was immediately carried off to the Emperor's camp above the 
Gluits, and there put to death a few days afterwards." 

During the reign of Sarabhiji his family had lived at Raygad, 
and his half-brother Raji'irara had been detained there in easy 
captivity. The chief Marat ha leaders met at Ruygad as soon as 
Sambb/'iji's death was announced, and came to a decision which 
showed ^reat wisdom. As the Moghals were then in force above 
the Gh^xis, and aa the Mardtha state had in the last few years lost 
most of its power, they agreed to act on the defensive and to trust 
to the forts, which they pat in prepamtion for attack. R^jirim went 
about the cotmtry as occa.sion required^ and his family were sent to 
Vishaletad, but Sambhaji's widow and child remained at Ray gad. 
I* ly after the raitis of 1(589 the Moghal force came down 

ir. ; inkan and took Riygad after several months^ siege. Shahn, 

theu a oiuld. was taken prisoner with his mother,' and there is no 
record of his ever having returned to the Konkau. And from this 
time Raygad lost its itnportance, because the degeneracy of the 
descendants of Shiviiji prevented their making use of the forts in the 
same way aa he and .Sambhaji had done. 

Aurangzeb now gav^the Sidi a sanad for .some of the territories 
ich he had held previous to the rise of Shiv^ji, and armed with 
this anthortty he took the districts of Suvarndurg and Anjanvel and 
in 1699 the forts of Rajpuri and Raygad.* The Mara th As still 
retained command of many of the forts, and kept up their fleet, and 

S harassed the Sidi and retained some power on the coast. Tho 
oghals did not interfere much with them in the Sontlieru Konkan, 
and the most southern districts wore practically iiidfpendent. Tho 
prorinco of Silshi was divided among three different cluiraants, 
two. fifths of the revenue going to the Savants, thri^e-tenths to the 
Pant of BAvda, and three-tenths to Angria, while a pnyment had also 
to be raafle t^j the Killedilr of Mjilvan. About 1700 Phond Savant 
b'.' i >rt of Bharatgad, only three or four miles from Malvan, 

a:> liately afterwards the Pant of Bavda built Bhagvantgad 

oQ tho oLber side of the river.* In 1C98 Mankoji Angria succeeded 
to the command of the Maratha fleet, and with it of the coast. The 
pnncipc^l place of arm^ was Kolaba, and there were depots also at 
S.: ' "i? and Vijaydiirg" and by thi^ time the Marathds were 

lb J -at naval power on the coast and attacked tho vessels of 

all itnu.tus- The only expedition which in the latter years of his life 
Aaraagzob appears to have sent to the Suuthora Konkan was 

» Thi« miy ba true nai yet they wsy bave been quite unavailable for help, m 
K«n|fi^iesh7ir \n 90 closely hern'ned "m between hills and the creek, thai in the stipposod 
abMBCv "lie guard would probably be at some distance. 

• Ori. ' ; L'lliot, VII. 3.38. Orme fpa^ea IS/t. HU.V) gives the neighbourhood 

of Pknlui k m I lit- '*cmnB of tho captare, and relates the circumstances differcntiy. 

' Gr»nt Daff. 162L * Gi-ant Dafi; 2Sl ; Jervis, H)9. 

^ HiiLL-hii.«.iri LVj. 'Grant Duff, 172. 

Seotion VII. 

ItiSu 1739. * 

[Bombay Gazetteer 


Section VII. 


against VishAlgad in [700-1. Tho Amba Ghit was blockatted in 
order to pveveut aopplJes getting in by that route, and to keep the 
road open for the Vanjaris of the royal army. The rillag-es were 
burnt, tlje cnltle caiTied off, aud the people generally so harried that 
no sign of cultivation or the name or ti-ace of a Mar:Uha was to be 
found. The siege works were pushed on till n mine w»is carriisd 
near the gate. For raising the earth-works carnel aaddlea and 
baskets innum«;ralile were used full of earth and rubbish and litter 
heads of men and feet of quadrupeds, and thcao were advanced so 
far that the garrison were intimidated.* Negotiations for surrender 
went on forjv long time and at length in June 1701 after a six months* 
aiego ParHshram the commandant hoisted the imperial Hag over the 
fcirtress. He and hi.s family went oflf the same uight, and the real 
of the garrison were allowed to leaVe the fort next day. Its name 
was then changed to Sakhkharalana.* 

The only events recorded daring this time in the Northern 
Kgnkan, where the Moghals still retained their power, come under 
the general description of ivipiue and anarchy. About 1690 a 
multitude of outlaws with 40'>0 soldiers, all under the command of 
a ruffijio nanu'd Kakiiji, went about plundering and burning 
villages, and even burnt the church of Kemedi close to Baj^sein.* 
In 1G02 the Sidi attacked Baasein and threatened Salsette, and for 
two or three years his troops ravaged thei, country.' About this 
period ho is stated to have been in alliance with the chief of the 
Jesuits at Bandra for the extermination of the English.* Then in 
I(>9'i Anrangzob declared war against the Portuguese. In that year 
and the following he treated their subjects with great cruelry, and 
numbers were obliged to take refuge in the forts of Daman and 
Bossein :*' but fortunately for the Portuguese Aurangzeb was per- 
suaded to make peace with them with a view to obtaining cannon 
for the reiluctiou of the Maratha forts. About the same time the 
Muskat Arabs made a descent on Salsette, burnt many villages and 
churcbe"*, killed the priests, and carried off about HOU captives into 
slavery.^ The Portuguese in 1695 succeeded in burning thivo of 
the Maratha ships in the Rdjapur nver, the largest said to carrr 
Ihirty-twu gni):^ and more than 300 men: the Portuguese lost six 
men killed and thirty-four wounded, " and the triumphant tono 
they adopted on this occasion shows how little they were now accus* 
tomed to victory. 

It was just at this time, 1007, when the whole coast was so given a 
to piracy that the notorious English pirate Captain Kidd appeare 
in these seas to add to the general terror. On one occasion he 
escaped from a Dutch and Eaglish squadron and got to Raj^pur, 
and off that port plundered a Bombay vessel His ship was ttuy 

* Thoao who have tmcn Viahilgsd will uuderatand that aU thie was done to riw 
the two narrow necks of land acmss whieh alone accesa can be hatl to the fort ' 
the level of it. » mxkti Kh4n in Elliot. \'Ill. 370 : Grant Duff, 177. 

3 Oemelli in Clmrchill, Til. 192. ^ Bruce. IlL 124. » Ovington. 156. 

« Grant Duff, IfiS. ^ Hamilton in PJnkorton, VIII. 363. 

' GhronUttt, 11. 201. 

0«ner«l ChApt«r«.T 



AUvmiure galley of thirty guns and tliirfcy oars, and with a crew of 
^00 Eumpeans.^ 

It cannot be doubted that in the twenty-seven years which 
^Htosed between the death of Sbivflji and that of Aurangzeb the 
PBEdition of the Konkau had greatly altered for the worse. Both 
the military and the revenue system of Shivdji fell much into decay 
under Sambhaji, who, Kb^fi Khdn says, so oppressed the rayata 
that they fled from his country to that of tiie Feringis." Although 
Raj dram tried to return to the old ways yet the success of tiie 
Sidi and A'ngria and the generally unsettled state of the country 
prevented any great measure of reform. The frequent ravaging 
expeditions of the Moghals and the Sidi in the Northern Konkan, 
with the fewer but more regular campaigns in the south, must 
liave caused great misery. The Poi-tngueBe were utterly nnable to 
protect their possessions. The districts owned by the Sidi were leas 
exposed to external aggression than any other part, yet his was a 
government that never paid much attention to the wants or 
the miseries of its native subjects, and his system of revenue 
exacltons was, if more certain, scarcely less oppressive than that of 
Kalusha. The divisions of authority in the Malvan district already 
mentioned mu»t have kept the people in a perpetual fever of civil 
War. Traile of course could not have Houri-shed under these 
"id almost the only mention of it that can be found 
lat on exports from Bombay duties of ti^^e per cent 
ere ievied by the East India Company, eight per cent by the 
'ortugueae at Thina, and arbitrary exactions by the Moghals at 

The civil war Hiaon<:,'st the MarAthjts which followed almost 
moiediati'iy on the death of Aurangzeb and the release of ShAhu 
rom captivity were not likely to improve the condition of any part 
>f j»... .....M.*ry, and from this time the Konkan chiefly sutfered from 

he among the Mardthas themselves. Shahu advanced as 

f t.i, south of the Phouda Ghat, and laid siege to the fori, 

, widow of IWjdram, fled to AUlvao. Shfihu did not 
vur de.-^cend into the Konkan^ and Tdi'dbdi in 1710, having 
!ted a force and being supported by the Sdvants, again went 
p the Qh&ts and established herself at KolhApnr. In the discords 
thus arose between Sliivflji's de.sceudants K^nhoji Angria 
e the greatest power in the Konkan, having possession of 
t from 8fivantvtidi to Bombay, and e.x tending hi.s authority 
the province of Kalyfln.* Ormo says that Kdnhoji held 
idurg against ShAhu and that the latter built the Haruai 
in order to reduce him to obedience, but Kinhoji took them,* 
nmit probably have happened between 1707 and 1713. The 
ihils in 1707 equipped a fleet of sixty vessels under a leader 
jeodent of Angria to cruise between Bombay and Goa, partly 
make what they could by piracy themselves and partly to oppose 

Section VII, 


I Br»oe, lU. 237. 271. ' Elliot. VII. 342. » Bruce, fll. S.-J*. 

• Crtnt Dtiff. 187 1»2. •nistory, -107. 

i 972—11 

•eotion VII 

ItfSO 1739. 

the Arab pirate?, who were now thoroughly organised and had ships 
currying from thirty to tifty gans.^ Between 1712 and 1720 four 
Mictions are recorded between the Portuguese and the Arabs, the 
tirst of which was at the mouth of the Kiijpuri river. In the la»t 
three the Portuguese are said to have been successful, but these 
Kuccesses are spoken of in terms which show the strength and 
position of the pirates.* 

In 1713 K^nhoji Angria went over to Sh^hu and the oonoessiofU 

then granted were such as to make him practically independent 
He received all the great forts on the coast from Kh^nderi to 
Vijaydurg, and many inland, including Avchitgad Rajiipur and 
Kh^repataii. Balaji Visbvanitth, a ChitpAwan of the family of Bhat 
and town of Shrivardhan a little north of Binkot, was the chief 
agent in the negotiations which led to this arrangement, and this 
was the first important service of this great man, who was soon 
afterwards appointed Peshwa, and whose successors so soon eclipsed 
the Manitha dynasty. The first consequence of the new alliance 
was the taking from the 8idi of some places which he had hold for 
many years. This he naturally resented, but Angria and Balaji 
VishvanAth invaded his territory and compelled him to submit. 

In 17>0 the ri^fhts of the Mardth^ were acknowledged by the 
Emperor of Delhij and the Konkan was included in what was called 
the SvarAj or Home-rule, over which from this time forward the 
Musalmdns retained no authority whatever. The various proviuces 
were then assigned to the different great officers of state, and the 
Chitnis thus got charge of a great part of tlie Konkan, Angria retaio- 
ing the part alrea«ly granted to him and being very formidable to 
all his Deighljours.' Details of the history of his family and of their 
relations with other powers will be found in the next section. 

Duriiif; the war between the SatAra and KolhApur branches of 
the MarAthas no important operations are recorded in the Konkan, 
and it appears that the rich district of MAI van was left for RAJirAm 
A'ngria and (the Sdvants to tight for among themselves. In 1751 
the treaty of partition between SAt6ra and Kolhdpur was concluded 
and in this Kolhdpur received the whole of the Konkan south of 
Vijaydurg, while the fort of Ratniigiri was given to Shrthu in 
exchange for Kopal,* Vijaydurg itself of course remained with the 
Angrids, but by this time Kanhoji was dead, and his successoi*s by 
their dissensions among themselves relieved the other powers of 
a formidable euerny. The MarAtliAs therefore under Biilaji Vishva- 
nith, having now made peace with the Kolhiipur party were aide to 
make a real attack on the Sidi, for the bombardment of Jaajira 
was a periodical performance which scarcely deserved the name of 
serioas warfare. The Sidi had retained the divstricts of Mah^d, 
Ra3^gad, Dilbhol, and Anjanvel. The Pi-atinidhi in 1733 with the 
conoivance of a notorious pirate called Shaikhji, who was well in the 
Sidi's confidence, took a force into the districts of the latter which 

• Bruce, III. WO, 

' Grant Duff, 1R«, 193, 300, «». 

>Kk>guen, 49-50, 

* Grant Dtiff, 283 ; Ai1chi«<m'» Trefctiea, VI. 87. 

fieotion VII. 

1680 1739 

Roman Catholic faith, and to subject them to the terrors of the 
Inquisition/'^ The Mar^th^ therefore invaded SAIsette in Apnl 
17:^7, and having taken Gho«i bandar and put the garrison to the 
sword speedily got command of the Bassein river, and so prevented 
any succour l^eing sent from Bassein. The fortitications of Th^Lna 
were incomplete as has already been mentioned, and the Governor 
of Silsette retired to Karanja with unnecessary haste.* TMna 
was however defended, and not taken till two assaults had been 
repulsed, the capitulation beiu^ assisted by the Mardthl^ seising 
the families of the defenders and threatening to slaughter them.*^ 
The English sent men and ammunition to assist in the defence 
Btindra, but finding it untenable they induced the Portuguese tO>| 
destroy the fortitications and almndon the place.* The greotl 
church of St. Anne with the Jesuits' college, standing on the sit 
of the present slaughter-houses, was then destroyed, and also thel 
church of Our La.Jy of the Mount now generally knowu as Mount] 
Mary, which was rebuilt in 1761, the great crosses of the two older ^ 
buildings alone remaining. There being no other places of much 
jstrengtii in the islaiul, SfUsette was thus practically lost to the 
Portuguese. The Peshwa thought it necessary to send a very large 
force to the Konkan, but Wiog at the time much pressed in the 
north of India was soon obliged to withdraw a great part of it,] 
Encouraged by this the Portuguese in 1738 made some ga"" 
efforts, and at Asheri defeated the Maratha army and W€ 
preparing to attempt the recovery of Thdna, but it was too late. 

In January 1739 Chimnflji Appa assumed command in 
Northern Konkan, and took Khatalvadn. Dahdnu, Kelva, Shir 
and Tdrnpiir. At all these places there were forts, that of Tar^puf" 
being the most considerable, and the defence there was very obstin- 
ate. There still seemed a chance for the Portuguese, for the Peshwa 
alarmed at the approach of Nadir Slj^h recalled Chimnaji Appa and 
his force from the Konkan to help to resist the invaders in the north 
of India. But by this time Vestlva and Dharavi, the last forts in 
Silsette, had surrendered, and the siege of Basseia had commenced 
and Chimnaji Appa was hero enough to disregard the order of 
recall.* The commandant of Ba.ssein offered to pay tribute to the 
Mar«lth6s and to humble himself as the Sidi had done, but this was 
of no avail. The city was invested on P'ebruary 17, and the 
capitulation took place on May 16. During the interval the 
Portuguese showed all the heroism that was possible to a besieged 
force, and repulsed the attacks which were made with constantly 
increasing obstinacy. Had they been supported by a fleet they 
might have held out till the rains should necessitate the retreat of the 
Maditha army, but RHn^ji Angria blockaded the sea approach and 
their provisions were exhausted. They made frequent and urgent 
appeals to the Bomlmy Govermnent to assist them, which, 
unfortunately for our national fame, were disregarded," and two 

' Rcff. I. of 1880. 

' Bom. Qtiar. Kcvk-w, III. '2':'J. 

' (Iiaiil Duff, 237, 240, 242, 

5 fJrant Duflf, 237. 

* bom. Quai. Uoview, IV. 78, SU,. 

• Bom. Qu»r. Review, IV. 82. 

. Section VII. 



majority of these Chrietiana would not have been steady enongh to 
Btan<l Bpfalnst adversity. The facta however are equally creditable 
to the Manitiiria and to the Christiaoa. The Governor of Bas^ein 
indeed in the articles of capitulation got no better terms for 
the conv«rta than the privilege of three churches within the 
city, one in the district and one in the island of Salsette/ and tho 
Marathds are said to have destroyed some of the churches as soon aa 
they invaded Sdlsette. The Portuguese monks and other white 
priests abamlonod the district with the fazendara, as if knowing 
that they had little to expect from the affection of their flocks when 
tho secular power would no longer help them. But their place was 
taken by ' Canarins * or black priests from ilalab.'ir under a Vicar 
General, who was also a Canarin, and twenty years after the 
contiueat when Anquetil du Perron travelled through the district 
the Christian congregations were all flourishing and in no way 
Tnolested in the exercise of their religion. A good many of their 
churches and convents were more or less in ruins, and of course 
HiikIu terJiplea bad spniog up where none were allowed before,but at 
Thcina the church fetes and ceremonies were celebrated with the same 
pump as at Goa, fifteen native priests being assembled at a functioQ 
m which Dn Perron assisted in the choir: and at Agdshi he found the 
roads full of people " going to church with as much liberty aJB in a 
Christian state."* It is clear from this that if the MardthAs were 
ever inclined to aveoge the cruelties of the* Jesuits and the Inquisi- 
tion, they desisted aa soon as the European leaders had been got 
rid of, and allowed their subjects full liberty of conscience. 

The Maratha state had now possession of the whole Konkao, 
except that part held by the Sidi and Angria, and these powers 
were, as shown above, so weakened as to be formidable only at sea. 
Tlie state of Jawhdr must also bo excepted, for it is said to have 
had command of all the country between the Ghdts and the Biissein 
boundary from the latitude of Bnssein to that of Daman. Still it is 
evident that this large tract was left to JawhAr simply because it waa 
always considered almost valueless, the total revenue being only 34 
lakhs,* and eventually the MaMthfis got possession of nearly the whole 
without any particular opposition. The possessions of the Shirks 
family must also be mentioned, as they continued to hold territory 
yielding a revenue of Rs. 7.>,000 a year down to 1768, when the 
Peshwa put an end to the small state.* The inams were however 
continued to them, and their representatives now live in a very 
reduced condition at Kutra, immediately below their old Gh^t 
capital Bahirugad, and are known by tho surname of Riijo Shirks. 
It is now necessary to return to the AngriAs as their downfall in 
1756 is the next event of importance in the history of the Konkan. 

* Bom. Quar. Review. IV. 84, 
'Bom.Qov. SW. XXVL 15. 

a Du Perron, I. 384, 426. 
' Sftd»r AdAlftt Civil Keport* (1835), 11. «?. 

aeral Chaptart.] 


Thb family of Angria ii by caste MarAtha, and its splendour 

may be considered almost to have begun aud ended with Kdidioji, 

^Itbooi^h bis father Tukaji bad early distinguiahed himself iu 

hivaji's fleet,* It has been already stated that KAiihoji'a power 

ipidly increased during the unsettled days of fciainbhaji and Shahu, 

^m^ in 1713 he was recognised as virtually independent^ and was in 

fact master of all the coast with the forts on it from Bombay to 

"ijaydurg besides a good deal of the inland country, tie nrado 

ijaydurg his capital and in doing so showed himself a sailor of a 

•rent sort from Shiv^ji. It may probably also be owiug to tho 

uncompromising spirit that he was from the first on terms of 

mity, more or less pronounced, with the Bombay Government. 

early as 1717 the English had already m;ido an attempt on 

iJHjdurg, but were not auccessful.^ In 1710 a force from Bombay 

k" - *.d to take Khauderi from Angria, but failed." Tlio then 

at (Joa is vaguely said to have chastised Angria,* but in 

■:T 17'20 the Portuguese found it advisable to unite with tin? 

J . against him, and they burnt sixteeu of bis vessels which 

jwere lying in the Vijaydurg river, but could do Uf)thiiig against tlio 

■ort. In 1722 the same allies attacked Koliiba with three British 

kbipa of the line and a Portuguese army but failed, and in 172 I- the 

Dutch attacked Vijaydurg with a fleet of seven .ships of the Hue, 

two bomb ketches and some land forces, but they succeeded no 

better than the others. Kiinhoji was naturally eocoaraged by these 

failures, and in 1727 he took the Darby, a richly-laden English 

abip boaidea many Dutch and French ships at different times, and 

Dur Ea*t India Company are said at this time to have been put to 

Hn annaal expense of £50,UO0 in keeping up an armed squadron to 

A> '"' ir trade against the pirates, uf whom Knuhoji was the 

1 _ »d chief. In 1728 however he died and his possessions 

600U all in confusion. His eldest legitimate son Sakhuji retained 

ion of Koldba until his death soon afterwards, when his illegi- 

limste brothers AlAn<iji and Yesdji were put in charge by Samblidji, 

aecond legitimate son, who lived at Suvarndurg. Mdndji and 

Iji having quarrelled, Mandji with the assistance of the Portu- 

^ took Kolaba and put Yesiiji's eyes out. Sambhdp then attacked 

but M4uiiji gut aasifttance from the Feshwa;^ to whom he yielded 

Section VTII. 

The Angriaa, 

•OrMt Dvff. 163. * MUUrn. I. 296. *Bom. Quar. Bevi«ir. III. 57. 

*KlogiiMi, 50, 

[Bombay OasettMr 

i7he Angrias, 


Uie forts of Kiitla (probably Kothigad) and lUjnidchi, and repulsed 
%mbhdji.' Tlio war between these two continued for a good manj 
years witti various alternations of alliances, but the Bombay Gofern- 
ment appear nlwaya to have opposed the whole family. In 1780 they 
made an offensive and defensive alliance with Phond Sdvant a^in^r 
the Angriia generully, and in 17-33 a similar one with the Si 
these appear to have had no particular result. The next b" 
we hear of were in December 1738 when Commodore Bagwel with 
four grabs was cruising in search of SambhAji's 6eet, and on the 22nd 
came upon nine of his grabs and thirt-een gallivats issuinij from the 
Vijaydorg river. They stood up the coast, but the Commodore, 
immediately bore down on them, and they took refuge in the 
K.ij4pur river, displaying all their flags. They ran up the river 
furt'ier than the English vessels could follow them, and the 
Commodore rould only give them a few broadsides, which however 
did mnch damage and killed their Admiral,' After this it vra* 
Manaji's turn to be troublesome, and he took Karanja and Elejihanta^l 
but soon afterwards Sambhfiji attacked him and took Chau), AlibAgyJ 
SAgargad, and Thai. B^ldji Bdjiriv was sent from the Dakhan to" 
help to defend Kolaba, and distinguished himself in an attack on an 
outpost, and wiih his assistance Manaji held his own.* In the 
meanwhile the Ensrlish drove Sambbd.ji's fleet down as far as 
Suvarndorg, where they cannonaded his camp and refused to allow 
him to retire to the fort. He however raarftiged to effect his escape. 
In 17-I-0 Saiiibhaji toi.k possession of Bharatgad, Bhagvantgad, and 
the gronter part <"f the Viidi possessions in the JSdlshi province, and 
these were not recovered till 1748,° About this time Sarabhiiji died 
and was succeeded by his half-brother Tuliji. He like the rest, 
%vhet,hor rendering or refusing obedience to the Peshwda, never 
failed to plunder the ships of all those who were not too strong for 
him. The Savants and the Kolhapur captains did the same, and 
these both now and later went among the Engli.<?h by the general 
name of Mfitvuns/ as at an earlier period other pirates were called 
Sunguiceers from Sangameshvar their principal station.^ 

Matters went on in this way till 17oo, when the Portuguese having 
entirely lost their power, and the Manltliiis being on unusually good 
terms both with the English and the Sidi, the two powers 
determined to reduce Taldji Augria by a joint expedition. The 
MarathAs were to keep Vijaydurg and the English to receive Binkot 
with the sovereignty of the Mahdd river and a few villages on its 
banks.^ Orrae has given a long and interesting account* of the 
operations that followed, and his description of the equipment and 
manoeuvres of the pirates is also too apt t^ the purpose of this 
history to allow of much curtailment. Facts related by other autho- 
rities and in particular by Ives, who was surgeon on board 

* Grant Duff, 2.11 ; Maopheraon, 181. ' Aitchiaon'a Trentiea, VI. 119, 200, 

* Bom. Qiiar, Review, iV. Th. * Grant Duff, 247. 

- Hiitcliinsoa, 157. • Grant Doff. 2^*8 ; Field Officer. 163. 

f DeGputto, XII. .30. • Grant Duff, 288. ' History, I. 407 417. 

bneral Chapters, i 


Admiral Watson's ship at the taking of Gherift, will bo interpolated 
to Orme's narrative: 

•• The piracies which Angi'ia exercised upon ships of all nationa 
indifferently, who did not purchase his passes, rendered him every 
day more and more powerful. The land and soa breezes on this 
coast, aa well as on that of Coromaudel, blow alternately in the 
twenty-four honra, and divide the day, so that vessels sailing along 
tbe Coast are obliged to keep in sight of land, since the land winds 
ot roach more than forty miles out to sea. There was not a creek» 
harbour, or mouth of a river alon^ the coast of his dominions 
hich he had not erected fortifications and marine receptacles to 
e both as a station of discovery and as a place of refuge to his 
mIs ; hence it was as difficult to avoid the encounter of them aa 
to Uke them. His fleet consisted of grabs and galJivats, vessels 
peculiar to the Malabar coast. The grabs have rarely more than 
two mastj, although some have three ; those of three are about 300 
tons burthen, but the others are not more than 150. They are built 
io draw very little water, being very broad in proportion to their 
length, narrowiig however from the middle to the end, where 
instead of bows they have a prow, projecting like that of a 
Mediterranean galley, and covered with a strong deck, level witk 
the main deck of the vessel, from which however it is separated by 
• 1' " ' >il which terminates the forecastle. As this construction 
in e grab to pitcfl violently when sailing against a head sea, 

the •leek of the prow is not enclosed with sides as the rest of the 
vessel is, but remains bare, that the water which dashes upon it may 
pass off without interruption, On the main deck under the forecastle 
are mounted two pieces of cannon of nine or twelve pounders, which 
point forwards through the portholes cut in tho bulk-head, and firo 
over the prow ; the cannon of tho broadside are from six to nine 
pounders. The gallivata are large row-boats built like the grab 
but of smaller dimensions, the largest rarely exceeding seventy tons : 
they have two masts, of which the mizen is very slight; the main 
mast boars only one sail, which is triangular and very largo, the 
peak of it when hoi.sted being much higher than the mivst itself. In 
general the gallivats are covered with a spar deck, mad© for 
lightnesa of split bamboos, and these carry only pefcteraroes, which 
ore fixed on swivels in the gunnel of the vessel : but those of the 
Ui^geet flize have a fixed deck on which they mount six or eight 
pieces of cannon from two to four pounders. They have forty or 
fifty stout oars, and may be rowed four miles an hour. Eight or ten 
rabs, and forty or fifty gallivats, crowded with men, generally 
3 posed Angria's principal fleet destined to attack ships of force 
>r burthen. The vessel no sooner came in sight of the port or bay 
whore the fleet was lying, than they slipped tlieir cables and pub 
out to soa. If the wind blew, their construction enabled them to sail 
almost as fast as the wind ; and if it was calm, the gallivats rowing 
towed tho grabs. When within cannon shot of the chase they 
ffeneraily assembled in her stern, and the grabs attacked her at a 
distance with their prow guns, firing first only at the n^asta, and 
B 972—12 

Section VIII. 

The Angrias. 
1700 1766. 

ion VIII. 

► 1766. 

taking aim when the three TnR5.t.3 of the vessel just opened ml! 
together to their view, by which means the shot would probably 
strike one or otLer of the three. As soon as the chase wa* 
dismasted, they came nearer and battered her on all sides until nhe 
strnck ; and if the defence was obstinate, they aent a number of 
j^allivats with two or three hundred men in each, whoboikrded sword 
in hand from all quarters in the aame instant. 

" The Mar^this who were in possession of the main land opposite to 

Bombay, had several times made proposals to the English Go vemnHMlt 
in the island, to attack this common enemywith their united forces^bai 
ft was not before the beginning of 1755 that both parties happened 
to be ready at the same time to undertake such an expedition. The 
Presidency then made a treaty with RiLmaji ?ant, B^Uji Peshwa'a 
;general in these parts, and agreed to assist the Marath^'4 with their 
inarine force in reducing Suvarndurg, BAnkot, and F^ome others of 
Angria's forts, which lie near to Chanl, a harbour and fortitied city 
belonging to the Mardth^s. Accordmgly Commodore Jattie«^ the 
■commander-in-chief oi the Company's marine force in India^ sailed 
on the 22nd of March in the Vrolrctor of forty-four guns, with a 
ketch of sixteen guns and two bomb vessels ; but such was the 
exaggerated opinion of Angris's strongholds, that the Presidency 
insiracted him not to expose the Conipany's vessels to any risk by 
attacking them, but only to blockade the harbours w) 
Maratha army carried on their operations by land. Three d;^ i 

the Maratha fleet, consisting of seven grabs and sixty galiiTars, 
came out of Chaul, having on board U),Ot>0 land forces, and thie 
fleets united proceeded to Comara-bay,where they anchored in order 
to permit the MarathAs to got their meal on shore, since they are 
prohibited by their religion from eating or washing at sea. Departing 
from hence they anchored again about fifteen miles to the north of 
Snvarudurg when Rdmaji Pant with the ti-oops disembarked in 
order to proceed the rest of the way by land. Commodore James 
now receiving intelligence that the enemy's fleet lay at anchor in 
the harbour of Suvarndnrg represented to the Admiral of the 
Mard.tha fleet, that by proceeding immediately thither they might 
come upon them in the night, and so effectually blockade them in 
the harbour that few or none would be able to escape. The Mar&tha 
seemed highly to approve the proposal,but had not authority enough 
over his officers to make Bny of them stir before the morning, when 
the enemy discovering them under sail, immediately slipped their 
cables and put to sea. The Commodore then flung out the signal 
for a general chase ; but as little regard was paid to this as to hia 
foraier intention ; tor although the vessels of the Marathds had 
hitherto sailed better than the English, such was their terror of 
Angria's fleet, th«ii they all kept behind, and suffered the Protecior^ 
to proceed alone almost out of their sight. The enemy on the othfl 
baud exerted themselves with uncopimon industry, flingi]l|_ 
overboard all their lumber to lighten their vessels, not only crowdini 
all the sails they could beod» but also hanging up their grarmenti 
and even their turbans, to catch every l>rcath of air. The Proiectot 




I euue witbiu guu-sliot of some of the sit* rumoi^t, bat tbe 
appro kching, Comoiodore James gave over tho chase, and 
to .Savarndurg which he had passed sei^eral luiles. Here he 
iimaji l^ant with the army besieLriDg, as thej said, the tl»ree 
the niaiij hind ; bat thej were firing only from one gun, a 
mder, at tbe distance of two unle!*, and eveu at this distance 
ip3 did not think themselves safe without digging pita, in 
mey sheltered ihemsetveti covered up to the cbia from the 
I fire. The Commodore, judging from these operations t!mt 
»ald never take the forts, determined to exceed the 
una which he had received from the Presidency, rather than 
,he English arms to the disgrace they would suffer, if an 
»Q in which they were believed by Angrm to have taken so 
ihare, should miscarry. The next day, the 2ijd of April, he 
> cannonade and bombard the fort of Suvarndurg situ^tted 
iland;' but finding that the walls on tbe western side which 
ted, were mostly cut out of the solid rock, he chauged his 
D the north-east between the island and the main ; where 
leof his broadsides plied the north-east bastions of this fort 
rr firod on Fort Goa, the largest of those upon tho main 
"he bastions of .Suvarndurg liowever, were so high, that the 
r could only point her upper tier at them, but being 
[ within a hundred yards, the musketry in the round tops 
e enemy from their guns, and by oooii the parapet of t-lje 
Bt bastions was in ruius, when a shell from one of the bomb 
Bi fire to a thatched house, which the garrison, dreading 
eeiof^s musketry, were afraid to extinguish ; the blaze 
f fiercely at this dry season of the year, all the buildings of 
were soon ia tiames, and amongst them a magazine of 
)lew up. On this disaster the inhabitants, men wometi and 
with the greatest part of the garrison, in all near 1000 
Tan out of the fort, and embarking in seven or eight large 
templed to make their escape to Fort Goa, where the enemy 
Tering a severe cannonade, hung out a flag as a signal of 
r ; bat whilst the MardthAs were marching to take possession 

Hovernor, pt^rceiving that the Cojnmodore had not yet 
R»ion of Suvarndurg, got into a boat with some of his 
-men, and crossed over to the island, hoping to be able 
iQ the fort until he should receive assistance from D^bhol 
in sight of it. Upon this the Protector renewed her fire 
raradurg, and the Commodore finding that the governor 
D protract the defence until night, when it was not to bo some boats from Dabhol would endeavour to throw 
into the place, he landed half his seamen under cover of the 
t ships, who with great intrepidity ran up to the ^ate, and 
«own the sallyport with their axes, forced their way into 
bicb the garrison surrendered : the other two forts <m the 

Section VIII.. 

The Angrias, 

^uv^rarinrg bft«I At lhi« time fifty j^tiwi mounted on the ramparts; anA 
"^ \ Uie »hote •ishty httween thciii. Milburn, I. 205. 

[Bombay Ossetteet 

The AtJgrias 


maiu land had by this time hung out flaga of truce, aud tbe M&r^th^a 
took possessioD of theio.' Thi-i waa all the work of one day, ia 
which the spirited resnlntion of Commodore James destroyed the 
tiinoroua prejuJicea whicli had for twenty years beea entert-iiued of 
the impracricability of reducing- iiny of Auj^ria*s fortified harboars. 
On the 8th of April the fleet and rtrmy proceeded to Biinkot which 
Bunendered on the Hrnt aummoDR, and the Mavdthds consoDted that 
the Company should keep it. RAraliji Pant wiu? so elated by tbeae 
SQCcesses, that he offered Commodore James 2,00»OUO rupees if h« 
would immediately proceed ai,'ainst D^bhol and some other of the 
enemy's forts a little to the southward of that place; and certainly 
tliis was the time to attack them, during the consternation into 
which the enemy were thrown by the losses they had just sustained 
But the monsoon wua approaching, and the Commodore having 
already exceeded his orders, would not venture to comply with 
Maratha's request without permission from Bombay. But 
Presidency, notwithstanding the unexpected successes uf their arm; 
was so solicitous for the fate of one of their bomb ketches, a heay 
iiat-bottomed boat incapable of keeping the sea in tempest uo 
weather, that they ordered him to bring back the fleet into harbour 
without delay. Accordingly on the 11th he delivered t*he forts 
of SuVMrndurg to the Mard.thris, Rtiiking the English tl«g, which for 
the honour of iheir arms he had hitherto caused to be hoisted io^ 
them, and on the 15lh sailed away with his sliips to Bombay : ihiH 
Mardtha ileet at the same time returned to Chaul. 

*' The Marathda had in tlie meantime sent a force from Poona and 
taken some other forts in the Suvarn<liirg district and threatened 
Batndgiri.- B4.nkot was not given up till after the rains, when the 
name of the fort was changed from llimmatgad to Fort Victoria, 
and evcotually the sovereignty of the river and ten villages on il 
were ceded. This was, excepting Bombay, the first territory the 
English possessed on the west side of India, and besides being valued 
for the bullocks that could be obtained there, it soon afterwards was 
found most useful as a recruiting* ground for our native regiments. 
It was probably also valued as a harbour, for the anchoi-age was 
then much better than it has sioco become, and the river was 
navigable for large vessels.* A treaty regulating the trade of tblM^ 
river was conchuled in the following year.* After the rains th#| 
MarAthas under Kamriji Pant again commenced operations in the 
Konkan, and early in the year 1750 they took Aijjanvel and DAbhol 
after a siege, and reported the prospect of the immediate capture 
of Govalkot.* They then continued their operations, and before the 
expedition against Vijaydurg stsirted had reduced all the coast forts 
north of that without any particular loss, except at KajApur, whero 
300 men were killed by an accidental explosion of gunpowder,* 

* The land forts were of little value except as appendages to Suvoxnrlurg. An 
exatniaation of the fort at Hanmi will prove that the prestsiit gateway on the land 
aide is oiiite modern, the only nrigiiial gateway having opened on to the mcka fatiing 
Suvamiiiirg. The walla on the land side are much stronger and higher than thoco 
t<jward« the sea. ' iJriuit liitff, 200. ' Btfnkot Manuscript Dinriec. 

* MUburn, 1. 291 ; Forbes, I. 103. - Aitchison, VI. 4, » (irant Duff, 291. 

*' After the rains it wns determined to attack Gheria, but it was Section VIII. 
80 loDU* since any Enplisliiiiaa had seen this place, that trusting to The AnirriaB 
the re]>urt of the natives, they believed it to be at least as strong- as 1700-1766. 
Gibraliar. and like Gibraltar situated on a mountnin inaccessible from 
the sea. For this reason it was resolved to send vessels to reconnoitre 
it, which service Cummodore James, in the Protector with two other 
shipe, performed. He found the enemy's fleet at anchor in the 
harbour, notwithstanding which he approached within caonon shot 
of the fort, and having attentively considered it. returned at the end 
of December to Bombay, and described the place such as it really 
vras, very strong indeed, but far from being inaccessible or impreg- 
nuble.* Upon his representation it was resolved to prosecute the 
expedition with vigour. The Mar^tha array under the command of 
Kilmdji Pant marched from Chaul, and the twenty-gun ship, and the 
sloop of Mr. Watson's squadron, were sent forward to blockade the 
harbour where they were soon after joined by Commodore James in 
the /^ro/6cfc»r and another ship which was of 20 guns belonging to 
ibe Company. On the 11th of February the Admiral with the rest 
of the ships arrived. The whole united fleet now consisted of four 
uliipa of the line, of 70, 64, 60, and 50 guns, one of 44, three of 
20, a grab of 12, and five bomb-ketches, fourteen vessels in all. 
Bos-.deB the seamen, they had on board a battalion of 800 Europeans 
with. 1000 gepoys under the commaTid of Lieutenant- Colonel Clive. 
Ives says that the MarAtha army consisted of 50U0 or GOUO horse 
and as manj' foot. Their fleet was three or four grabs and forty or 
fifty gallivats, and was lying in the Rajapnr creek (about four 
miles north of Gheria), the small fort of which they had taken 
efore the English fleet arrived.- On its appearance Angria was 
lerriflcd that he left his town to be defended by his brother 
"and went and put himself into the hands of the Mardthds who 
having crossed the river at some distance from the sea, were 
already encamped to the eastward of the peta. Here he endeavoured 
to prevail on Kamaji Pant to accept of a mnsum for his fort, 
offering a large sum of moriey if he would divert the storm that 
ready to break upon him. But the Mardtha availing himself 
hi.« fear, kept him a prisoner, and extorted from him an order 
rT ' his brother to deliver the fortress to the Mardthils, 

iL J if he cuuld get possession of it in this clandestine manner 

to ex- til I- ; :> allies the English from any share of the plunder. 
The Adiuaal receiving intelligence of these proceedings, sent a 
samoioos to the fort on the morning after his arrival, and receiving 
no answer, ordered the sh'ps to weigh in the afternoon as soon as 
the sea vnud set in. They proceeded in two divisions, parallel to 
each other, the larger covering the bomb-ketches and smaller vessels 
from the tire of the foit. As soon as they had passed the point of tho 
promontor}% they stood into the river, and anchoring along the north 
side of the fortifications, began, at the distance of fifty yards, to 

^ ' Ivm WTwte tliat there waa a largo town south of the fort crowded And 
IK>(>nluaii and the houBCs covered with cadjous. Ivea, 8Q, * Ives, 82. 

(Bombay aasetteer 




batter them vs'itb 150 pieces of cannon; the bomb^ketches at the 
aaine time plied their mortars, and within ten minntes after the firiog 
began, a shell fell into one of Angria's j^rabs, which set her on fire 
the rest being- fastened together with her, soon shared the same fate, 
and in less than an hour this fleet, whieh had for tifiy years beeaj 
the terror of the Malabiir coast, was utterly destroyed. In the 
meantime the cannonade and bombardment continued furionsly, and! 
Bilenced the enemy's fire. But the governor did not aurrenderl 
when the night sot in. Intelligence l>eing received from a deserter 
that he intended to give up the place the next day to the MarathiU, 
Colonel Clivo lauded with the troops ; and in order to prevent the 
Maratbas frum carrying tbe\r scheme into execution, took up his 
ground between them and the fort. 

** Ives states with regard to the occuiTonces of tln.H (iny ihat the 
Admiral summoned the fort to surrender on the day he arrived (the 
11th) but received only a defiance. Next morning he sent another 
message, which was not replied to. The engagement began aboul 
two o'clock by the fort firing on the ICimjJinher, The firing went 
on over hfilf an hour before the Ittstoration grab, which had 
belonged to the East India Company and had been taken by Angria 
caught fire. From the grabs the fire was commnnicat-ed to a large 
-ship lying on the shore, and from that to the arsenal, storehouse, 
suburbs and city, and oven to several parts ,of the fort, particularly 
a square tower, where it continued burning all night with such 
violence that the stone walls appeared like red -hot iron. About 
6-30 the fire of the fort was entirely silenced, but the bomb vessels 
continued throwing in shells till daylight. Olive landed about 9 


"Early in the morning the Admiral summoned the place again, 
declaring that he would renew the attack and give no quarter if it 
was not delivered up to him in an hour : in answer to which the 
governor desired a cessation of hostilities until the next morning, 
alleging that he only wnited for orders from A'ngria to comply 
with the summons. The cannonade was therefore renewed at four 
in the afternoon ; and in less than half an hour the garrison, unable 
to stand the shock any longer, called out to the advanced guard 
of the troops on shore that they were ready to surrender, npon 
which Lieutenant-Colonel Clive immediately marched np and took 
posaesaion of the fort. It was found that notwithstanding the 
cannonade had destroyed most of the artiticial works upon which 
they fired, the rock remained a natural and almost impregnable 
bulwark ; so that if the enemy bad been endow^ed with courage 
snfficient to have maintained the place to extremity, it could onlj 
have been taken by regular approaches on the land side. There were 
found in it 200 pieces of cannon, six brass mortars, and a great 
quantity of ammnoitiou and military and naval stores of all kinds: 
the money aiul effects of other kinds amounted to 120,000 pounds 
sterling. All this booty was divided amongst the captors, without 




any reserre either for the nation or the Company. Besides tfle 
vessels which were set on fire during the attack, there were two 
ships, one of them of forty guns, upon the stocks, both of which 
the captors destroyed. 

" Ives describes the cannonade on the second day as longer than 
Onne says. A magazine in the fort was blown np by it about 2 p.m. 
and the signal of surrender shown at 4. But the governor not being 
willing to admit the troops that night fire was again renewed, and full 
sabmts^ion made at 5-15. Clive had been raakiog his approaches 
all this time and had greatly annoyed the enemy with his cannon. 
The colonel and the whole army marched into the fort on the 14th 
at sunrise, and found in it ten English and three Dutch prisoners. 
Oor loss in killed and wounded amounted to about twenty. 

•' Whilst the fleet were employed in taking on board the plunder, the 
tbas sent detachments to summon several other forts, which 
surrendered without making any resistance. Thus in less than a 
month they got possession of all the territories wrested from them by 
Angria'g predecessors, and which they had for seventy years despaired 
of ever being able to recover. In the beginning of April the fleet 
returned to Bombay, where Mr. Watson repaired his squadron." 

Onne in this says nothing of the charges of treachery and bad 
faith which have bo often been made against the British leaders at 
Gh^ria.^ It is not necessary here to go into the questioD, hut the 
fcl' s,:>ems a fair statement of the case : ''The allies (Mardthaa 

ai. _ -h) seem to have been quite a« desirous of outwitting each 

othtrr Its of overcoming the enemy. Both parties meditated an 
cxclnsivc appropriation of the booty which was anticipated and 
both took much pains to attain their object. The English were 
auccessfuL The place fell iuto their hands, and their Maratha 
friends were disappointed of the expected prize."* I'his capture of 
Vijaydurg is one of the few events that have taken place in the 
Konkan which is thought worthy of mention by all the historinns of 
British India, and it may be mentioned that after Admiral Wateon'a 
death in the following year the East India Company erected a monu- 
ment to him in Westminster Abbey, and that a pillar commemorative 
of the captnre of Suvarndurg is still standing at Shooter's Hill near 

TnUji Angria's family were taken in the fort and ho himself 
sent as a prisoner to a fort near Riiygad and kept in coufinemonfc 
till his death.^ The tombs of ToUji and his six wives, one of 
whom became a sati, are shown outside the fort at Vijaydurg. Hia 
two eons escaped after twelve or fourteen years' captivity and were 
protected in Bombay. 

The Bombay Government were now exceedingly anxious to keep 
Vijaydurg and give back B4nkot, but the MarathAs could not be 
iisdaced to consent to this, aa the possession of this fort had been 

Section VIII. 

The Angriaa, 

* Onmt Doff. 291 ; Mill, HI, 172 & note. ^ Thornton, 1. 182. ' Oraut Duff. 292. 

iombay Oazetteef 



Seotion VIIL 

The ADgriae, 

tHfe Peshwa's cbief object in making the treaty and the expedition 
with the English.* j 

As the other branch of the Angria family which retained thef 
Koldba principality for nearly a hundred years longer never took 
any prominent part in the affairs of the coast, it is as well to mention 
here the little that need be fiaid about them. Manaji was in alliance 
with the Mardthas till his death in 1759, when he was succeeded by 
his son Ragboji, who lived and reigned till 1793. He did not 
forget the piratical instincts of the family, but Forbes who passed 
through his territories iu 1771 on his way from Ddsgaonto Bombay 
heard from some Europeans who were in his service that he w\ 
generally beloved by his people and less oppressive than mosi 
Mardtha princes. He resided in the island of KoUba (as hia 
Buccessors continued to do), where were the palace treasury and otbei 
public buildings, but the stables gardens and larger edifices for 
which the fort could atford no accommodation were at Alib^f 
Raghoji was sncceeded by his son MduAji, who was first rejected an 
then acknowledged by the Peshwa and finally deposed by Daulatrar 
Sindia in 1799 in favour of another member of the family. Bnt 
the grandson of the last Manaji eventually succeeded, and died just 
before the conquest of the Peshwa's territories by the English,'^ 
By this time the state had been reduced by gradual encroachmcnU 
to a very small compass, and the whole revenue did not exceed three 
Idkbs of rnpecs. The HAja was however cofisidercd independent but 
received investiture from the Peshwa.* In 1840 on the death of 
the last of the Angriaa of the direct and legitimate line the state 
lapsed to the British Government. Since that the buildings in the 
fort of Kolaba have gone to ruin. 

The fort of Sivgargad, four miles from Alibilg, which is said 
have been built by Kiinoji Angria, must have dominated the whole of 
the Alibag sub-division, except so much as was protected by the Chaul 
forts. It is very extensive and might certainly have held a largtfj 
number of troops, but the fortifications cannot be called strong, and 
the unsubstantial walls and gateways differ much from those of 
Shivaji'a fortresses. The appearance of the fort however from 
some points is remarkably fine. The outer walls surround the top 
of the hill, which in many places has a good natural scarp. At the 
south end the hill stretches out in a narrow tongue, and at the 
end of this is a tapering pinnacle of rock detached from the hill by 
a narrow chasm to a considerable depth. It may be assumed that 
there was no fort here in tho sixteenth century as the hill is 
never mentioned by Portuguese writers. 

I Grant Duff, 292. » Oriental Mem- _ ., 

^ Grant Dwff, 606, fl31 : Aitchi&onii Treatiud, \ I. 131. 
' Elphioitone in East Itidm House Selections, IV. LW, 

pombay Gasetteer 



BeotiOQ IX. 

1766 1796. 

to have been BacH that it was full of Tillages almost all Chnstjanj 

and returned to the cultivators of its soil more than fcwentj-four likhal 
of rupees a year.^ This must have been an exaggeration, bat it is 
likely that the toleration in religion shown to the inhabitants of 
whatever creed made them endure without much complaining the 
additional taxes which the MarAthaa imposed immediately after the 

The state of the district between Bombay and Gheria may bo 
gathered from the last section, and all that can be said about the 
district of M^lvan is that it was, as ever, distracted by the strifes of 
the Angri^s, the Savants, and the Kolhapur Mardthas, but until the 
downfall of the Angrids their influence over it appears to bavo been 
the strongest. 

In 1760 the Mardthis thought it time to recommence operational 
against Janjira, and Ramdii Pant Phadnavis, the Sar Subheddrof < 
the Koukan, besieged the island assisted by a corps of Portuguese. 
The English took part with the Sidi and hoisted the British flag at j 
Janjira* and thus the Mardthds had a good cause of quarrel with 
the Bombay Government. But the disastrous battle of I*anipat in 
J 761, the death of the Peshwa Balaji Bdjirav, and the succession of 
a minor, with the internal dissensions which followed, restrained 
for a time the aggressive spirit of the Marathdt}. Raghandthrilv, j 
doring the youth of the Peshwa Madha-^dv, aspired to rule thai 
Maralha state, and was anxious to keep on good terms withtb 
Euglish, who now desired to possess territory. As most convenientl 
to Bombay their first designs were on Salsette and Bassein,' bat 
Raghundthrdv was not yet prepared to yield places so valuable and 
BO lately conquered, and therefore the articles of agreement now 
concluded with him contained no territorial concession except a 
very doubtful one of the island of Uuderi or Hennery.* The whole 
tone of the agreement, how e%'er, shows that the English were now in 
a much stronger position than they had ever been before, and the 
independence of the Sidi was so far secured that the Mardth&a 
undertook to restore his territories and not again molest them. 
By 1766 the Peshwa Madhavrdv had established his own power and 
80 far retrieved the position of the state that the wish of the Engliali 
to become possessed of Salsette or even of the islands in Bombay 
harbour received no attention. Thus matters continued till 1771, 
when with the death of Madhavrdv began those misfortunes which 
ended in the destruction of the Mardtha state in 1818. 

Grant Doff looks on Mddhavrdv as superior in character aod 
abilities to any of his predecessors, and though ho was only twenty- 
aeven when he died, *' he is deservedly celebrated for his firm 
support of the weak against the oppressive, of the poor against (lie 
rich, and, as far as the constitution of society permitted, for hia 
equity to all. He made no innovations; he improved the system 

» Du Perron, L 380, 395. *Gnr\t Dnff, 324. > Grant Duff, 32*. 

* Aitchiton't Treatiw, HI. 22, 

[Bombay Oaxotteer 



Section IX. 

1766 1796. 

a sliop-lax or mohtarfa. Many additional taxes were afterwards 
imposed/ and -wherever there seemed room for getting in a fresh 
one it was levied, even although it might apply only to two or three 
villages. Siilsette was divided into seven districts, each under a 
irnvdlddr and hirkuns, and it would appear fi*om this also that there 
were no regular civil officers between the subhedur and thu pdtiU, 
The island, however, notwithstanding these heavy taxations ia said 
to have been prosperous till the death of BaMji Bajir^v in 1761. 
Betui'ns of the year 1708 show that tho district of Kalydn, which 
extended from the Pen river to tho Vaitarna and from the Ghita 
about thirty miles towards the sea and contained 7-^2 villages, 
besides the towns of Kaly^u and Bliiwndi, had a revenue of 4^ Ukhs 
from the land and 2^ from cnstoms,* This was undoubtedly a yery 
large amount for such a district considering the circumstances of tho 
times. On the other hand Forbes* description of the districts ho 
passed through in 1771 between Allbng and IMsgaon does not givoj 
one tho idea of the conn try being much worse off as to cultivation 
and population than it is now.* 

The hrst event in the Konkan after tho accession of Ndr^yanrirl 
in 1771 was the reduction of Rdygad, the hurdlddr of which hadi 
been for some months in rebellion. About the same time a British 
envoy was sent to reside at Poona, with the chief object of obtaiuing 
the cession of Sdlsetto Bassein and the islapds of Bombay harbour,*! 
which the Court of Directors had now for several years looked oai 
as a matter of the highest importance, declariug in 1709* thai] 
Siilsotte Bassein and their dependencies and the Marath^* proportion 1 
of the Surat provinces were all that they sought for on tho westi 
side of India. SAlsette was wanted because its produce almost I 
Bupplied Bombay, and with Karanja and Bassein quite sufficed for 
tho wants of tho English. Bassein was necessary for the provision! 
of timber for tho Company's dockyard.^ Some of the inhabitants oil 
the island are said to have treated with tho Bombay Government fori 
its delivery a little later than this.' After tho death of ^dr^yanrdv 
the ambition and unpopularity of Raghundthrdv made the alliancoj 
of tho English very necessary to him, notwithstanding which he a|| 
the ond of 1774 positively refused to surrender the coveted territory* ( 
But just at this time it was rumoured that a Portuguese armame 
was on the way from Europe to recover Sdlsette, and tho Bombsyj 
Government being determined that no European nation should aguia 
settle themselves so close to Bombay resolved to take the island byj 
force. Thdna had just been reinforced by 500 Manithfis : but on J 
December 12 a force of 600 European aud 1200 Native troopti 
were sent up tho creek from Bombay. The batteries were opened on' 
the twentieth ; on the twenty-seventh an attempt w^as made to till up 
tho ditch, but was repulsed with tho loss of 100 Europeans. On tho 
following evening, however, the fort was carried by assault -with 

» Beg. I. of 1808. > Kaly«ln Manuscript Diaries. 
* Urant Duft, 359. 37 1 . * M ill HI. 603, 

THouw of Coimiiona Reports, Vlll. 43. 

" Oriental Memoirs, 1, 204. 
<^ HistoriMl Acvoimt, U. 

Beotion IX. 


Bome time in confinement at Ratndgiri in cliargG of the SubhedAr 
R^mchandra Par^njpe. This man released liim and he soon got a 
large force together, and by the end of the rains had taken twenty of 
the Konkan forts and had a following of 20,000 men. He inarcliea 
through the Konkan and soon bad possession of most of it, and in 
October went up the Borghat, There however he was attacked, and 
being driven down again tried to get protection at Bombay, as the 
Government had to some extent countenanced him, bat not getting 
admittance he went on to Koldba. R^ghoji Angria there took him 
prisoner and sent him to Poena, where he was soon afterwards pat 
to death. A force was then sent into the Konkan under Bhaurdv 
Phanse and speedily reduced it to obedience. Raghundthrdv, now 
an exile, and ready to ally himself with any one, had left Snrat wiUi 
the ostensible purpose of joining the pretended Sadashiv Bhdu, but 
had been compelled to seek shelter at Tardpnr, fi'om whence he 
came in November to Bombay in one of the Company's vessels,* J 
There was at this time owing to the treaty of Purandhar ^ 
between the English and Marathas, but in January 1777 it wmI 
reported from Uoa that the Maratha ilcet*had left Oheria with thel 
design of attacking the Revenge and the Bombay grab, so the 
two vessels sailed off to look for them. After searching in vain, 
about Gheria the Maratha fleet was found on February 16 at thfl 
entrance of a port of theirs called Colo Arbour, three frigates, fivs] 
ketches and ten gallivafcs. The two ships 'went within gunshot 
them, but they declined action.^ 

To the year 1777 also belongs the account of a curiona iotriguo 
carried on by an adventurer named St. Lubin in the name of th« 
French Government. It is not clear how far he was authorised bj ' 
that Government J but it appears certain that his enterprise 
made with their knowledge. He arrived on the coast in a French^ 
merchant ship in March or April 1777, the port of landing beinff 
called " Collahy, a place at the entrance into the river of Chaul. 
The cargo consisting of artillery, firearms, copper, and cloth, was 
landed at Chaul, and an escort of twenty-five Arab sepoys, an i 
elephant, twenty camels, and some horse was sent from Poona, wit' 
a palanquin, to conduct St. Lubin thither. On his arrival he wa _ 
well received by Kdna Phadnavis, and he presented credential* from" 
the King of France, which the French authorities in India, as well 
as the English, declared to be forgeries. Nana Phadnavis, however, 
favoured him, probably with no other object than to annoy the 
English, whose jealousy of French influence in India was notorious. 
In January 1778 the Bombay Government were informed tliat an 
agreement had been signed at Poona between the ministers and 
St. Lubin by which Kevdauda or Chaul was to be made over to 
the French, so as to serve them as a port for the disembarkation 
oi: troops, and this information is said to have strengthened oar 
Government in their resolution to support Rdghoba. BttI 
negotiations were still going on with the ministers, and St. Labia 

> Grant Duff, 395, 398. 

* FATtona, 243. 

Beotion IX. 



the making of any treaty. Active operations being then begun 
various poats between SAlsette and the Gh^ts were > 1 by 

our troops early in 1780/ chiefly to prevent the Mar lom 

catting off supplies from Bombay; for Sdlsetto whicli had formerly 
been so flourishing and prosperous was now pining in decay, so 
that a few years afterwards it is described as " not cultivaling 
a sufficient quantity of grain to maintain the town and gan-ison of 
Thana/'* This may no doubt be attributed to oar Government 
having held to the Mar^tha system introduced after the death of 
Balaji Bajinio of farming the lands to the highest bidder. The 
main part of the army was employed in Gujar&t, and it was not 
till May that Colonel Hartley was sent into the Konkaa,^ A small 
detach tnent had possession of Kalydn, and was besieged by % 
lart^e Maratha army, which was to make the attack on May 25, but 
Colonel Hartley fortunately arrived on the twenty-fourth, and beating 
up the Mardtha cuinpHi the night drove them out of that part of iho 
Konkan, Two battalions were left at Kalydn for the rains, and on 
August 3 an attempt was made to surprise the fortress of Malangjki 
(Bhau Malau) which was not successful.* Our force, however, occa* 
pied the lower works of the fort, and was there surrounded by 3000 
Marathds until relieved by Colonel Hartley on October 1, Th« 
iiext day tho Marathas again took op a threatening position, bat 
Hartley attacked them with such spirit that they shortly afterwards 
rotreated up tho Ghats. The rigours of this war arc shown by the 
fact of three emissaries of the Po on a government having been blown 
from guns at Than a in October.* 

The whole army was now ordered down from Gujarat to the 
Konkan, the Europeans coming by sea ; but General Goddard with 
the rest of the troops marched from Surat to BasseiiL He took 
twenty-eight days doiug this, from the roads being still so deep anJ 
the rivers full, and arrived before Bassein on November 13. The 
fortress at this time is described as a regular polygon withool 
outworks of any description,* but it was strong enough to roqaire 
the siege to bo carried on by regular approaches. The first battery 
of six guns and six mortars was 900 yards distant from the fort 
and was opened on November 28. On December 9, a battery 
of nine heavy guns at a distance of 500 yards was opened, and Bi 
the same time another battery of twenty mortars. Ou tho tentbt 
when a breach wns nearly effected, a condiiiooal offer of surrender 
was made but refused, and next morning the garrison surreridered 
at discretion. The loss on the British side was but small." In the 
meantitne the Maratha chiefs had made great efforts to send down 
troops, and Hartley had been constantly engaged in the neighbour- 
hood of Kalydn and the Borghat and had a large nnmber of sick 
and wounded. He however on December 8 moved to Titvdla in the 
direction of Bassein to prevent the Maratha force cutting him off 

'Offtot Duff, 428, 433-34. 
'Oraiit Duff, 437. 
* Field Omcor, 137. 

» Reg. I. of 1808 ; Hi>v«:-, 12-14* 

^ B4ukot Manuscript Diaries. 

* MUl, IV. 3S>9 ; Thwruton, II. 191. 

Section IX. 


1781 (before the operations of that year about Kaljdn and the Gluitfl 
had bcg^un) it is reported that *' Badlapur aud Damod, which were 
considerable towns, and every village hut and stack on the high 
road betwcfu KhopavH and Kalydn had been burnt, and the 
iuliabitants for the most pnrt tied/' The non-return of seventy-five 
carts and forty-four oxen which had been taken from AgAshi by the 
array, wnuld, it was said, cause great distress to the district of 

No further operations took place in the Kookan after the rains, 
and in March 1782 the treaty of Salbye w^aa concluded^ by which 
all the recent conquests including Bassein were restored to 
ManUhjis, though the restoration was not abAolutely made fori 
npwards of a year,^ aud the cession of Salsette, Elephiinta, KaraQJ§|^ 
and Hog Island to the English finally confirmed. No furthe 
change of any importance wa>> made in the govez'ning powers of thfl 
Kfmknn for the next thirty-tive years, but it may here bo mentioned I 
that iu 17S2 tho MarAtban, who had gradoaily taken from the 
Jawhdr Rf^ja the greater part of his territories, confirmed him ia j 
the possession of the small remainder, which beholds to this day.* [ 
3d 173:3-81-, a dispute which tho MarJitha state had with the Panlj 
Pratiuidhi of Vishfllgod about the districts near Ratnjigiri held by 
them jointly was settled by a treaty. These districts inchidetl • * 
considerable part of the Sangameshvar Ratndgiri and llajjipnr 
sub-divisions, the Peshwa's subheilnr at Ilatnagiri being the chief 
authority of that government. The river and port of Sangarae&hvar 
are mentioned in this treaty as if they were of importance, and 
among- other stipulations is one that the khots and the piitils who use^i 
to be kept two months in Vishiilgad fort for the settlement of their 
accounts, must not iu future be detained more than four days.* 

It is now time to return to the affairs of the coast, where piracy 
stil! flourished not less than before the fall of itngria. In 1765 
the piracies on the coast south of Vijnydnrg induced the Bombay 
Goverumout to send a force which took Mfllvan from the Kolhfi}nir 
authnrities and RAtri from tho Savants.'^ The name of the island-fort 
at M^lvan was changed from Sindhndurg to Port Augustus, but in 
the beginning of the following year the place was restored ott 
payment of Rs. 3,()0,000."' A promise to pay a further sum was made, 
and permission given for the establiahmeut of a factory at MAlvan, 
which does not appear to have been made use of, Hdiri was not 
returned till October 1760, because our Government and the Sdvanta 
could not agree as to the price of it.* Eventually Rs. 8U,0<>0 were 
paid, and the \'inage and the district of Vengurla was raado ovBt 
and mortgaged for thirteen years.' The mortgagee however was not 
permitted to realize the revenues, and the agreement to abstain 

' BeUpnr KalyAn and Karnnja MMutscript Diaries. 

» A»tchi»on'fl Treaties, III. 4ft ; Mill, IV. 41 1. > Grant Buff. 

* Oovernment Soloetiims, XXV'l, 1&. * Thom.'w' Treatic«, 658. 

* (Irant Duff. .>0,S - 510. ' A\Mnmxi"a Treaties, VI. 9L 

" ILliji Mftfni^riiiit Di;irieii. • Aitchisoii'a Treaties, VI, 1*25. 


rBombay Qasettoef 


Seotion IX, 


in point of fact never dispossessed, and his descendants still rul« 
Janjira, which tlie Marathds never succeeded in taking.^ 

In 1777 the Maivan district was overrun by the Kolhdpur troops 
after an insurrection by the chief of Vishalg^d and others, and in 
1782 there was another expedition in which the chiefs of Vadi were 
for a time subdued. In 178G however disturbances again took 
place, and tbo Rdja of Kolbapur himself took a large army into the 
Konkau. He stormed Bharatgad, the fort which commands the 
beautiful and very fertile valley of Masura, Nivti a well-known fort 
on the coast between M divan and Vengurla, and Vishilgad which 
commands the -most level part of the Southern Konkan.® On 
account, however, of the Sivanta getting assistance from Goa ho 
evacuated Nivti and Venguria, but appointed mdmlatdars and other 
officials to the rest of the newly-conquered territory. Khera Sdvant, 
instead of going on fighting as was usual to him, negotiated with 
Sindia, and eventually the district was restored to Widi in 1793. 
Maivan was however retained by Kolhdpur'* and for a few years this 
part of the Koukan enjoyed peace. In 1792 while these events 
were in progress the Bombay Government had prepared an 
annament agaiust Kolhiipur, but this was not despatched, as a 
treaty was made by which the English were allowed to have a 
factory at the island of Mdlvan (Sindhudurg) and to hoist their flag 
there till all claims were paid.* 

A few facts worth recording come into this period and aro here 
mentioned without particular arrangement. In May 1790 a forco 
left Bombay to co-operate with the aimy which had just invaded 
Tippoo Sultdn's territory. It was disembarked at Sangameshvar, 
and after halting there five days marched up the A'mba Ghdt, the 
steepness of which is proved by the march up taking only an hour 
and a half. 

Although there was artillery with it, a second detachment went 
by the same route in the following November. The entrance to 
the river at Jaygad was at this time defended by forts on each 
side. A wall of communication ran up the side of iho hill on the 
south shore from a battery of eleven embrasures on a level with 
the water, which like the other fortifications was in very bad 
repair.* The factory at Fort Victoria was found useful during 
this war as the Resident purchased and received from Poena 
between eleven and twelve thousand bullocks/ and sent them down 
the coast for tho use of the army.^ At this time Thana is described 
as a straggling town with several Portuguese churches and a 
number of Christian inhabitants. It was garrisoned by a battalion 
of sepoys and a company of European artillery. Tho fort is 

» Aifcchison's Tre«tio«, VI. 208 ; Grant Duff, 507. * Account of KolhApur, 499, 
' Hutchinson. 159. « Aitchison'a Treaties, VI, 94 ; Grant Duff, &09, 

* Field Officer, 183 ; Moor, 2, 9, 47* 

• The average price paid wa« B«, 32 p«r bullock, which seema high for the tim*. 
' Bd&kot Mauiucript Diari«it 

rSombay GaEOtteer 

THE BEiay of ba'jiua- v and tue britisit 

1706 TO 1818. 

In 1796 Nana Phatlnavis, unable to secure hig own power or to 

prevent the accessiou of Bajiiilv.fled to the Konkan, and put garrisoas 
ill Pratfipfjad and K^ygad. Ho himself stayed at Maliad till October, 
by which time he had collected an army of 10,000 lueu.^ Thes«J 
efforts were so far successful that, under the treaty of MahAd^ 
concluded in the same inooth when Bajirdv was enthroned as 
Peshwa, Nana Phadnavis returned to Poena as minister.* Bui 
from this time the chiefs audjaghirddrs were utterly uncontrolled 
and assumed independence, while the Dakhau was overrun wilJi 
banditti. This state of affairs culminated in October 1802 with tho 
victory of Yashvantrdv Holkar over Sindia and the flight of Bajiniv 
from Pooua.'"* He fifsfc went to Sinhgad, but after staying thero 
only three days he hastily retreated to Ray gad, and having releaseil 
Mahd-devrdv lldste, who had been confined there since April of th 
previous year, he went down to Slahad.* He had with him GOOOori 
8000 men, and at his request an English vessel was sent down to 
B^nkot to take him up to Bombay. He wished to send his family 
and the families of his attendants to Suvanidurg, but the commandant 
refused to recci%^e them. Grain for the smbsisteuce of his force had 
to be sent from Bassein and Bombay, this being the year of tho 
great famine. The Sar Subheddr of the Konkan, KhanderAv Rflste, 
joined him at MahAd from Bassein, About November 22 Holkar 
with his army came down tho Par Ghat, on which the Peshwa fled 
to Suvarndurg, while some of his followers took refuge in the 
English factory at Fort Victoria. Suvarndurg, however, was found 
to be ilia defenceless condition, and the Peshwa therefore embarked 
in one of his own vessels escorted by two belonging to the Bombay 
Government. He put into Chaul and stayed there some days, and 
on again embarking was so harassed by contrary winds that on 
December 15 he put into Manori in Sdlsette, from whence he went 
on to Bassein, arriving there with about thirty followers on tha 
seventeenth. In tho meantime Holkar with 5000 troops had taken 
with very little resistance Rdygad and Savarndurg and in the latter 
the Peshwa's family.^ Colonel Closo who had been awaiting tiie 
Peshwa' s arrival in Bombay with Mountstuart Elphinstone^ then his 

> Grant Duff, 625 ; Asiatit Annual Register (1803), 58. > Grant Duff, 285, 

* ElphJDBtone in E. I. House SoloctbiiB, IV. 147. * Grant Duff, 558. 

* Blue Book relating to Mar.1tha War of ims, 3n0 -463 ; Asiatic 
(1803), 23. • Bom, B. A. H. Jomnnl. VI, J>7. 

; Asiatic Aoaaal Regutcc 

[Bombay Oaietttsr 


Seotion X. 


BftiJ also to liave suffered severely, and here the ravages of war no 
doubt assisted the faiuine. But on the whole it is doubtful if an/ 
villages were deserted or depopulated.^ 

On the death of Khera Savant in 180;} the district of Miilvao 
again fell ioto its usual disti-ucted condition, and in 1806 the RAja 
of Kolhdpur before the end of the monsoon descended into the 
Konkan and took Bhamtgad and Nivti, but as he soon returned 
above the Ghats tho Vddi troops quickly retorted by overrunniu^ 
♦ he district and burning the suburbs of MAlvau. The crueltie;* 
ronimttted on thisi occasion were something uncommon even in that 
district, and the Kolljiipur RAja then returned and carried on the war 
in the VAdi districts, while an advanced party raised the siege of 
Bharatgad just begun by the Vadi troops. Nivti and Rairi however 
had ffiUeu to the Sivanta. In 1808 the Kolh:lpur troops had Ui 
rtjtrcat, and in tlie next year Phond Savant had to fly before Man- 
fiinghrfiv Patankar who followed him as far aa Rf'tjapur and levied a 
heavy contribution on that town tiiongh generally quite beyond tho 
range of Vadi politics. In 1810 the Dakhan troops had again to 
leave the Konkan, and lUiri aud Nivti were retaken by the V^ddi 
chiefs.* The piracies of both these powers had continued unchecked,* 
and their serious import to this' Presidency may be judged of by 
the fact that tho Duke of VV'"elliiigton only two days after the battle of 
Assayc wrote (with his own hand as was usual to him) a short despatch 
00 the subject to the Bombay Government.* The pirates appear 
to have been equally bold on the seas north of Bombay, for in Iv^OS 
an officer going to Cambay had a guard of sepoys with him who 
kept their muskets loaded and were constantly on the look-out for 
pirates.^ The remedy adopted was the blockade of the ports 
belonging to Kolhapur and V^di, but this of course could not 
continue for ever, and in 1812, when the settlement between the 
Peshwa and Kolhapur was made, the harbour and forts of Mdlvau 
were ceded to the English by KolhApur, and the fort of Vengurla 
with some land adjoining by the Savants.^ Nivti was left to the 
latter but a guard of British troops was stationed there to see that 
no piratical vessels roade use of tho port. From this time till the 
cession of the whole Konkan, the Bombay Government kept a civil 
and military establishment br>th at Malvan aud Vengurla, The 
cession brought to an end the troubles of this district from the 
Kolhapur state, but the SAvants by their internal quarrels kept the 
country in confusion for several years longer.'^ The claims of the 
different governments on tho district were complicated and 
extraordinary, the revenue being divided among the Peshwa, tho 
R^ja of Kolhapur, the iSjlvants, and the Pant of Bavda, with 
separate payments for the forts at Malvan. In January 1813 the 

^ Report on Pwrt Fmnines, 11 G. ' Hutchmaou, 161 - 166. 

'Two hrothera nametl Baptiji and Hirilji, whn. aro remeiiibored by persons still 
fl88S) living, ita having snent their last daya at Millvan io great poverty, were, wheu 
youtiff, noted for the cruelty and dmring of their pi raciea. 

* Manuscript Rec<»rds. • Fiehl Officer. 458. 

• Aitchinon » Treaties. VI, 97, 129. - Aatatic .lourual, VIII. 78. 

sral Chapters! 



ian took RUarat^ad from the Kolbdpur authorities, aAcl 
not restored till a British detachraeut was sent from KolhApur 
urob. This force afterwards went on to KAiri, but returne<l 
the GhAta before the monsooa.* In 1815 the districts 
aging to Vddi in two iarafu north of Malvan were occupied by 
CO from Mnivan,- bat this was only to prevent aggression on 
»rt of the SAvants. 
ufore coming: to the events which led immediately to the ovor- 
of the Peshwa it is necessary to say somethiog about thw 
uanafrement of his districts in the last years of the Mardtha 
government Long previously to this all the districts had been let 
DQt on farm> but BAjir4v allowed every aggravation of this evil, for 
leases of district? were oft-en summarily annulled on a higher offer 
being made, and thus the element of uncertainty was added to the 
Other inducements the farmer had to extortion. And if a farmer 
faiJed in his payments, not only his own property but that of hi» 
leciirities was confisciited, and very frequently he himself sent to 
ft hill-fort. To the farmers was committed the superintendence of 
both civil and criminal jni?tice in their districts, which enahled tbeni 
Ui increase their exactions by fines. And, as the complaints of the 
people were never listened to by those in authority at Poona, the 
larmers would seem to have had no inducement towards leniency, 
.it may be thought strnnge that thrv evor failpd to make their 
cts pay.' 

rahmans and other influential people got their lands at lower 

\ than the common cultivators, and were also exempt from many 

bf the cesses, and this gave rise to what was called the PM-ndharpesha 

.* As an instimce of summary repression of crime it may bo 

ioned that the imtil of Chauk in 1810 caught two Bhils (more 

^bly KhAtkaris) and hung them np by the heels in the sun naked 

t»y died. This is said to have had a good effect ou the Bhils.* 

v|ijBODg the minor results of the loose system of government that 
, may be mentioned the frequent changes in the stations of 
ir9f of which the following is an instance. Nasrapur was 
[1y the head-quarters of the district about Karjat, but on a 
Dermkhi Brahman getting the farm of the district he removed his 
olEce to Dahivali close to Karjat. where there was a large settlement 

tpevrukhis. But about 1811 a Chitpdvan became farmer or 
ttUildar, and a Devrukhi village not been agreeable to hitn ho 
loved his head-quarters to Kadva. Places may often be fonnd 
lolerable proximity, which have at one time or other been the 
d-quarters of a district, and this may probably often be accounted 
Shy reasons similar to the above, 
iat notwithstanding the baflness of the government the districts 
)w the Ghits were so much better off than those of the Dakhan 
that they derived considerable advantage from the contrast- There 

Seotion X. 

1798 1818. 

• llolchinBon, 161 • !<'.-». « Hntohinwin. fi : Grant Duff, fii!. 

* llTROt r»utT, 624. • Manuacfipt Record*. * Set> ly. 3<>. 

B 972-1 B 

[Bombay OBcetteer 




was so little cultivation in the Dakban owing to the con^^t'int 
movements of Pendharia and armies, and the population of Poona 
was 80 large that the Konkan tdlukds below the Ghats where the 
peace was bat little disturbed became the chief gninaries of the 
Martitha go\^ernmont. The Nasr^pur division in particular bene6ted 
by this state of thingfs, and the averi^jre price of rice received by the 
cultivator in the later days of Manitha rule is said to have been as 
much as two rupees a man.^ 

Chatnrsing, brother of the Raja of Sdtdra, had for several years! 
carried on predatory operations a^riinst the Peshwa's povemment, ' 
but he was taken prisoner in 1812 by Trimbakji Dengla, irba 
seduced liitn to a eonrorence, and was confined until his death in 
1818 in the fort of Kan;:iori, where two European otticers were alsc*J 
imprisoned in 1817. After Cliatursing's imprisonment an impostor 
carried on the rebellion in liis name, and the Raraoehis under hii 
were very active in taking" f'lrfs and pliindering" the couctry.] 
Troops were constantly ont after them, but they were neve 
suppressed as long as the Peshwa's government lasted, and thej 
districts of Suvarndurg and Anjanvel are said to have suffereJ 
particularly from their raids.* In the beginning of 1817 three] 
or four distinct bodies of Pendaris descended into the Konkan' 
intending to sweep the whole coast as far as Surat. One band 
completi'ly sacked some large villages near Suvarndurg ; another 
body plundered Mnliad in February, but did not venture to attack 
B&sgaon which was defended by a body of invalids.* At the same 
time a body of six or serea hundred was at Panwel, and either j 
this or another force of them advanced as far as Bhiwndi, but ureroif 
prevented by the rivers from entering the rich co«st districts ol 
Bassein and Jlahirn. They however marched by Asheri to TXrapur 
and from there op to tlie Portuguese frontier, the inhabitant* of 
course fleeing before them, nnd at Bordi, a rich coa^t villi 
only a few of the latter had come back in the following year.* 

BAjIrav three or four years before his deposition had bniT 
palace at Guhagar,* six miles Btmih of Dabhol, both as a hot- 1 
weather retreat and to enable him to perform his religions rite«»| 
on the sea-shore. Every one who has been to this delightful 
place will acknowledge Bajirdv's good taste in fixing on the " Bay 
of the Brdhmans *' as it was eslled by the Portuguese nnd early* 
navigators.* He visited it for some years in snccossionj his routllJ 
being down the Kumbhiirli Ghdt and throngh Chiplun, where ths 
bnilding now csed as the kwhcri was erected for his accommodation. 
The greater part of the palace at GiihAgar was pulled down shortly i 
after our Government took the Konkan, and the materials used foP^ 
Government buildings at Ratnagu-i.' 

* J. M- Da vies' Manaacript Reports of 1836. 

'Grant Duff, C32, fiW, fi78 ; E. I. House Selectv ns.Iir. 783 A IV. 140, 148. 
^ Asiatic Journal. IllOif! k IV 315. * Dickensoin'a MAauHcript Report. 

» Wttddington's Manuacript Report. " De In Vnlle. lU. 143. 

' Gruiit Duff does not nieniiom these expeditions, but Thornton says that B4jirAv1 
ir«lit there every year l>et\vpctv hh ie»toratk)n »iu\ fiokl ilopo«ition. HiBtory. IV. 431. ' 

[Bombay 0«ieneir 



BeotioD X. 

I70d 1818 

andertakea against hitn.* As however on this occa«ion the Peehwt 
yielded at the hist moment he lo-.t his last chance of saving him&elf 
by the oM MarAiha safeguard of retreating to the Konkan forts. 
It is possible that his experiences of R.-^ygad and Savarndurg in 
1802-3 rendered him less ready to^hut himself up in the Konkan than 
Mr. Elphinstoue anticipated. It was said tbat he had entrnsted 
the principal forts to some of his chief orticers, Revdanda being, 
made over to Angria's diwan, and it was believed that the fort 
were in a better state of defence than proved to be the case.* 

Rdygad was restored to the Peshwa in August,'* but after 
rains the Bhils and Ramoshia were enlisted by him, and employed ia| 
shutting op the passes through the Ghdts.* They also invaded the 
Kalydu district, and niimbei's of the inhabitants took refuge in the i 
forts of Bassein and Miihuli.* Early in November these marauder^B 
held the Borghiit. The Bombay troops kept open conimunicatioas^ 
between Khopali and Panwel, but a despatch from General Smith 
near Poona to tlie Commander-in-Chief in Bombay had to be sent 
round by Bankot.* When the Pestiwa nioved northwards in 
December, preparations were made to prevent him from going 
down into the North Konkan,* and in point of fact ho was on one 
occasion clo-ie to the Nanaghdt.* The fort of Kotligad in the 
North Konkan was at this time taken for the Peshwa by a Sardar 
named Bflpurav L^mbia, but on December 30 was retaken by 
Captain Brooks without loss." No other operations were necessary 
north of Bombay, but small forces were prepared for the reduction 
of the forts in the Southorn Konkan. Hostilities were be'ifun by 
the capture, at the end of November, of Suvarndurg, wln'ch made 
little resistance. In January 1818 a force under Colonel Prother^ 
consisting of 380 Europeans 8UU Native Infantry and a battering ■ 
train, took Karnjila, and within a month afterwards the forts ox I 
Avchitgad, Songad, P^li which was bombarded for two hours, and 
Bharap. the hist a strong place the fall of which hastened the 
isurrender of the Pant Sachiv to the British authority * It wa,s 
cannonaded for twenty-four hours before surrendering, and an 
immense store of provisions found in it* About the same time ■ 
Mandangad, where there were two forts with a tnple stockade in ■ 
the space between/" was taken by escalade by a small force from 
Suvarndurg under Colonel Kennedy." and here a seaman was killed 
And nine or ten sepoys wounded.' These operations wei-e in many 
cases very diflScultfrom the necessity of dragging guns up to the 
top of the hills on which the forts stood. The acquisition of these 
was considered especially necessary, because the families of our 
sepoys belonging to this district had been so persecuted by the 
Peshwu*s officers that in January 1818 proclamation was made 
offering pardon to all sepoys who might on that account have 

' Blue Book as above, 94 - 98. ' Blue Book relating to War in India (1819), 80. 

' Grant Dull, 646. ' DicUenson'i Mttnoscript Report. 

» Blue Book, 119, 129. « «;rafit Duff, 656 i Blue Book, 140. 

? Aaiatic Jouroa). VI. 96. * Blanker, 246 ; Blue Book. 128, 177, 246. 

» Munincnpt Rec'H*. "^ As. Jouraal. VI 320. " Bine B"0k, 208. 


Ucserted from our arrny.^ It was also rightly anticipated that 
outside of the forts we should meet with no opposition. 

The Peshwa had now tied so far to the north that fears were no 
longer entertained of his descending^ into the Konkan^ and Colonel 
Prother's force was therefore culled up into the Dakhan.* There 
be reduced many forts, including R^jm^'ichi and Kudri which 
commanded the two most direct routes from Bombay to Poona.^ 
In the meantime a detachment under Major Konnett took the fort 
of Nawapura by escalade. Captain Barrow defeated at the Kasur 
Ghdt (which had for many years been much used by troops passinpf 
between the Dnkhan and Gujamt) a body of Arab Musalmtins and 
Kolis commanded by Bilpurdv Lambia, which had plundered and 
burnt villages in that part of the Konkan. Colonel Kennedy's 
force reduced R Am gad and Palgad in the Khed district and paid 
the kifleddr lis. 50u0 for the possession of Kasalgad, a place of 
strength in the same neighbourhood, after which the force occupied 
Khed.* In April Colonel Prother's force returned to the Konkan 
with the chief object of taking Rdygad where the Peshwa's wife was. 
He was reinforced by six companies of the 67tli Re,^iraent, and a 
detachment of the 89th which up to this time had been at Malvnn.* 
The force first destroyed a stockaded post near Ind^ipur, and there 
slaughtered a number of the enemy, and after taking the forts of 
Tula and Ghosal;i reached Mahild on April 24. On the moniing 
of that day a detachment of the force carried a stockade at the foot 
6f Haygaii and occupied the petha and thus cut ottHhe escape of the 
Peahwa's family for which two elephants and a number of camels 
and horses were found prepared. A passport was sent to the 
Pe^hwa's wife, wliich however did not reach her, as the Arabs 
fired on the tlag of truce. On the twenty-sixth the whole force 
l)e3ieged the fort, and after ten days the garrison began to treat 
for the surrender^ being chiefly impelled totliis by a shell from our 
batteries having set the palace on fire and done a great deal of 
damage. The negotiations were carried on till May 10, when the 
fort was surrendered and five lakhs of rupees taken in it. The 
garrison consisted of 100 Arabs and about SOO other troops. 
Nearly all the buildings had been destroyed, but there were 
•* marks of grandeur where streets of length with apparently once 
beautiful and regular buildings had been." The temples and tomb 
of Shiviiji could with difficulty be made out, but most nf the 
destruction had been caused before this siege. The work of 
Colonel Protht-r's force, which from first to last had suffered very 
few casualties, was concluded by the capture of the forts of 
LingAna, K^ngori, Chandangad, and Mahipatgad." The European 
troops then returned to Bombay, the Native Infantry were cantoned 
for the rains at P^li, and a new battalion, composed of those who 
bad deserted from our regiments and had been allowed to return, 
was formed at Kudri.* 

Seotion X. 

17ed - 1818. 

' Blac Book. 212; Aa. Journal, VI. 219. ' Blue Book, 2B5 j WiUon, II. 321. 
UiLmilton, II. 152, * Asiatic Journal, VI. 320. * Blacker, 246, 310. 

• Moe Book. 264 -341 ; Wiliou, II. 324 ; Grnnt Diiff, 679. 

[Bombay Oaxdtteer 

Section X. 



*In the Dieantiiiie a force from Mai van under Colonel Imlach had 
taken the forts belonging to the Peshwa in the Sdlshi district. 
Siddhagad was at tirst unsuccessfully attacked, but with the help 
of a detachuH-nt of tlie 8Jth Ro^iiaont, which put into Mdlvan on 
account of advt'rsij winds, a second attack was successful.* 
Bhai^vant^rad inad<.' some resistance, and its capture wtis followod 
by the occupation of Achra. Devgad was taken and an attempt 
made on Vijay<lurg, but so heavy a fire was opened on our vessels 
that they were forced to cut their cables and return to Devgad. 
There a number of tlio enemy held some stockades on the oppoail6 
side of the river and commandod the harbour, but a party attacked 
and defeated them with considerable loftS. 

The force under Cdonel Kennedy having got possession of all 
the forts in the Suvaradnr^ district took Anjauvel on M'vy 17, 
and from there went on to Govalkot, where it was found that a 
lar^e body of Utimoshis had been plundering through the district 
and had taken posse.s-sion of Oliiplun. They however professed 
peaceable intentions and evacuated the town. The force thea 
took the forts of Bairamgarh atid Bhawaugarh, and an order was 
obtained from the Deshmukh of Katuagiri at SUara for the 
surrender of the forts in that taluka, namely Ratnagiri, Purangad, 
Jaygad, and Siitavli. These were not in our p-issession till the 
beginning of June,- aud in that month the conquest of the Southern 
Koiikan was completed by the unconditional surrender of the district 
and fort of Vijaydurg,' which were held by two brothers of the 
Dhulup family, one of whom was suhh^d'tr of the district and the 
other kilhddr of the fort and Admiral of the Peshwa's fleet The 
Dhulaps are said not t<"» have been in the fort at the time of oar 
force appearing before it, but two Musalmau brothers fired a few 
shots from the walls till they wore b»«t1i killed on the spot by the 
bursting of one of the gims, aftiT which no further resistance was 
made.* The Admiral's vessel of 430 tons burdetj, 156 feet lonj_ 
and 3S feet beam, was t«ken in the river, aud the dock, 355^ 
feet long and 257 feet in the broadest part, remains to this day, 
There was also a small building-yard and a mast-house.* 

While the South Koukan forts had thus been falling into oar 
hands one by one, CaptAin T. Dickenson, of the Engineers, had 
been examining those in the North Konkan ceded t<j us in th« 
previous year. The chief of these was of courso Bassein, bat thai 
fortress formerly so much coveted was now found to be '* ai 
acquisition of no military importance." Its circumference 
upwards of a mile and a half, but it had "fundamental weaknessea 
in the too great distance between the main defences and the 
absence of any ditch or parapet of greater pretensions than a 
breastwork, while the ramparts were in many places ovei*growii 


1 Asiatic Journal. VI. 320. 

i Asiatic Journa.], VI, 418 ; Blue Book, 219, 248 - 264, 281$. 

* AttAtic Journal, VII, 57. * Local information. 

•■ Aaiatic Journal, IX. 123 ; Waddington* Manmscript Report. 

General Chapters ] 



"With jungle, and there was scarcely a public building habitable.^' 
AmAla waa the next in importance of the coast forts, and Tarapur 
the next, both from its better state of repair and its central position, 
being about 500 feet in length and breadth, with wall.-j about ten feet 
thick atuJ, including the parapet, thirty feet high. There were eis^ht 
other forts on the coast between the Vaitarna and the Daman 
frontier, and these were generally in rather better condition than 
those inland, bnt of little use from their small size, beiuj? chiefly 
kept np as a security against pirates and to command creeks. Of 
inland forts there were sixteen, mostly insulated and in the midlle 
of the jnngle, and there were four which might be called GI»At 
forts. The gateways of all were said to be the best part, bnt "it 
ii hardly possible to conceive a more neglected state than the forta 
•rally are in. It would seem that for the last twenty years not 
le laltxiur of a single person or the expenditure of a rupee has bf^eu 
saoctionod by the Peshwa's government either upon the works 
theuiselres or the interior buildings. Even the water in many 
l»ces has been allowed to become unlit for use." Ashen 
klutigad and Miihuli Captain Dickenson considered impregnable, 
Lt owing to their isolated position useless under our Government, 
and of the whole be said that "the most insigrtiBcant is adequate 
against a siege by a native enemy, but the best in their present 
state untenable perhaps for any length of time against Europeans."* 
In the end it was decided that the coast forts should not then be 
destroyed, as the inhabitants niigljt have a feeling of insecurity 
'itbiiut them, and ihoy mostly remain untouched except by natural 
^y to the present time. Of the inland forts the interior parts 
were destroyed as far as possible, but the outer works being left, 
the hills have scarcely lost in picturesqneness. Bassein Arnala 
and Tarapur, and tJie Ghat fortresses of Gorakgad Kotligad and 
i> ) held small detachments of soldiers for a short time,* 

bu ,0 now for many years past been abandoned to solitude. 

Thos the operations in the Konkan were brought to an end, and 

th« whole of the districts which Bad been the Peshwa's came under 

the BritiKh Government. There were still parties of maranders 

ng about, and in September 1818 a body of 500 Arabs 

lis and Pathins were attacked at Poladpur by Lieutenant 

»y, who had been left at Mab^d with seveuty-tive sepoys and 

140 hor»<», and were defeated with considerable loss.* 

Two prisoners of importance were kept in the Konkan during 
iho rains of 1818, Chimn^lji Appa the Peshwa's brother, who was 
allowed to remain at Bassein till the season should admit of his 
proceeding to Benilres,^ and Trimbakji Dengla who more than any 
one else might be called the cause of the Peshwa's destruction. 
He was again confiued in Thdna fort, from which be had escaped in 
1816, and after the rains was sent to a prison more distant from 
the scene of his exploits.^ 

' Dick«iiflon*s Manaecript Report. • Manaioripi Recorda. 

> Aclinic Journal, VII. iZl. * Blue Book Pindhari and MarAthft War, 347. 

* Wil%>n, II. 365. 


1796 - 1818. 

fBombay Gaseltder 

Section XI. 

The English. 


rBEVloUS TO 1818. 

Wk have now reached the period when the successive Nativ 
governments had given place to the English tliroughout the whol 
Konkao. Before proceeding with tho history of the Konkai 
under British rule it is necessary to go back and describe the early 
aetblements made for purposes of trade, and the measures taken foi 
the management of the small possessions of our Government in thi; 
part of the Presidency previous to 1818. 

As early as 161 1 the English East India Company had directed 
their attention to Dabhol with a view to the establishment of a 
factory, bnt they wore opposod by the Portuguese.^ Sir Henry 
Middleton with three ships went there in February ltil2, and 
stayed somo little tinip, receiving great civility from the Sidi^ 
governor, nod procuni^g some trade.' But the Company'** B 
settle menfc at Surat was for some years sufficient for their 
requirements. In 1618 further attempts were made to trade at 
D;ibhol,'' and in 1 G24 and for two or three years afterwards difficulties' 
both with the Dutch and the Moghals caused a proposal that th 
factory and establishment should be removed there from Surat, k» 
tlie inhabitants lia<l made moat friendly offers of accommodutiun 
and protection.* This was not carried out, but ten years later a 
phirnian for a factory at IMbhol was asked for and refused, and no 
further attempt seems to have been made.* In 1(338-9 the first 
Freetraders or Interlopers, the association of Sir William Courten, 
established a factory at Rhjf^pnr in the Southern Konkan, and 
when, owing to tho great power of the Dutch, in the following 
year the English East India Company desired a place which 
would be secure from them aiiid capable of fortitication, Rdjilpur was 
recommended as the beat after Bombay, In It] 1-9-.50 the Musalraan 
governor offered the trade of this town to the President at Surat ■ 
because of the bad character of the Interlopers, who had incurred ■ 
heavy debts there. The offer was accepted as at Rdj'ipur pepper 
and cardamoms could be obtained without exposure to the 
opposition of the Dutch * and it is also said that the finest bateldn 
and mualins were at that time produced about there.' But just 
about this time Courten's association was incorporated with the 
East India Company, so thflt the factory at Riij^piir was continued 
on the same footing as before. In 1660 several factories wore 

' Brace, I. 165. ' Ortne'B Fragmenti, 323. 

■ Mtlbarn, Introdnction, xviii, * Uruoo, 1. 2(51, 274. 

& Bruce, I. 'i'AA. Hamilton states that the English had a factory at DAbho). but tho 
writer found do confirmation of the statement, except that Grose in 1750 mentiona it 
as one of the places at which the £nglish have forts factories or settlements : Kaox. 
IL 488; Pinkerton, VIII. 350. 

* Bruoe, I. 357, ."568, 444 ; Maopherann, 115. ' Hamilton in Pinkerton, \TII. 352. 

FBombfty Ouetteer 


Section XI. 

The EfjglTsh. 

more picturesque than any European power would have been likely 

to leave them. 

Of the French as connected with the Konkan besides their 
factory at Rdjapur and the intrigue of St. Lubin, ^ven in Section 
IX., the only things that can be mentioned is that in June 1695 
there was an indecisive engagement o£F the Vengurla rocks between] 
seven Dutch and five French ships. The Datch retired to Goa andj 
the French to Surat. 

The successes of the Dutch against the Portuguese have already! 
been described. After the decline of the Portuguese the Dutch' 
Btill had their fortified factory at Vengurla, but do not appear ever 
to have come into collision with the English in the Konkan. There 
was always however great jealousy between the two nations, and in 
the treaty concladpd with the Maritha state in October 1756 the 
firat article provided that the Dutch should be excluded from the 
Mardtha dominions, and another article forbad their admission to 
DAnda-Rd.jdpur.^ In 17G7 they are said to have wished to have a 
factory at Bassein, and still later the jealousy between them and the 
English at Surat and elsewhere was very strong.* 

As has been already stated the acquisition of Bankot and ita 
dependent villages in 1756 gave our Government its first territorial 
possessions on this coast, and from that time different arrangementa, 
though of course at first on a very small scale, became necessary. 
The fort and factory however were what were chiefly considered. 
No provision for the administration of criminal justice was made 
except as regarded the most trifling offences, but the Residents 
were in the habit of sending offenders for examination and trial 
before the Courts in Bombay,* and in 1797 the then Resident was 

beyond his powers in punishing a 
The pay of the civil officers and the 
increased or reduced rather with 
the Presidency than on any other 
consideration, and in 1772 there were but 120 sepoys with a proper 
proportion of ofticers. In 1780 the armament of the fort was two 
twelve-pounders, five nine-pounders, twelve six-pounders, and four 
four- pounders. In 1781 the financial embarrassments of the 
Presidency caused the whole expenses of Bankot, including the 
troops, to be reduced to Ra, 2000 a month.* The Chiefs constantly 
complained of their small profits, but Dr. Hov6 in 1789 wrote* 
that the Chiefs of this factory commonly retired after a few 
years with immense sums, and that the post was calculated as good 
as the council ship at Bombay. In 1802 however the pay of the 
Chief was raised to Rs. 600, and private trade forbidden to him. 

Silsette, our next acquisition, which had been so prosperous under 
the Portuguese and so fertile as to have supplied not only the 

superseded for having gone 
dethmukh for 'contumacy.** 
number of the sepoys were 
reference to the finances of 

» Aitchiaon'a Treaties, III. 17. 

> BtavorinoB, III. 107 ; Hoiwe of CommoDB Beporto (1806), 42, 

* Reg. I. of 1811, * BAokot Mftoawript Diariet. > Toure. 12, 14. 

Section XI. 

The English, 

In 1801 a permanent settlement was offered to the then holders 
of land in S^lsette, with a decennial settlement of commutation 
rates, but it wap accepted by only four individuals/ although sanadu 
had been prepared and printed at an expense of seyeral thousand 
rupees.- In 1807 the grain assessment had risen to 8320 raudite, 
but apparently with less land under cultivation. At the end of the 
prerioua century large estates had been granted to a few British 
subjects in Salaette with a view to the improvement of the country, 
and several of the present (so-called) khots cf Silsette derive their 
rights from these original grantees. Between 1798 and 1803 the 
Sion causeway was built,* which was undoubtedly the greatest possible 
benefit to SAlsette, and in the last«mentioned year the customs duties 
which had been hitherto levied on all goods passing between the two 
islands were abolished.' Thus it will be seen that the Bombay 
Government of those times were not so mach indifferent to the 
welfare of the territory they had gained as ignorant of the greatness 
of the abuses which the Marathds had allowed, and slow in removing 

But where their financial position was not affected, they showed 
more consideration, for provision for the administration of criminal 
justice was made very soon after the acquisition of territory. In 
Salsette and Karanja the Residents had from the first been 
empowered to investigate all offences and misdemeanors not capital 
with the assistance of two native assessors, while capital cases were 
sent to Bombay for trial by the Mayor's Court. In 1 799 a Judge 
and Magistrate was appointed for the islands vested with civil 
criminal and police jurisdiction.^ In civil suits an appeal was 
reserved to the Governor in Council sitting as the Sadar Adilat, 
while the more serious criminal cases were committed to the Court 
of Session, which consisted of the Junior Member of Council and 
two civilians nominated for the occasion. Quarterly sessions were 
held at the stations of the Magistrates, and capital sentences required 
the confirmation of the Governor in Council. Provision was even 
made for the trial of suits against Government, and the jurisdiction 
of the Judge and Magistrate of SAlsette was in 1803 extended to 
BAnkot and its dependencies, and the Court required to sit in that 
district for 20 days in each year.* In 1807 the junior member of 
Council became sole Session Judge of Salsette.® The arrangement 
however only lasted till 1810, and after that the Provincial Court of 
Circuit and Appeal at Surat received jurisdiction over Sdlsette.' 
By the same Act separate Magistrates were appointed for Karanja, 
as inconvenience wa^ felt from the island being dependent on the 
periodical visits of the Sdlsette Magistrates, and from there being 
no communication with tho other stations for three months in each 
year. These arrangements continued till the cession and conquest 
of tho rest of the Konkan in 1817-18, and the history of the district 
since that era may now be continued. 

T Reg, I. of 1808. ' ManuBcript Records. 

' It was ftt first constricted with a drawbridge in the centre. HAtnilton, II. 188. 

*K*g. V. of 1799. * Reg. III. of 1803. ^ Reg. I. of 1807. ' Reg. II. of 1811. 

If 1818 the whole Konkan, with very little more exception than 
ftt the present time, was nnder the British Government. The state 
of Sdisette has been described in Section XI, and it is also of 
importance to show the condition of the rest of the Konkan at 
the time of its acquisition. No one who knows the Konkan now will 
Boppose that it can have been very flourishing under the Mardthtis, 
and it is in fact easy to prove that bad as was the condition of 
Silsette that of the rest of the district was far worse. 

The system of farming out offices to the highest bidder was in the 
later years of the Peshwa's government rendered still more odious by 
the insecurity of the possession of these farms : for so-called leases 
were often summarily annulled on a higher offer being made. At 
the same time the taxation was exceedingly oppressive : in the 
Northern Konkan a list of thirty-six different taxes is given, cessea 
being levied even on cattle, vegetables, and poultry. The poverty 
of the people in general and the number of deserted villages were 
soflScient evidence of the evils of this system. ** The Kolis, Bhils, 
Rdtkaris, Thdkurs, and other almost savage tribes who inhabit 
the jungles " were in the habit of plundering the villages at every 
opportunity, and were said to bo in the most degraded state of 
human nature.* In the neighbourhood of the forts (which it must be 
remembered were scattered all over the districts) " the country was 
for miles round with scarcely an inhabitant, almost without an 
implement of any kind, or an artificer of the humblest description. "- 
Only one exception is mentioned to the generally wretched state of 
the country, the island and sub-division of Bassein, where sugar- 
cane and plantains were as now produced in abundance. " From 
Bassein to Dantivra every inch of the ground is highly cultivated, 
and the comparative and well-known wealth of the inhabitants is 
aacribable to the fertility and highly cultivated state «f the island."* 
There was also an excellent road from Ddntivrato the Damanganga, 
but here the coast villages seem to have been freely plundered by 
the PendhAris.' 

The Southern Konkan, which had of late years suffered less from 
the miseries of war, appears to have been in a better condition. 

Section XII. 

British Rule, 
1818- 18S4. 

> EMt India Houb« Selections (182f7), III. 767, 770. 
* Dkkenson I Manuscript B«port. ^ East ludift 

Houte SclccUons, III. 770. 

[Bombay Oacetteel 



Seotion XXL 

British Rule, 

tliough evou there very few of the villages consisted of " more tb; 
a rade cluster of thatched mud hats," and it was stated as thei 
misfortuDe that there were no village walls for defence, so that the 
Tbaga and R^moshia were frequent visitors.^ " A man wearing aj 
decent turban or ever so coarse a dress attracts one's attention ad 
being above the lower orders/'^ The sub-divisions of Suvariidui^ 
and Anjanvel were said to be the moat prosperous of all in the 
Southern Konkan, and the revenue there soon after the establishment 
of our Government was ''easily and punctually collected."' It 
seems probable that tbe kkots, while themselves forming a body of 
men less poverty-stricken than the ordinary ryots, protected the 
latter to some extent from the rapacity of the Peshwa's officers.' 
The produce of the whole district was reported as very small : still 
the natural remark was made that " on viewing the face of the 
country, which to a cursory observer presents little less than bare 
hills, rocks, ravines, jungle, and mountains, the surprise is rather that 
there is so much, than that there is no more." The population was 
put down at 640,000, and as this included some part of the present 
Koldba district, while the present population of Katnsigiri alone ia 
put down as over a million, the difference will be seen to be very 

This being the general state of the country it must be stated that 
at least three causes concurred to depress rather than to improve the 
condition of the people during the first years of British rule. In 
the first place the Konkan suffered in a very excessive degree from 
the return of the military men now thrown out of employ, as, 
besides numbera who had served in the cavalry and infantry, most 
of the forts in the Dakhan as well as along the Ghdts and in the 
Konkan had been in a great measure garrisoued by Konkanis.' 
Secondly the great demand for grain, especially rice, in the Dakhan 
and particularly at Poona which resulted from the absence of cultiva- 
tion above the Ghdts and the presence of a great Court and army at 
Poona, suddenly ceased, for the Court and army disappeared together, J 
and the immediate increase of cultivation in the Dakhan made ilfl 
independent of the supply of Konkan grain, so that it soon became 
an exporting instead of an importing country.* Thirdly the ruin ,— 
of the Chitpdvan dynasty which had always kept the great officeaH 
of the State to a great extent in the hands of members of that caste ^ 
and had favoured other natives of the Ratmigiri district, could not 
have been otherwise than a most serious loss to so poor a country 
as the Southern Konkan. The measures taken for the improve- 
ment of the district were to a great extent counterbalanced brfl 
these inevitable causes of distress. " 

Before entering on the general settlement of the country it was 
necessary to define the rights of those Mar^tha states which under 

' Pell/i Manuscript Bepcrt. * B. 1. Hoase Selections, 111, 765 - 769, 784, 790. 
' Wingate'f Mann»cript Report, * J. M, Davi«s' Manu*cript iUporte. 

[Bombay Oasett«er 



Section XII. 

Britiah Rule, 

station ever since oar Government got posaessiou of S41sette, and 
at ttie beginning uf this century there was also a military establish^ 
ment at Vesiiva/ fifteen miles north of Bombay.^ VesAva had been 
spoken of by Gemelli* a<i one of the three forts of Sdlsette and 
the harbour is mentioned by Hamilton as deep enough to receivo^ 
ships of the greatest burden.* A small force was kept at Bhiwn<3"'' 
for some time and also at Panwel. There have now for many years' 
been no troops in the district, except a wing of a Native Infantry 
Regiment at Th^na. 

lu the Southern Konkan small detachments were kept for some 
years at Baokot Malvae and Veognrla, which had all been for some 
time in our occupation, and also at Hnrnai. It was thought 
necessary, however, to make one regular military station, and Dapoli 
was fixed upon. About 1840 the regular troops were removed, and 
the veteran battalion alone kept there, and after 1S57 this also was 
abolished, and the Southern Konkan left without any military force 

Thdna had from the first been the civil station of Salsette, and 
became naturally the capital of the North Konkan. On July 11, 
1825, Bishop Heber consecrated the church which had just been 
finished, and which he describes as " extremely elegant and 
convenient, and the effect very pleasing." ^ It was necessary also 
alter wo took the country in 1818 to fix on a place for civil head- 
quarters in the Southern Konkan. Bdnkot Malvan and VengurU 
were out of the question as being at the extremities of the district 
Officers sent to report on the matter considered that Jaygac 
Vijaydurg and Ratnagiri were the three most suitable spots,* 
and eventually the choice fell on the last-named, which has since 
been the head-quarters of the district. About 1830, however, th^J 
North and South Konkan were joined into one coUectorate, but th^J 
arrangement did not last long. 

The first Collector of the North Konkan, Mr. Marriott, lost no 
time in recommending the abolition of a great number of the taxes, 
and within a year or two a rough survey was made of the whole 
coUectorate.^ But even in 1833 Sir John Malcolm wrote of "the 
hitherto unproductive island of SAlsette," and only looked forward 
to its improvement by '* respectable and opulent natives of Bombay " 
settling in it.^ Yet for several years after he had left India our 
Government levied duties at the rate of twenty-five per cent on all 
goods imported from the oast into Sdlsette and the other parts of 
3ie district which had belonged to the Portuguese. This w^aa a 
Mardtha impost, and our rulers apparently thought it so harmless aa 

» The proper name of the village in which the fort is sitaated in Madh, which a 
military author romantically tranakted " Isle de Mer/' The Native Regiment 
Btationed there in 1810 *' had every amuaemout aad comfort that men could require, 
an excellent meas, good houaes &c." Seely, 2. 

» Lord Valentia, II. 182. » ChurchiD, IV. 198, < Pinkerton, VUI. 343. 

' Heber's Journal, 11, 144. • Mannncript Records, 

f E. L House Selections, III. 769. ? Government of ludia, 81 and Appx. 63, 

General Chapters 1 


to retain it when many other taxes were abolished.' The ruggcdness 

of both Konkans and the intersection of the coiintr}' by large tidal 

rivers prevented the improvement of the greater part of it by 

, Toad-inaking", so that it is only within the remembrance of the present 

^generation that anything 1ms been dono to open out the inland purta 

*; the district But boforo the end of ISiJO a «^reat military rond 

been constructod from Panwcl to Poona, and the Borghat opened 

for wheeled vehicles, which the Poena Government had on political 
grounds refused to let our Government repair a« long as it was in 
their power.' This new road was said by Sir John Malcolm 'Ho 
break down the wall between the Konkan and the Deecan." About 
the same time the road from Thana to Nasik (afterwards part of 
Um Agra road) was made, and the opening of the Talghat, though 
it was not available for wheeled vehicles, had the gi-entest effect on 
trade, for up to that time Berdr cotton used to reach Bombay by the 
circuitous route of Surat. The Kumbharli Ghat was also made at 
this time, althongh not then passable for carta^ and the road across 
I Jlahabaleshvar from Sdtilra to Mahitd was completed at the joint 
' ejtpense of the R.'^ju of Ssitara and our Government.* 

Thus something was done to improve the inland parts of the 
province, and the coast villages have from the beginning of our rule 
flourished and increased. The Konkani Brdhmans had not lost 
their old aptitude for government, nor the Konkani Manithas their 
inclination towards military employ ; so that, though a great part of 
the district had not, up to a few years ago, made much progress, and 
a small portion was and still is inhabited by some very uncivilised 
tribes, yet as a whole the Konkan probably felt the blessings of 
peace and strong government as much as most other parts. 

In 1836-38 anew assessment was made all over the Thana district, 
chiefly by Mr. J. M. Davies. It was found that owing to the fall 
in the price of grain in the Konkan Saddshiv Keshav's assessments 
of 178b which had then represented one- third of the produce were 
now equivalent to one-half, and a reduction of rates had to be 
made accordingly. Up to this time and for several years after the 
cultivation of the hill lands, which is now so largely carried on, was 
of very trifling extent, and scarcely any restrictions were placed on 
the destruction of trees which from thi-ir abundance were thought 
of little value. ^ In the Southern Konkan owing to the peculiarity 
of the tenures the eui-vey was delayed almost up to the present 

The two political events of chief consequence in the Konkan 
between 18!?0 and 1850 were the lapse of the state of Kolflba in 
1810 on the death of the last of the A'ngriils of the direct and 
legitimate line,* and the insurrection and military operations in the 
V^li district in 1844-45. The sub-diviaiona of the Kolaba state 
with those of Pen, Rajpuri, Mahdd, and Thai, which had hitherto been 

Section XII. 

British Rule 
1818 - 1884. 

' J. M. Davies' Manuscript Report*. 
• MAlcoltti, IU7, Appeodix m, 69. 

» Seely. 59. 

* Aitchibon'B Treaties, VI. 182. 

Iritish Rule« 
L1818 - 1B84. 

the chfirge of tlie First Assistant Collector of ThAna, were formed into 
a su!)-collectorate aod recently into an independent collectorate. 
The Savant viidi disturbances scarcely extended to the ^Idlvan 
sub-division although its villages are moch mixed up with those of 
the VAdi state, but one of the insurgent leaders attempted to raise 
the people of Malvan against our Government." The Konkan waa 
uiily affected by the mutinies of 1857 l>v a wing of the Native 
Infantry Regiment which mutinied at Kolhapur being at Ratnagiri 
aud the fears entertained that the mutineers would march down. 
A steamer was sent to take away the ladies and children from 
Ratnigiri, but no disturbance took place. The ruffian, afterwards 
known as Nana Sdheb, was the son of a poor Brahman of V'engaou 
H village of Karjat, and waa adopted at the age of fonr by the 
Peshwa Bjijirdv. Nflna with his parents and brothers then went to 
live with his adoptive father in Bengal, and the Konkan had no more 
to do with him. The gifted French naturalist Victor Jacquemout 
in October 1832 contracted the illness of which he died two months 
later by his botanical exploration in ** the postdential jungles of 

Since 1 850 the condition of the Northern Konkan has been entire- 
ly changed by the railways that pass through it, and the roads which 
now render most parts accessible. Salsetto in particular now (1883) 
presents a very difiTerent appearance from that described forty years 
ago. The hills are stdl covered with jungle, Init are therefore more 
valuable than if scanty crops were grown on them, and much even 
uf the better land is every year loft uncultivated, but only because 
the gi'ass gives a valuable return without the trouble and expense of 
tillage. The great numbers of carts which during the whole fine 
season pass aloug the roads and tbo flourishing appearance of the 
villages prove that Salsette has now to a great extent at least 
recovered the prosperity it had 200 years ago. The rest of the 
Northern Konkan is in various stages of progress, part having 
improved nearly as rapidly as Silsetteand tw^o or three sub-divisions 
being still, owing to want of population, not much better than the 
whole w^as described as being in 1818. Of the JSouthern Konkan 
the two northern sub-divisions, that is those nearest Bombay, are but 
little behind Sdlsette, but the greater part of it is, and by the nature 
of its position must remain much isolated, while its greater poverty 
prevents the rapid extension of its communications, so that up 
to about 1860 it was probably but little different from what it 
was in 1818. But a cart-road now runs through the whole length 
of it, and steam navigation has of course been in its favour. The 
district stilt manages to attract to itself money earned in other 
parts of India, while those of the natives who take service elsewhere 
generally return to end their days in the place where they vrer^ 
born. During the years of the gi*eat public works in Bombay 
thouaanda of labourers used to go up there for the workiug season 





General Chapters.] 



and return home for the rains, and though this practice declined 
with the dedine of speculation in Bombay, greater numbers than 
ever find their subsistence in the factories of Bombay. 

Looking at the future prospects of the Konkan it must be said that 
the Northern Konkan at present suffers in its inland parts from a 
want of population and capital, but the whole of it may in time be 
as flourishing as the coast villages are now. The Southern Konkan 
is overpopulated, and nothing can make any but a small part of it 
fertile, nor does it seem likely that it will be ever distinguished by 
manufactures, or that mineral wealth will be developed. But it 
holds a race oi men who in the last century conquered nearly the 
whole of India, and who show no signs of degeneration, and no 
one can for a moment suppose that the progress of education and 
science will leave the country of the most intelligent and industrious 
of Indian races unknown and unimproved. 

Section XII 

British Rule 
1818 - 1884, 


History op the Dekkan 

Down to the Mahomedan Oonqnest. 


M.A., Ph.D., C.I.B., 










Ih tibis flecona edition of ihe "Early Hiatorf o! the DeUcan,^^ I 
Iav» embodied the zesolts of fiesh researdies published by others and 
myself wiUiin the last ten years. Some of my own have^ however, beeix 
laid before the pablio now for the first time in this book^ 

E. G. B. 

Pwma, lOih January, 189Su 



Introddction .»• ,„ ... ... ... ; — iv 

Sbciion I. — Etymology of the word Dckkan and ita donotaiioa.lSS^l^l 
Skctios II. — StitUcmcnt of tlie Aryaa in tho Dokkan ,,.13S — 137 

Secttion hi. — Approximatodate of the Aryan Beltlemeutin tho 

Dokkan and noiices of Southern India in ancient Indian 

Literature and Inscriptionfl .-. •■• ...138—145 

Section IV, — Political History of the Dckkan or MahAr/lshtra — 

Analyaia of the historical inscriptions in tho cavo-tomple« 

of Western India ... ... ... ...146—154 

Section V. — Native and Foreign Princes montionod in the 

i nBcri ptions . I d en tiflcation of tho former w i th the Andhra- 

bhrityaa of the Pnranas ... ... ...165^ — 156 

Section VI. — Chronology of tho Andhrabhrityaa or ^tavA- 

hanas ... ... ... ...157—168 

Section VII. — Political and literary traditioiia about the 

6&tav&hanai or ^Hvahanaa ... ... ...169—172 

Section VIXI. — ReligiouB, social, and ooonomic condition of 

MahHrikshtra tinder the Andhrabhrityaa or ^tav&hanas ...173—176 
Section IX. — Probable history of the period between the eztino' 

tion of the Andlirabhrityaa and the rise of tho Ch41ukyaa...l 77 — 179 
Section X.— The early ChMakyaa ... ... ...180—193 

Section XI,— Tho RAslitrakatas ... ... ...194-210 

Section XII Tho later Ch&lnkyas ... ... ...211—224 

Section XIII.— The Kalachuria ... ... ...225—229 

Section XIV, — The Y&davaa of Devagiri,— ^ar/y history of tht 

family ... ... ... ... ...230—236 

Sbction XV*— Ditto ditto later history ..,237—252 

Section XVI.— The 6ilfthftras of Kolh&pnr ... ...253—257 

Appendix A. — ^Noto on the Gupta Era ... ... 258 — 263 

AppiNDix B, — Note on tho {^ka datea and the years of *ho 

Barhaspatya cycle occurring in the iwicriptionH ...264 — 267 

ArpBEuixC. — Introduction to Hemiidri'a Vratakhanila> RAja- 

prdasti I. ... ...268 — 273 

Ditto ditto II. ... ...273—275 


Page 154, line 6 from bottom, far Vadahttpntn read VftsiBh^pntr* 
„ „6ri&Sri,A«re ,, Srt 

161 „ 

167 „ 

»i i> 

171 .. 

187 „ 

189 „ 

190 „ 

391 „ 

23 „ 

6 » 

18 „ 

12 .. 

11 » 

22 „ 

27 „ 

11 .. 



198(tiMf6ftll „ ^ 

» line 
194 „ 

»» »> 
197 „ 


199, mai^ginal note. 

„ line 34 from top 
200 „ 6 „ „ 
201, marginal note. 

206, line 17 from top 

tf •• «* 

.. 207 „ 

y, 211 .. 

„ 218 „ 

„ 235 „ 

>. 237 „ 

« 238 „ 






13 ,) ), 
12 „ .. 
12 „ „ 


„ OvQAdhyft 
„ Gnijara 
„ ABha4ha 
„ 7kUaaakaI,A«re 

„ Vinayaditya 
„ Brahamaniam 

ft Bzahmaniim 
„ in the Soathem „ in Southern 
» Yadd 

„ BAshrakft^ „ 
„ Pai^an,A0re at,, 

n Sarva „ 

„ NftrAyana „ 

„ ^&h&ra „ 

„ Kriahna, here ae „ Kpshna 

„ Ehirep&^A«r0 

„ donb , 

„ EUOanjara 
„ Gaddaka,A<rea«„ Oadag 

„ SinghaAa 
,, Sflktimuktavali 








BrUhmit y"" 








„ Snkt-, here <u 





Additions and fdkthee Corrections. 

P, \B7,/in>lnot( 1, add at the end^ E^rMd pUtcs recently put iqIo my t^^aeaoion and 
not yot pablishcd. 

P. 196, li}t€ 35, after WardhS,, Jtere it» mil a% everywhere henceforward except en 
I. l^jt, 207, add and Karh&d und make the nwfUMary i/rammatical changet^ 

^. 190, ?jne 30, <i/l<'r death, add Tho Karbad charter represents the fire of 
his prowess to have burnt tho Chalukya race. 

P. 206,nrt«23,a/termoathB, add In the Bbadangrant^ the latter is repre- 
sented to have reigned for a year. 

P. 207, lints 6 and 7, for tke amtnioe f.ndinfj with dominions, suftntituU He 

expelled the prince Racbclihyanaalla from the throne of the Glanga 
country and placed on it a person of the name f>f Biituga, or BCitayy» 
which name has been 8anskritized into Bhutarya ; and destroyed the 
Pallavas to whose race the Dantiga killed by bim probably belonged. 

P. 207, line 20, at the rnd odd The Karhad charter was issued in 880 
S'aka, i. e. 18 years after ibe Wardhti grant. It contains two stanzas 
more about Krishna III. than the latter ; and these must in conse- 
quence be regarded as alludinfir to events which occurred between S^aka 
862 and 880. As stated tlierein, to consolidate bis power Krishna de- 
prived some of his feudatories of their principalities, and granted them 
to others who were meritorious ; some were separated from eacli other 
and others joined together, *' With the idea of conquering tho south, 
he uprooted tbe Chola race, placed the territory ruled over bv it under bis 
own dependentsj made the kings of tbe Chera, Pitidya, and other coun- 
tries along walb Simhala or Ceylon his tributaries, and erected a trium- 
phal column at Ile(a)me^vara/* In an inscription at Atakur in the 
Maisur territory, tlated 872 S^aka, Krishnaraja is represente<l to have 
fouffht with the Chola prince Rajadityaand killed bim. In tliis last act 
he was assisted by BiitQga, bis Ganga feudatory mentioned alxjve, and 
Butuga was rewarded for his services by being granted additional terri- 
tory.^ In a village in tbe Chingleput district of the Ma*lnis Presidency, 
which must have formeil a pait of the ancient kingdom of tbe Pallavas, 
there are tw^o inpcriptions dated in the seventeenth and nineteenth years 
of tbe reign of Kannaradeva, i.e. Krisbuadeva^ in which be is spoken of 
as the conqueror of Kachchi or Kaiicldpura the capital of the Pallavas 
and Tafi jai identified with Tanjor (Tanjiivur or Taujapura) which was 
the capital of tbe Chola princes. Another inscription at Vcllore is 
datetl in tbe twenty-sixth year of his reign ; and there are two more 
containing bis name in South Arcot* which was proliably inelude<l 
in the Chola kingdom. These facts bear out the statement in the 

» Publiahed hy Prof. KiL-lliora, Epigrraivliia Iiidicjij Vol. III., p. 271, 
*Epi^rapbm JmMca, Vol. II., pp. J72-74. 
^Ib. Vol. III., pp. r2-B5. 

B 972-6 


Ivarh&tl grant of his having uprooted the Chola race and held the 
country . by placing it nnder his dependents, and another in this and 
the AVanfiia grant that the Palkvas were destroyed by him. This 
latter event, however, took place l>efore S'aka 862 the date of the 
Wardha grant, while the conquest of the Chola prince came on later. 
By the Karhad charter which was Lseued on "Wednesday the 13th of 
the dark half of Plialguna when 880 years had elapsed rince the time 
of the S'aka king, the cyclic year being KtUayuIia, Krishna granted, — 
while encamped at Jklelpati with his victorious army for the purjjose 
of apportioning the southern provinces among his dependents* taking 
charge of all the popwftsions of Ai'eles'vara, and constructing temj)leB 
to be dedicated to certain gods, — -the village of Kaiikim in the district 
of Karahafaka to the great S'aiva ascetic GaganaSiva who was the 
pupil of li^'anaiSiva and was conversant with the oivasiddhantas or sacred 
books of the S'aiva sect, for the bcneht of the whole gro\ip of ascetics. It 
would appear from this that S'aivism llourithed about the dibtrict of 
Karhad at thie ])eriod. 

P. 2^0, to the dates under Krufkita III, add 872, 880. 

raff» 133, 

Une IS from bottom 



146, Hne« 1 9 and itC from top „ 



Unc 21 „ „ 




>» 31 II ti 



it ^^ »i II 




» 33 „ „ 




f, 6 from bottom 




„ 11 „ top 




t> 4 „ biittom 




n 24 „ 




I, 16 „ 




„ 7 from top 




footnotf 1 



tine 16 from top 




.1 a<^ ,1 .. 




.1 10 „ „ 




II ° » II 




n ^S' »i II 




„ 20 ,. „ 




H 20 from bottom 




II l'*- 11 II 




n 1 »» II 










Lilt in re agel^tnrhrre 

dato a/Ur latsst 






LitipAvnta here as 


rettd Brftbmana 

„ Mai»ur 

„ Sativaputta 

,, IhikHliii.ulpntba 

„ Mahfiri-litra 

,, Dukshiuapiitha 

p K:niani 

„ ItiiRlitmkdta 

„ Mta' 
^ Mangali^ 

rffui Tfti'ika 
„ HI 
„ Maliiii»nriiUfc 

„ AkMavuraba. 

„ B&bjuAnka 

„ K&kfttlya 



Indla has no written historj. Nothing was known till within Introduotoi 
recent times of the political condition of the country, the dynasties 
that ruled over the different provinces which composed it, and the 
great religious and social revolutions that it went through. The 
historical curiosity of the people was satisfied by legends. What we 
find of a historical nature in the literature of the country before the 
arrival of the Mahomedans comes to very little. 

I. We have a chronicle of Kaamir called the Rijatarangiijt, in 
which, however, there is a good deal which is not supported by 
contemporary evidence. Now and then, a bountiful prince or 

. minister found a poet to sing his glories ; and the works thus 
ompoaed, contain a good deal of historical information, though, of 
Dorse, an undue praise of the patron and his ancestors is to be 
^•xpectedi Bub a few such works only have hitherto been discovered ; 
und the oldest of them gives an account of a prince who lived in the 
st half of the seventh century. The literature of the Jainaa of 
^the STvetlLmbara sect contains accounts mostly of the later princes 
of Gujarat and other noted personages. There are also similar 
accounts of the princes of R&japut&na. In the beginning or at 
end of some Sanskrit works the names of the princes under 
rhose patronage or in whose reign they were composed, are given ; 
and sometimes we find a long genealogy of the family to which the 
Jar prince belonged, with some short observation with refer- 
to each of his ancestors. Lastly, the Furanas contain genea- 
logies of the most powerful royal families which ascend to a higher 
antiquity than the works noticed hitherto. 

II. But the information to bo gathered from all these sources is 
extremely meagre j and there are many provinces on the history of 
which they do not throw any light. And the facta mentioned in 

Jtbem cannot be systematically arranged, or even chronologically 
sccted, except with the assistance of other sources of information 
lo which we shall now proceed. The invasion of Alexander the 

[Bombay Gacette«r 


[Introductory. Great brought tte Greeks in contact with the Hindus; and his 
successors in Syria kept up an intercourse with the Indian emperort 
for a long time. The notices of Indian persons and events contained 
in the writings of the Greeks, when compared with the statements 
occurring in the PurgLnaa, admit, in some cases, of an easy identifica- 
tion ; and from the known dates of the corresponding Greek persons 
or OTentSf w© are able to determine those of the Indian persons or 
events. In this manner the date of the foundation of the Maurya 
dynasty by Chandragupta has been determfued to be about 322 B.C., 
and a good many other dates in Indian history have been ascer- 
tained. The writings of Chinese authors also throw a great deal of 
light on some periods of Indian history. Buddhism was introduced 
into China in the first century of the Christian era ; and from time to 
time men from that country came to India as pilgrims ; and some 
Indian Buddhists also must have found their way to China. The 
Chinese pilgrims wrote accounts of what they saw and did in India? 
and these works., which have come down to us, are very valuable for 
the olncidation of Indian history. The Chinese possessed a perfect 
system of chronology, and the dates of the pilgrimages are useful 
for the purposes of the Indian antiquarian. Valuable accounts of 
India written by the Arabic visitors to the country in the Middle 
Ages have also become available. 

III. Another very important source, and fuller than any hitherto 
noticed, consists of inscriptions. Some of these are cut on stonea 
or rocks, and others engraved on copperplates. These last are in all 
OBBOB charters conveying grants of land made mostly by princes or 
chiefs to religious persons or to temples and monasteries. A great 
many of these are dated in one of the current eras. It is usual 
in these charters to give the pedigree of the grantor. The names 
of his ancestors together with some of their famous deeds are 
mentioned. Aa the authors who composed the grants cannot be 
expected lo be impartial in their account of the reigning monarch, 
much of what they say about him cannot be accepted as historically 
true. And even in the case of his ancestors, the vague praise that 
we often find, must be regarded simply as meaninglesa. But when 
they are represented to have done a specific deed, such as the conquest 
of Harahavardhana by Pulakes'i II. of the early Chalukja dynasty, 
it must bo accepted as historical ; and when we have other sourcea 
available, we find the account confirmed, as Hwhan Thsang doea 
that of Pulakefi^i's exploit. Even in the case of the reigning 
monarch, the specific deeds such as wars with neighbouring princes* 
"which are mentioned, m-ay be acceptad as historical ; though, however. 




timate doubts may be entertained as regards tbe reported results. 

Phe stone-inscriptiona are intended to commemorate the dedica- 
tion of a temple or monastery or any part thereof, and of works of 
pnblic utility such as tanks and wells, and sometimes grants of 
land also. A good many of these benefactions are by private 
individuals ; but not seldom the name of the king, in whose reign 
the dedication was made, is given together with the year of his 
reign, as well as the date in the current era. "WTien it is a royal 
benefaction that is commemorated, we have a longer account of the 
reigning prince, and sometimes of his ancestors. 

The great pioneer in the deciphering and interpretation of 
inscriptions was James Priosep ; but no great progress was made 
after him, in this branch of antiquarian work, till the establishment 
of the " Indian Antiquary " and the institution of the Archaeological 
Survey. These gave a strong impetus to it, and many scholars 
entered into the field with zeal. Twenty years ago, it would have 
been impossible to write the following pages. 

IV. I must not omit to mention old coins as a valuable source 
of information as to the names of the successive monarchs of a 
dynasty, and sometimes their dates. A study of these too has led 
to very important results. 

The materials for the history of the development of lodian 
thoQght and of changes in the social condition are the whole 
literature itself. But this ia an independent inquiry with which we 
are not here directly concerned ; and the conclusious arrived at are 
applicable to the whole Hindu race, and not to any particular 
province. I have consulted general literature only in discussing 
points concerning the Aryan settlement of the Dekkan. The 
materials used in the preparation of the other sections, which fall 
under each of the four classes noticed above, are as follows : 

I. — Bilhana's VikrainAAkftcharita, lutrodaction to the Vrata- 
khanda,Introdaction to Jahlniia's anthology, the Puranic genealogies ; 
and scattered notices in the KathisaritaAgara, H&la'a Sapta^tl, Vit- 
aylyttua's KAmasutra, Kavirahaaya, Digambara Juiaa works — such 
as the HnrivaiiLsa, the Uttara Purina, the Yasastilaka, the Prasnot- 
iararatnamilika Ac. — VijuAne^vara's MitAkshar^, the AbhilashitAr- 
thachintimaiii, the Bosava Purana, the Lekhapaflchil^iki, the 
8rtibd&rnavachandrik4, the Jn&oei^varl, and a few others. * 

IT. — Ptolemy's geography, the Periplas^Hwhan Thaang's Itinerary. 

III.— luscriptioos in the cave-temples of Western lodia ; Riidra- 
dlman's inscription at Jun&gad ; stone inscriptions ia the Southern 
Maratha Country ; copperplate charters of the early Chalukyas, the 

[Bombay G«iette«r 

Introduotory. • BAslitrakfttafl, and other dynaetiee, of which we haye now a larga 

iy«*>OoinB of the S'itayfthanas found at Kolh&pnr and in the 

lower God&vari district. 

Since the political history of the Dekkan before the advent of 

-Hahomedans was entirely unknown before, and the difficulty of 

ascertaining facts is very great, my object has been io collect as 

many of them as possible. The absence of- proportion in the space 

allotted to important and unimportant events due to this circumstance, 

will, it is hoped, be excused* This does not pretend to be a literary 

production, but merely a congeries of facts. 

The word " Dakkhan " represents the vernacular pronunciation of 
the Sanskrit word Daksbiria, meaning " southern/' used to dRsigoate 
the portion of the Indian Peninsula lying to the sooth of the 
NarmadlL The name more usually met with in Sanskrit works 
and elsewhere is DakshiiiApatha or " the Southern Region." That 
this nanse waa in ordinary use in ancient times is shown by the fact 
that the author of the Periplus calk that portion of the country 
Dakhinabades,^ In the vernacular or Prakrit speech of the time, 
the Sanskrit Dakshiti^patha must have become Dukkhiiiabadha or 
Dakkhii^gLvadha by the usual rules, and the Greek writer must 
have derived his name from this popular pronunciation. The shorter 
form of the name also must have been in use, since in the beginning 
of the fifth centnry of the Christian era, Fah-Hian,* the Chinese 
traveller, was told at fienarea that there was a country to the south 
called Ta-Thsin, which word corresponds to the Sanskrit Dakshiiia, 

Dakshiyapatha or Dakshina was the narao of the whole peninsula 
to the south of the Narmadd. Among the countries enumerated in 
the M4rkai;deya,^ ViLyo,* and Miltsya^ Puraaaa as comprised in 
Dakshiii^patha are those of the Cholas, Pdiidyas, and Keralas, which 
were situated in the extreme south of the peninsula, and correspond 
to the modem provinces of Tanjor, Madura, and Malabfilr. In the 
Mah&bh&rata, however, Sahadeva, the youngest of the Pfti^^a 
princes, is represented in his career of conquest to have gone to 
Dakshiy^patha after having conquered the king of the Pindyas.' 
This would show that the country of the P4iidyas was not included 
in Dftkshii^^patha. Again, the rivers Godavari and others spring- 
ing from the Sahy&dri are spoken of iu the Vayu Puraiia as rivers 
of Dakshi^i&patha^, while the Narmadd and the Tikpi are not so 
Btyled ; whence it would seem that the valleys of those rivers were 
not included in Dakshin^patha. The word thus appears not to have 
been always used in the same sense. In modern times it is the name 
of the country between the Narmadtt on the north and a variable 
line along the course of the Krisbnft to the south, exclusive of the 
provinces lying to the extreme east. It is thus almost identical 

of the word 
" Dekkau." 


of the word 


• Indian Antiqaary, VIU. 143. • Travels of Fah-Hian by S. Beal, 139, 

• Chap. 57 Verse 45. Edition Bibliotheca Indica. The reading of the Bficond line, 
howeyefT, ii wrong. It ought to be, PAudyftA cha EeraUi cfajwva CboUh Kuly^ 
tathaiva cha, as it i« in the manusoript I have consulted. 

• Chap, iC Verse 124, Edition Bibliotheca Indiea. 

• Chap. 112 Verse 46, Poona Lithographed Etiition. 

• ?<abhAparTan. Chap. 31 Verse 17. Bombay Edition. 
' OJiap. 45 Verso 104, Ed Bib. In J. 

[Bombay Oas6tte*r 


Section I. mth tlie country called Maharashtra or the region in which the 
M;irathi lan^'unfje is spolron, the narrow strip of land between 
liiL VoBtorn Ghats and the sea being excluded. A. still narrower 
dili'^iti'^n is that which excludes from this tract the valleys of the 
NarmadA and the T&pij aud to this extent we have seen that 
there is authority for it in the Vayn Purai>a. Thus the word 
Dekkan expresses the country watered by the npper GodAvari 
and that Ijing between that river and the KrishyA,. The name 
MahariLshtra also scorns at one time to hare been restricted to this 
tract. For that country is, in the Puriipas* and other works, 
distinguished on the one hand from Aparanta or Northern Konkan, 
and from the regions on either side of the NarmadA and the TApl 
inhttbited by the Pulindas and B'al^.'.ras, as well as from Vidarbha 
on the other. In a comparatively modern work entitled Ratnakosa,* 
Mahdr&shtra, Vaidarbha, 'I api-tata-desa and Narmada-tata-desa 
(i. €., the countries on either side of those rivers), and the Konkan 
are spoken of as distinct from each other. The Dekkan or 
Mah^rtLshtra in this the narrowest sense of the word forms the 
subject of the present notice* 



Settliment or the Abyas in the Dekkan. 

•It is now a recognised fact that the Aryas who came to India 
were at first contiaed to eastern AfghaaiBtaii and the Panj&b. 
Thence they emigrated to the east and for a time tho easternmost 
proWnce occupied by thera was BramhS-varta or their holy land, 
lying between the rivers Saraavatt the modern Sarasuti, and 
Drishadvati,* a stream in the vicinity, that is, the country about 
Thanesar. There the system of castes and orders and the sacrificial 
religion seem to have been fully developed. Thence they spread to 
the east and the south, and gradually occupied tho whole country 
between the Himalaya and the Vindhya. This last mountain 
range must for a long time have formed the southern boundary of 
their settlements. For the name Ary&varta or the region occupied 
by the Aryas, as explained by Manu^and even by Patanjali/ the 
author of the Mah&bh&shya on P4uini's grammar, signified exclu- 
sively the part of the country situated between those mountain 
ranges. The Vindhya, which by its height seemed to obstruct the 
passage of the sun, was impassable to them. The name Pariyatra 
was given to the more northern and western portion of the range 
from which the rivers Chambal and BetvA take their rise» probably 
because it was situated on the boundary of their Yktrk or range of 
communication. After a while, however, the sage Agastya, in 
poetical language, bade the mountain not to grow high, that is, 
crossed it and established an Asrama or hermitage to tho south and 
thus led the way to other settlements. The firtit or oldest Aryan 
province in the southern country must have been the Vidarbhas or 
the Borars. For in the R4mfi.yana when Sugriva the monkey-king 
sends his followers to the different quarters in search of Rama's 
wife SitfiL and R^vaiia her ravisher, he directs them to go among other 
southern countries to Vidarbhas, Richikas, and Mahishakas, and 
also to Daiidak4ranya(the forestof Daridaka) and the river Godavari.* 
This shows that while the country about the Godavari, that is, the 
Dekkan or MahHr^htra in the narrowest sense of the terms, was a 
forest, Vidarbha was an inhabited country. In the Muhabharata 
also Agastya is represented to have given a girl that he produced 
by his miraculous powers to the king of Vidarbha, and after she 
had grown to be a woman demanded her of the king in marriage.^ 
In the Ramayana, Rama is represented to have lived for a longtime 
in Da?.Hlakaranya, at a place called Panchavati situated on the bank* 

• Manu, II. 17. ' Maou, IX. 23, 
^ Patifljali's Mabibhishyi under PAnini, II. 4, 10, 

* BAm&y&na. IV. Chnp. 41, Bombay Edition. 
» M»l»4Uharatii, bumhuy Editioo, 111. Chap. 96, 07. 

Section II, 

Settlement of 
the Aryas la 
the Dekkan. 

Vidarbha, the 

first Aryan 

province ia thi 


[Bombay Qazettei 



Seotion II. 

the same u 


The complete 

sabjugation of 

Kabiraahtra by 

the Aryas, proved 

by tho prevalent 

dialeotof the 


of the Godavari about two yojanaa from tbe hermitage of Agastya.* 
That this Dandakaranya waa the modern Maharashtra is shown 
by the fact stated above, that it was watered by the riyer Godavart, 
and by several otliers. According to the Hindu ritual it is 
necessary when beginning any religious ceremony to pronounce the 
name of the country in which it is performed. The Br^hmans in. 
Mabiirashtra do not otter the name Mahirishtra but Dancjak4ranya 
with the word deia or *' country " attached to it. In the introductioa 
to Hemidri's Vratakhacda, a work written more than six hundred 
years ago, Devagiri, the modem Daulatab^, is spoken of as situated 
in a district on the coufincs of Dandak&raiiya. Nisik claims to be 
the Panchavati where Kama lived. But the poet could hardly 
be expected to have brought his hero from the Vindhya to such a 
remote westerly place as N&sik. The river Godavari must, from the 
description occurring in tho KAmiya^a as well as in Bhavabhuti's 
Uttara. Ramacharita, have been wide at Rama's Panohavati. It 
could hardly have been so at Nasik, which is very near its source. 
Un the other hand, " the region about the northern part of theSahyadri 
through which flowed the river God&vari and in which Govardhana 
was situated " is in the Pur&r^as represented aa '* the most charming 
ou earth ; aud there, to please Rima, the sage Bh&radv&ja caused 
heavenly trees and herbs to spring up for his wife's enjoyment, and 
thus a lovely garden came into existence."^ In the Markandeya, 
Govardhana is spoken of as a town ; but the V&yu aud the Mfttsya 
seem to mean it to be a mountain. This Govardhana must, from 
the given position, be the same aa the village of that name near 
N^sik ; and thus the three Puraiias must be understood as supporting 
the identification of Paiiohavati with N&sik. 

But though MahArishtra was the last country occupied by the 
Indian Aryas, their subjugation of it was no leas thorough than that 
of all the northern countries. Here, as there, they drove some of 
the aborigines to the fastnesses of mountains and jungles, and 
incorporated the rest into their own society. The present MarAth! 
language is as much au offshoot of the Sanskrit as the other 
languages of Northern India. The ancient representatives of these 
dialects — the Mahir^shtri, tho S'aurasent, and the Magadhi, as well 
aa an earlier form of speech, the Pali — show extensive corruptions 
of Sanskrit sounds, reducible however to a few general laws. These 
cannot be accounted for by the natural operation of the causes 
which bring about the decay of a language spoken throughout its 
history by tho same race. For, this operation is slow and must be in 
continuance for a very long time in order to produce the wide-going 
phonetic changes which we observe in those PrAkrit dialects, as 
they are called. This long -continued process must at the same 
time give rise to a great many changes io other respects. Such, 

I R&m&yaDa, IIL 13, 13 Bom. Ed. 

s MArkandeya, Chap. 57 Versca 34-36; VAyii, Chap. 45 Verse* 112-114; aud 
MAtaya, Chap. 112 VerBea 37-39. The pauago. howeverjR corrupt. The three PurAiiaa 
evidently derive their reAdinu from tne same originat, but the t4?xt has been grcatly 
€<'rni|'t'ed. The nio»t ancient vcraiou of it aecma to be that hi the VAyu. 


however, we do not find m tbose dialects, and they do not in ttose 
respects show a very wide departure from the Sanskrit. The 
extensive corruptions of Sanskrit souods, therefore, must be accoanted 
for by the supposition that the language had to be spoken by 
races whose original tongue it was not. Those alien races could 
not properly pronounce the Sanskrit words used by the conquering 
Aryas; and thus the Prakrit forms of Sanskrit words represent 
their pronunciation of them. A few sounds unknown to 
Sanskrit as well as some words not traceable to that language 
are also found in the Pr&krits, aud these point to the same 
conclusion. It thus appears that the Indian Aryas in their progress 
through the country came in contact with alien races, which were 
incorporated with their society and learnt their language, at the same 
time that they preserved some of their origioa! words and phonetic 
peculiarities.^ This was the state of things in the north down to 
the Marath4 country. But farther south and on the eastern coast^ 
though they penetrated there and communicated their own 
civilization to the aboriginal races inhabiting those parts, they were 
not able to incorporate them thoroughly into their own society and 
to root out their languages and their peculiar civilization. On the 
contrary, the Aryas had to learn the languages of those races and 
to adopt a portion at least of their civilization. Thus the Kanarese, 
the Telugu, the Tamil, and the other languages now spuken in 
Southern India are not derived from the Sanskrit but belong 
altogether to a different stock, and hence it is also that southern art 
is so different from the northern. The reason why the result of the 
Aryan irruption was so different in Southern India from what it 
was in the north appears to be that when the Aryas penetrated to 
the south there existed already well-organized commiinifcies and 
kingdoms. In the passage in the Ram4yana, referred to above, the 
monkey -soldiers are directed to go to the countries of the Andhras 
(Telugu people), the Pandyas, the Cholas, and the Keralas, in the 
80uth ; and are told that they will there see the gate of the city of 
the Pandya.s adorned with gold and jewels. And these races, their 
country, and their kings are alluded to in other Sanskrit works, as 
will be noticed hereafter. In the north, however, at the time of the 
Aryan invasion, the condition of the country must have been similar 
to that of Dandakjlranya, which is represented in the Biimayana as 
a forest infested by Kakshasas or wild tribes who disturbed the 
religions rites of the Brahman sages, Aud throughout the older 
portion of Sanskrit literature, which is to be referred to the times 
when the Aryas were gradually progressing from the Pani^b, the 
wild tribes they met with are spoken of under the name of Dasyus, 
RAkshaaas, and others. 

Sootfon n. 

Prakrit Dialect*. 

The snbjugatioQ 

of the country 

farther Booth, 


* TheM points I have d0velop«d in my Lectures on Saasknt and the Frakpt 
laognisea deriv«d from ib ; Jnnt. Bom. B. H. A. ». Vol. XVI. pp. 290-91. 

[Bombay Gazetteer 



ation HI. 

' ArvM 
l)uamted with 
Ortheni ludia 
I the time of 
he Aitareya 

► in Pftnini's 

Approximate Date op the Asyan settlement in the Dekkan 


Wk will now endeavour to deterimne approximately the period 
when the Aryas settled in Dantjakaranya, and trace the relations 
between the civilized Aryan comm unity of the north and the southern 
country at different periods of Sanskrit literature and at well known 
dates in Indian history. In the Aitareya Brilhmana, which is anterior 
to the whole of the so-called classical Sanskrit literature, the sage 
Vis'vamitra is represented to have condemned by a curse the progeny 
of fifty of his sons to " live on the borders " of the Aryan settlements, 
and these, it is said, " were the Andhras, Pnndras, S'abaras, Pulindas, 
and Mutibas, and the descendants of Viavamitra formed a large 
portion of the Dasyus."^ Of these the first four are spoken of as 
people living in the south, the Pundras in the Rimiyana, and the 
other three in the Puranas.'- From the later literature, the Pulindsw 
and S'abaras appear to have been wild tribes living about tho 
Vindhyas.^ Ptolemy places the former along the Narmtida. The 
Andhras, who in these days are identified with the Telugu people, 
lived about the mouth of the Godilvart or perhaps farther to the 
north. If these were the positions of the tribes in the time of the 
Aitareya Brahmana, the Indian Aryas must at that time have been 
acquainted with the whole country to the north of the Vindhya 
and a portion to the south-east of that range. 

Paiiini in his Siifcraa or grammatical rules shows an extensive 
knowledge of tho geography of India. Of the places and rivers 
mentioned by him a good many exist in the Panjib and 
Afghanistan ; but the names of countries situated in tho eastern 
portion of Northern India also occur in the Sutras. The countries 
farthest to the south mentioned by him are Kachchha (IV. 2, 133), 
Avanti (IV. 1, 176), Kosala (IV. 1, 171), Karus'a (IV. 1, 178)« 

I Ait«reya BrAhinnna, VII. 18. FalltKlas are omitted in the ooTreapoDding paMage 
in the ^inkh&yana Sfltra, ' See the pftssages above referred to. 

3 In faia Kftdambarl Bina places the S'abaras in the forest on the Vindhya range. 

* Thia uame does not occur in the SAtra, but is the second in the list or Gana 
beginning with Bliarga. Aa rogardis the words occurring in these Gauas, I have on a 
previous occasion expreued my opinion that though it b not safe to attribute a 
whole Gana to F&nini (ftud in several cases we have clear indications that some of 
tho words were ineerted in later tiineB}^ still tho first three words might without 
mistake be taken to be his. This was objected to by Professor Weber. But a" my 
reaaons were, as I thought, obvious, I did not think it necessary to defend my view. 
I may, however, here state that since Pinini refers to these (.iaaas in his Sdtras by 
using the first word in the list with ddi, equivalent to "and others," added to it, and 
since he uses the pliinil of the noun bo formed, and the plural of a noun cannot be used 
unless three individuals at least of the class are meant, it is proper that we should 
understand him to be tliiuking of the first and two vrorda at least more. This 
observatioD is meant to be npphcable generally. In the present cajse, however, the 
expression Bhanjddi forms a part of the compoitcid, and the plural is ngt actually used, 
though it is clearly inipUcd. 

IX ChapterB. i 


kliiiga (IV. 1, 178),^ The first ia the same as the modern 

y of that name, Avanti is the district about Ujjayini, and 

;a corresponds to the modern Northern Circars. Kosala, 

i, and Avanti are mentioned in the Poranas as countries 

id on the back of the Vindhya.' In the Ratnavali, a dramatic 

Kosala is also placed near that mountain range. Supposing 

fce non-occurrence of the name of any country farther south 

nini's work is due to his not having known it, a circumstance 

i looking to the many names of places in the north that he 

appears very probable, the conclusion follows that in his time 

fyas were coufaned to the north of the Vindhya, but did proceed 

bmunicate with the northernmost portion of the eastern coast, 

crossing that range, but avoiding it by taking an easterly 


pdyana, however, the object of whose aphorisms called Vilrtikaa 
Utplain and supplement Pauini, shows an acquaintance with 
rn nations. Panini gives rules for the formation of derivatives 
B names of tribes of warriors which are at the same time the 
of the countries inhabited by them, in the sense of ''one 
' from an individual belonging to that tribe," and also, it must 
erstood, in the sense of " king of the country." Thus a man 
• from an individual of the tribe of the Fanchalas, or the king 
country Pafichllas, is to be called Panchala ; a descendant of a 
or the king of the country of the Silvas, ia to be called Salveya, 
Cdtyayana notices here an omission ; the name Paijdya ia not 
Bed by Panini. Katydyana therefore adds, *' one sprung from 
ividual of the tribe of the Pandus or the king of their 
y, should be called a Piudya." ^ Similarly, Panini tells ua 
I either of these senses no termination should be appended to 
urd Kambojas, which was the name of a non- Aryan people in 
rth-west, nor should any of its vowels be changed ; but that 
rd Kamhoja itself means *' one sprung from an individual of 
kmboja tribe, or the king of the country of the Kambojas.'** 
rana says that in this rule, the expression *' and others" should 
ed to the word Kambojas ; for the nile applies also to the names 
as and others," that is, persons sprung from an individual of 
kola and other tribes, and the kings of the Chola and other 
ies should be called by the names " Chola and others.' 
fly, Panini tolls us that the countries Kumudvat, Nad vat, and 
rat are so called because they contain Kumudaa or water-lilies. 

be Mvcalled Pii)iDlTa S'ikahA the expression Saur^htrikA niri or "a woman of 
nt " occurs. But this should by no means he regarded om ^howirtf; that PiliiiDi 
Uinted with Snrlsbtra. The P^uinlya tj'ikshA eaimot be the work of P4uini ; 
mihor of ihat treatuse begins by stating that he la goin^ to explain I3^iksh& 
g to the TiewB of Pinini and enda with a few verses in praiAe of the great gram- 
r Bcaides, the author soticea the Prakrit dialects to which there is no alltuioD 
t in F&Qini's great work and write* in verse. Grammatical trcatiaea in verse 
• than those in the form of SQtraa. The F&niniya b'iksbi therefore must have 
BpoM!«l long after PAnini. ^ %See the passages cited above. 

or dyau, which is a Vartika on PAy. IV. 1, 108. * P&n. IV. 1, 175. 

Section III* 

Southern " 

unknown in all 
likelihood in 
PA mini's time. , 

Sonthem India 

known to 

KAtyAyaoa but 

unknown to 


BecUon in. 




with Southern 


1 Chronological 
dations between 
Kity&jana and 

Nftdas or reeds, and Vetas or canes, respectively.* Kityij 
adds, '* Mahishmat is so called because it coutaina Mahishas or 

Now Mahishmat appears to be the same southem country which in 
the Puraims is associated with Mah^rsLshtra and is called Mahishakas. 
MfLhishmati on the banks of the Ivarmadi was probably its capital. 
Here we may, I think, argue, as Professor Goldstocker has done in 
many similar cases, that had Piki^ini known the P^ndyas, Cholas, and 
Mahishmat, he would not have omitted the names from his rules, 
considering how careful a grammarian he was. Very likely, then, 
he did not koow them, and this supposition is strengthened by the 
fact alluded to above that the name of no other southern country 
occurs in his Sutras. Thus then the Aryas of the north were not 
familiar with the southern countries and tribes in the time of Pacini, 
but were so in the time of Katyayana. The latter author also 
mentions a town of the name of Niaikya,' which is very likely the 
same aa our modern Nasik. 

Patanjali shows an intimate aoqnaintance with the south. As 
a grammarian he thioks it his dnty to notice the lingual usages in 
thesouthj and tells us that in Dakshinapatha the word^ara^i is used 
to denote large lakes.^ He mentions Mahishraati,* Vaidarbha,* 
K^nehtpura*^ the modern Conjeveram, and Kerala^ or Malabar. 
Pataiij all's date, i.t. 150, may now be relied upon. That author 
notices variant readings of Katyayana*s VArtikas as fouod in the 
texts used by the schools of the Bbaradvajtyas, Saunagas, and 
others. Some of these might be considered as emendations of the 
Yartikas, though Patanjali's introduction of them by the verb 
palhantif " tbey read," is an indication that he regarded them as 
different readings. A sufficiently long time therefore must have 
elapsed between Katyayana and Patanjali to give rise to these 
variants or emendations. I am therefore inclined to accept the 
popular tradition which refers Katyayana to the time of the Nandas 
who preceded the Mauryas, and to as.sigu to him the first half of 
the fourth century before Christ. In this manner the interv 
between Katyayana and Patanjali was about two hundred yeai 
Now, Professor Ooldstucker has shown from an examiuation of thi 
Vartikas that certain grammatical forms are not noticed by Panini 
but are taught by Katyayana, and concludes that they did not eJEiBt 
in the language in Pacini's time. I have followed up the argument 
in my lectures '* On the Sanskrit and Prakrit languages,'** and given 
from the Vartikas several ordinary instances of such forms. From 
these one of two conclusions only is possible, viz.f either that Panini 
was a very careless and ignorant grammarian, or that the forms 
did not exist in the language in his time. The &rst is of course 
inadmissible ; wherefore the second must be accepted. I have also 


» PAu, IV. 2, 87. 

' MahAbhAshya on Pau. I. 1, 19. 
* IV. 1, fourth Ahnika. 
» IV. 1, fourth Alinika. 

* In a VArtika on Pin. VI. 1, 63. 
«OuPAn. UI. 1.26. 

• IV. 2, second Ahnika. 
• Jour. Bom. B. R. A. 8. Vol. XVI, p 27S. 

ral ChapierH 



> from a passage in the introduction to Patafijuli's Mahilbliashya, 
trbul forras such as those of the perfect which are taught 
liui as found iu the Bhdsh^ or current language, not the 
or obsolete language, had gone out of use in the time of 
Da and Pataniali, and participles had come to bo used 
^ad.* Professor Goldstucker has also given a list of words used 
lini in his Sutras in a sense wbieh became obsolete in the 
KAtyayana, and shown what portion of Sanskrit literature 
ilot probably exist in Panini's time but was known to 
jrana, and in one case comes to the not unjustifiable conclusion 
lie time that elapsed between Panini and Katyiiyana was so 
it certain literary works which either did not exist in PAnini'a 
ar were not old to him came to be considered by Kjltyiyana 
old as those which were old to Panini. No less an interval 
time than about three centuries can account for all these 
meed. Panini, therefore, must have flourished in the 
ing of the seventh century before tho Christian era, if not 
' still ; and against this conclusion I beliove no argument has 
can be brought, except a vague prejudice. And now to our 
Ithe Indian Aryas had thus no knowledge of Southern India 
as to the seventh century before Christ ; they had gone as far 
Northern Circars by the eastern route, but no farther ; and the 
Kes directly to the south of the Vindhya they were not 
with. About that time, however, they must have began to 
rBtiil further, since they had already settled in or had 
Wion with the countries on the northern skirts of the 
and Kalinga, and first settled in Vidarbha or Berar, 
ching it still, it would appear, by the eastern route ; but in 
irse of some time more they crossed the Vindhya and settled 
^dakiranya along the banks of the Godivarf, that is, iu 
Ishtra or the Dekkan. Before B.C. 350 they had become 
' with the whole country down to Tanjor and Madura. 

ironological conclusion based on the occurrence of certain 

I or names in the great epics is not likely to be so safe. 

a Mahiibh:irata existed before Panini and As'valiiyana, it 

ily questionable whether our present text is the same as that 

exi8te<i in their times. On the contrary, the probability is 

\ work has been added to from time to time ; and tho text itself 

lergone such corruption that no one can be positively certain 

ticular word was not foisted into it in eomparatively 

lea. The text of tho Rlmayana also has become corrupt, 

Sditions do not seem to have been made to it. Still tho 

li rescension of the poem like the Bengali rescensions of more 

' works does contain additions. The text prevalent in this 

; the country and iu the south is more reliable; and though 

nble differences of reading exist in the different manuscripts 

this side, still there is hardly any material diSereuco. But 

Section III, 

The Aryaa 

peuetrated to 


the beginning of 

ab<:)Ut the seventh 

cootury B.C. 


valne of tho 


» Jjur. Bom. B. R. A. S., Vul. XVJ., pp. 260-71. 


[Bombay Oazett 

BecUoQ III. 

Places in the 
Dekkaji ^1 laded 
to iu the pooma. 

l^amea of peoples 

in the Dekkan in 

the micriptious 

of AduKA. 





the date of the Ritnlyana is uocertain ; the present Hindu belief 
based on the Pnranas is that Rama's incarnation is older thao 
Krishna's, and consequently the Rlmiyana older than the 
Mahitbh«Lrata ; but it is not a little curious that irhilo there ia an 
allnsion to Visudeva and Arjuua and to Yadbishthira in Panini, 
and Patafijali frequently brings in Mahdbharata characters in his 
iliustratioDs and examples, there ia not one allusion to Kama or his 
brothers or their father Dasaratha in the works of those grammariana. 
Even a much later author, Amarasimha the loxicograpber, iu his list 
of the synonyms of Vishnu, gives a good many names derived from the 
Krishna incarnation ; but the name of Rima, the son of Dasaratha, 
does not occur, though Rima or Balabhadra, tho brother of Krishi>a, 
is mentioned. Still, whatever chronological value may be attached 
to the circumstance, the occurrence of the names of places in the 
Dekkan contained in those epics I have already to some extent 
noticed. Sahadeva is representetl to have subdued the Pat>dy«Sy 
Dravidas, Uijras, Keralas, and Andhras/ and also to have visited 
Kishkindhil, which was probably situated somewhere near Hampi, 
the site of tho Pampa lake or river, where Rama met Sugriva tho 
monkey chief, though tho country Kaishkindha is placed by the 
Purilnas among those near the VloJhyas. lie went also to 
S urfMLraka> the modern Supai"a neai" Btisseiu, Dandaka, the same as 
Dandak^ranya but not mentioned as a forest, Karah^^aka the mo<ieni 
Karhada on the continence of the Krishna and the Koina, and to 
others. The countries mentioned in tlic passage in the Raraayana, 
alluded to above, as lying to the south are Utkala, probably the 
modern Ganjam, Kalinga, Das'arna, A vanti, Vidai'bha, and others. 
The district nearBhilsa must have been called Dasarna in ancient 
times ; for its capital was Vidisi, which was situated, as stated by 
Kalidasa in the Meghaduta, on the Vetravati or Bctva, and is tlius 
to lie identified with the modem BhiisA. All these are thus in the 
vicinity of the Vindhya or nearly in the same line with it farther east* 
But between the^c and the southernmost countries of tlie Chola.s, 
P^ndyas, and Keralas, the R4mAyana mentions no other place or 
country but Dandakaranya. This condition of the country, as ol>- 
served before, is to be considered as previous to the .Aryan settle- 
ments in the Dekkan, while that represented by the Mahribhirata ^ 
in the place indicated seems suhsctpient ; and herein we may seo ■ 
a reason tor bt'lieving that the Kamayaiia is t!ie older of tlie two epics. 
The name Mah^lrashtra does not occur in either of them. 

In the middle of the third century ttefore Christ, Asoka, the great 
king of tlie Maarya dynasty reigning at Pataliputra in Magadha^ 
speaks in the 6fth Edict of his rock-inscriptions, which ai'e found 
at Girnflj' in Kathiavad on the west, Dhauli in Katak and Jaugad 
in Ganjam on the eastern coast, at Khalsi iu tho Himalaya, 
Shahbaz-garhi in Afghanistan, and Mansehra on the northern 
frontier of tho Panjab, of his having sent ministers of religion 



to the Ra^tikas and the PeteDikas and fco the Aparantas.* The 
last which we know best is Northern Konkan, the capital of 
which was Siirparaka. Petenikaa is not unlikely the same as Pai- 
fhanakas, i.e., the people or coantry about Paithana on the God^varl. 
The vernacular pronunciation of the name of the city, which in 
SaDskrit is Piatialithana, was in those days, as it now is, Pethana 
or Paithana^ for both the author of the Poriplus and Ptolemy call 
it Paithana or Baithana. The Rastikas, or, according to the 
Mansehra version, Ratrakas, corresponding to the Sanskrit Ka^sh^rikas, 
were very likely the people of Mah^ashtra, for a tribe of 
the name of Ilattas has from the remotest times held political 
sopremacy in the Dokkan. One branch of it assumed the name of 
RAshtrakti^aaaud governed theconntry before the Chahikyas acquired 
power. It re-established itself after abonfc three centuries, but had 
to yield to the Chalukyas again after some time. In later times^ 
chieftains of the name of Ra^tas governed Sugaedhavarti or Sann- 
datti in the Belgaum districts. In the thirteenth Edict in which the 
countries where As'oka's moral edicts were respected are enumerated, 
the Petenikas are associated with Bhojas instead of B&stikas. Bhojas^ 
we know, ruled over the country of Vidarbha or Berdr^ and also in 
other parts of the Dokkan. In the inscriptions in the caves at 
Kuda,* the name "Mah^bhoja" OP Great Bhoja occurs several times, 
and once in an inscription at Beds4. Just as the Bhojas called 
themselves Maliabhojas, the Rash^rikas, Rat^is, Rat^his, or Ratthas 
called themselves Maharatt^is or Mahimtthas, as will bo shown 
below, and thus the country in which thoy lived came to be called 
Mahara^tha, the Sanskrit of which is Maharashtra. In the second 
and the thirteenth edicts, the countries of the Cholas, PtUidyas, 
Ketalaputras (Chera or Kerala), and the Andhras and PuJindas 
are mentioned. Thus about a hundred years before PatAnjali, 
the whole of the southern peninsula op to Cape 
direct communication with the norths and 
MahArashtra had regular kingdoms governed 

Id the Mahavamso, a Ceylonese chronicle which was written in the 
third quarter of the fifth century of the Christian era, and in the 
Dipavaiiiao, which is much older, the Buddhist saint Mo^galiputto, 
who conducted the proceedings of tho third convocation said to 

^ ^f-M-^Smirlf' i* the Sanskrit of the ooeinAl PrAkjit, It might he trans- 
■ M "tnd alio tho« other called ApwAutaB, i. <?. al«nhftt other country called 
ita. If we take it in this way* Apar&nta in clearly Nuriburn Kuiikan ; for 
u lh« MUM of that part of the country found In Saiuskrit and FAU Literature 
I Uw Rwoleai tuofis. la the MahAvam^a and Dtpavamitt quoted below. Mab4rA«h^ 
d with AparAntaka. It is poacihk to translate it as ^*aiid also other Wflatarn 
u IL Sonart doesi. But the word " other" certainly refers to lUtiikt^ 
Am and not to the preecding Yonam K&mbojam &c.^ at ha takes it lo as to 
> Ihew last alao wettem cauntnca. (InscriptioiiH of Aioka, VoL 11, « p. 84.) 
' In tho Dalakitmiracbarita, the family of lUiojaa has be«n repreeented a» having 
held Bway OT«r tho Vidarbha country tor a long time. 

» Ku^A inacripUona Noa. 1, 9, 17, 19, 23, and B«f^ft No. 3 ; Arch. Surv. of Weat, 
Ind., Ny, 10. 

Section III. 

Comorin was in 

the Dekkan or 

by Rat^ and 

Etymology of 

the name 

" Maharashtra.'' 

Tho oecurrenc© 
of the names 
•* Mahrlratthi." 

'• Mahara«ha" 

in hooka and 

I Bombay Oazot 


tion III 



Hiavc been held in the time of As'oka, is represent<}d to bfive sen 
missiouaries to Maharat^ha, AparA,Dtaka, and VanavAsi.^ Wheth 
the name Maharattha or Maharashtra had come into ase in t' 
time of Asoka does not appear dear from this, but that it wa 
used in the early centuries of the Christian era admits of littl 
doubt. In some inscriptions in the cave-temples at Bhaj^^ Bed ' 
and Karli which are to be referred to the second century, th' 
male donors are called Mahara^hi and tlie female Maharathini, which 
names, ae observed before, correspond to Mahabhoja and Mahabhoji 
and signify the groat Rathi (man and woman).* Similarly, in the 
large cave at Niinaghat a Maliaralhi hero is mentioned. Of the 
old I'rakrits the principal one was called Mahirashtri, because wo 
are told it was the language of Mahiirashtra. We have a poem 
in this dialect entitled Setubandha attributed to Kalidasa and 
mentioned by Dandin, and a collection of amorous verses attribute^ 
to Salivahana. It is the language of Prakrit verses put into th& 
mouths of women in Sanskrit dramatic plays. Its grammar wo 
have in Vararuchi*s PrAkfit Prakas'a; but the date of this author 
is uncertain, though there is reason to believe that he was one 
of the nine gems of the court of Vikramslditya and was thus a con-^B 
tomporary of Vaiahamihira aud Kalidasa. Though the date of^^ 
Kalidasa has not yut been satisfactorily determined, still he 
is menlioned as a poet of great merit in the first half of the 
Beventh century by Bana in his Harshacharita in the uorth,^ 
and iu an inscription at Aihole* dated 5od S'aka in the sonth. 
A hundred years is not too long a period to allow for the 
spread of his fame throughout the country, perhaps it is too 
short. Kalidusa may therefore be referred to that period of 
Sanskrit literature in whirh the nine gems flourished, and which 
ha« been placed by Dr. Kern in the first half of the sixth 
century.^ The Maharash^ri dialect, therefore, in which Kalidasa 
wrote the Setubandha and the Prakrit verses iu his plays, must 
have undergone a course of cultivatiou for about two or three 
centuries earlier and been called by that name, since it has been 
known by no other in the whole literature. Varahamihira also, 
who lived in the beginning of the sixth century, speaks of 
Maharashtra as a southern country ; and in the Aihole inscription 
alluded to above Maharashtra is mentioned as comprising three 

' Mahdvaihso, Tumour 'a Ed., pp. 71 and 72, and DJpi 
p. 54, Til© latter however omits V'ana\'aat. 

AVftmso, Oldenberg's Ed.., 

'Arch. Surv. of West. Irul. No. 10; BhAjA No. 2; BedsA No. 2; KArli Nos. 2 
and 14- Pandit Bhag\'A.iil&l appears to lue clearly wrong hero in taking MahArfltUi 
to be equal to the ak. Maharathi and translating il as "a great warrior," for in BedsA 
No. 2, a woman is callcil Maliftm^hini where the word cortainlj cannot mean a great 
warrior, and to interpret it as " the wife or daughter of a great warrior " is simply 
begging the question. Maharathi appears clearly to be the name of a tribe and i» 
the same as our modern Mar&tlik. It will appear from this inscription that there. 
were intermarriages bctweeu the Mahdbhojiui and the Maharathis, for the lady 
mentioned in this inHcription Mas the daughter of a Mahftbhoja and a Mahara^hi^ 
or the wife of a Mahiinithl. 
.. J Dr. Ball's VAsavajlatia, Prtftvco, p. 14. < Ind, Ant. Vol. Vlll., p. 243. 

* Ed. of TarAhainihirn, I'rcfacv, p, 20. 

General Chapters.] 


conntries and ninety-nine thousand Tillages. Hwan Thsang, the Section III. 
Chinese traveller, calls the country ruled over by the Ohilukyas in 
the second quarter of the seventh century, Moholocha, which has 
been properly identified with Maharashtra. The occurrence of the 
name of Mahdrashtra in the Furanias has already been noticed. 

Extent of the 
dosuimons of 

and A^oluL 


kingdom in 

tlxo time of 


No clue to the political history of Mahliiahfra in the centaries 
immodiately preceding the Christian era is now available. The 
Purluaa contEun lists of kings and dynasties whoso chronology has 
been to some extent determined by their known connection with the 
auccessora of Alexander the Great; but clear traces of their occupation 
of the south have not yet been found, Chandragupta, who founded 
the Maurya dynasty in about B.c. 320, ruled over Northern India 
as far as Kathiavad, and his grandson Asoka, who reigned from B.C. 
2G3 to B.C. 229, retained possession of the province.^ The rock- 
inscriptions of the latter, which were evidently planted in the 
countriea which owned his sway, show that his empire extended 
to Kaliuga or the Northern Circara in the east and l^thiivid 
in the west. But stray edicts havo been discovered farther south; 
a fragment of the eighth being found at Supara and three minor 
ones on the northern frontier of Mysor. In the second rock-edicfc 
he speaks of his own dominions as *' the conquered countries" and 
mentions Chola, Pandya, Ketalaputta, and Saliyaputta down to 
Tambapanni or Ceylon as outlying provinces. These therefore did 
not own his sway. But in the fifth edict he mentions the Ristika8> 
Petenikas and Aparantas and a few more provinces as those for the 
benefit of which he appointed religious ministers. If these were as 
much apekrt of his dominions as the many others which are not named, 
there is no reason why they should bo named. Again he include* 
most of these in the thirteenth edict among countries which received 
his moral teaching, along with Chola, PAiidya and others, and tha 
territories ruled over by Antiochus and four other Greek princes. 
It would thus appear that though the countries of the Rastikaa^ 
Bhojas, Petenikas, and Aparintas were not outlying provinces like 
those of the Cholas, the Paudyas, and Ketalnputtaa, they enjoyed a 
sort of semi-independence ; and only owned allegiance to him as 
suzerain. The appearance of fragments of his inscriptions at 
Bupari and on the confines of Mysor is to be accounted for by this 
fact, or by the supposition that his dominions extended up to 
Supara on the western coast and along a strip in the centre of the 
peninsula to Mysor, leaving the western countries of the Rastikas, 
the Bhojas, and Petenikas, and the southern coast in a state of 
semi-independence. And there is some positive evidence to that 
effect. Vidarbha, the country of the Bhojas, must have 
existed as a separate kingdom about that time. For in the 
dramatic play of Milavikignimitra, tho political events narrated in 
which may be accepted as historical, Agnimitra the son of 
Puahyamitra, the first king oi the 6unga dynasty, who reigned in 



1 S«e inscription of Gadradamim j lad. Ajit., Tol, TU., p. 260, tins S. 


the Becond and third quarters of tbe socond century before Christ, 
is represented to have reigned at Vidi^i, which I have before 
identified vrith Bhilsa, probably as his father's viceroy. He had 
made proposals of marriage with Mdlavika to her brother 
Madhavasena, the cousin of Yajuaaena, king of Vidarbha. Between 
these cousins there was a quarrel as regards the succession to the 
throne. When Madhavasena was secretly on his way to Vidisd, 
the general of Yajaasena, posted on the frontier of the kingdom, 
captnred him. His counsellor Snmati and Milaviki escaped, bat 
Madhavasena was kept in custody. Thereupon Agnimitra demanded 
of Yajnasena the surrender of Madhavasena. Yajfiasena promised 
to give him up on condition that his wife's brother, who was the 
counsellor of the last Maurya king and had been imprisoned by 
Agnimitra or his father Pushy amitra, should be released. This 
enraged Agnimitra, who thereupon sent an army against Yajfiasena 
and vanquished him. Madhavasena was releasod, and the country 
of Vidarbha was divided between the two cousins, each ruling over 
each side of the river Varada. 

Paithan also must have been the capital of a kingdom about the 
time. In the inscriptions io the caves at Pitalkhorl near Chalis- 
giuxY, which from the forms of the characters in which they are 
engraved must be referred to the second century before Christ, 
the religious benefactions of merchants from Pratishthana are 
recorded, as well as those of the physician to the king and of his 
son and daughter.* The king refer rtnl to must be the ruler of 
Fratishthina or Puithan. No more particular information is available. 
On the history of the early centuries of the Christian era and the 
first century previous, however, the inscriptions in the cave-temples 
on the top of the Sahyadri throw a good deal of lights J will hero 
bring together the information deduciblc from them, noticing the 
inscriptions in the chronological order clearly dctermiue<l by the 
forms of the characters. 

An inscription- in a small cave at Nasik mentions that the cave 
waa scooped out by the lieutenant at Nasik of king Krishna of the 
Sfitav^hana race. In a cave at Nanaghat there is another, which is 
much mutilated and the purport of which consequently is not quite 
clear. In that same cave figures of persons are carved on the front 
wall, and the following names are inscribed over them : 1, Kay^ 
Simaka Satavahano, i. e., king Simuka Satavahana ; 2, Devi 
I^ayanUdly^ rauno clia Siri Sdtakanino, i. e., of queen Niyanikft and 
king Sri S^&takarni ; 3, Kuinaro Bhiy4, u e., prince BhiLya ; 4, 
MabArathiganakayiro, i.e., the heroic Marath^ leader or the hero 
of the MarathA tribe; 5, Knmaro Uaku Siri, i.e., prince Haku Sfri ; 
6, Kumiro Satavahano, i.e., prince S'atavahana. Of these the 
second who has been mentioned along with his queen must have 
been the reigning prince, the first was an earlier king of the same 

> Inacriptiona, pp. 3«» 41. Areh. Purr. West. Ind., No, 10. 

' No. 6, Niaik InscriptioM, Vol. VIL, Jour. B. B. R. A. 8., and p. 338, Tran*. 
Oriental Cougrcss, 1674. 

Section IV. 

Paitbaii, the 

capital of a 


InBcriptiona of 
king Krishiia aud 

ot tiers of the 
Sataviihana race 

at NAjik and 

Section IV. 


inscription at 


"djTiasty, the fourth was a local MardthA warrior, and the rest 
young princes of the Sdtavlhana dynasty. 

In another N.lsik cave there are four inscriptions . In the first wo 
are told that the cave was i^aused to bo construct43d on mount Trirasrai 
in Govardhana or the Niaik District by the benevolent Ushavaditn, 
the Bon-in-law of kiog Kshahaftlta Nahapilna and son of Diniko. 
Ushavadita gave away three hundred thousand cows j constructed 
flights of steps on the river Blrnisiyi ; assigned sixteen villages to 
gods and Brihmans ; fed a hundred thousand Br.thmans every ycsar ; 
got eight Brihmana at Prabhisa or Somanith Pattau married at hit 
owTi expense ; constructed quadrangles, houses, and halting places 
nt Bharukachchha or Bharoch, Dasapuru in Malvi, Govardhana, 
and S'orplruga, the modern Supir<i near Basaoin ; made gardens and 
sank wells and tanks ; placed ferry boats over the Iba, Paridl« 
iJumaiKl, Tapi, Karabcn;l, and Dahanukl, which were rivers alooff 
the coast between ThAnl and Surat ; constructed rest-hoases and 
endowed places for the distribution of water to travellers on both 
sides of these rivers ; and founded certain benefactions in tho: 
village of Niinamgola, for the Charanas and Parishads (Vedio 
schools of Br.ilimans) in Piiiditakavada, Govardhana, Suvarnamukha, 
S'orpiraga, and liimatirtha. One year in the rainy season he marched 
at the command of his lord to tho relief of the chief of a tribe of 
Ksliatriyas culled LUtuuiabhadras, who had been attacked and 
besieged by the Alalayas. At tho sound of his martial music the 
Mfilayas lied away, and they were made the subjects of tho Uttuma- 
bhadras. Thence he went to Poshkaraui and there performed 
ublutiuus and gave three thousand cows and a village,' 

In the second inscription Ushavadata is spoken of as having, in 
the year 42, dedicated the cave monastery for the use of tho Bud- 
dhist mendicant priests coming to it from the four quarters, H^ 
deposited with a guild of weavers residing in Govardhana a sum 
two thousand Karahipanas at an annual interest of one huridr 
Kiirshipjmas. Out of this interest he directed that a j 
should annually be given to each o£ the twenty priests i 
during the rains in his cave monastery. With another guild ho 
deposited one thousand Krirshipauos, the interest on which was 
seventy-five K^rshipanas. Out of this other things (Kus'ana) were 
to bo provided for the priests. The carrying out of these direc- 
tions was secured by their being declared in tho corporation of the 
town of Govardhana and inscribed on the door of the monastery. 
In the years 11 and 40 he gave away a large sum of money* for gods 
and Biihraaiis. The third inscription, which is a short one, mentions 
tliat the apartment on which it is engraved was the religious benefac- 
tion of Uehavadata's wife Dakharaitri,'^ The fourth is greatly mutilated 
but sufficient remains to show that that also records similar gifts of 
Ushavadita's.* In tho cave-temple of K:lrli there is on inscription 

' No. 17. NAsik Inacriptiona, Vo\. VII., Jour, B B. B. A- S. and Tram. Oriental 
Congrcaa, 1874, p. 326. »Noa, 18 and 10, litid, which together form one iuacrinlioii. 
'FirstpnrtyfNo. 16, /6/t/. * No. 14, /!»n/. * 




General Chapters.) 


ia which Ushavadata is representod to have granted the village of 
Karjika for the support of too mendicant priests in the cave monas- 
tery of Valuraka, as the hill or the country about it seems to have 
been called at the time.^ There also is given an account of his 
charities similar to that in the first of his N isik inscriptions. In an 
inscription at Junnar, Ayama, the minister of the lord Nahapana the 
great tCshatrapa, is mentioned as having; caused a tank to be dug 
and a hall to be constructed." The minister appears to have been 
a Brahman, since he is spoken of as belonging to the Vatsa Gotra. 

Next in order come the inscriptiuns in which certain kings 
_ the names of Gotamiputra S;itakarni and Pu}umiyi are 
mentioned. In the longest of the four occurring in the cave-temple 
at one extremity of the hill at Nisik, we are told that in the 
nineteenth year of the reigm of king Pnlumiyi, the son of Vlsi- 
sh^hi, the cave was caused to bo constructed and dedicated for the 
use of Buddhist mendicants of the Bha<^^lrayaniya sect by Gotami, 
the mother of king Sitakarni Gotamiputra. She is there called 
'* the mother of the great king and the grandmother of the great 
king." Gotamiputra is spoken of as king of kings and ruler of 
Aftika. Asmaka, Mulaka/ Surlshtra, Kukura, ApahVnta, Anupa, 
Vidarbha and Akarlvantl.* He was the lord of the iiiountiLina 
Vindhyivat, Pariyltra, Sahya, Krishnagiri, Malaya, Mahendra, 
^reshthagiri, and Chakora. His orders were obeyed by a large 
circle of kings, and his foot were adored by them. His beasts 
of burden drank the waters of the three seas. He protected 
all who sought an asylum with him, and regarded the happiness 
«nd misery of his subjects as his own. He paid equal attention to 
the three objects of human pursuit, viz., duty, worldly prosperity, 
and the satisfaction of desires, appointing certain times and places 
for each. He was the abode of learning, the support of good men, 
the home of glory, the source of good manners, the only person of 
skill, the only archer, the only hero, the only protector of Brih- 
mans. Ho conferred upon Brlhmans the means of increasing their 
race, and stemmed the progress of the confusion of castes. His 
exploits rivalled those of Rima, Kesava, Arjuna, and Bhimasena, 
and his prowess was equal to that of Nabhaga, Nahusha, Jana- 
mejaya, Sagara, Yayati, Kima, and Ambarisha. He was descended 
from a lung line of kings. He vanquished the host of his enemies 
in innumerable battles, quelled the boast and prido of Kshatriyas, 
destroyed the S'akas, Yavanas, and Pahlavas, left no trace or 
remnant of the race of Khagarilta, and re-established the glory of 
the aitavahana family. In the last line of the inscription mention 

Beotion IV. 

Iiiscriptioiu of 


K&takar^i and 


at N48ik. 

> Vo, 13, KArli Inacriptionii-Arch. 8urr., W. Ind., No. 10, 

*No. 25, Junnar Inacriptiona, Ibid. 

' AirmalcA And Maaltka are mentioned among the southera ooactriea in the Purinas. 

*8or&ahtra is Southern Kathiivad, Knkura, a portion of R&jputani, and AparAnta, 
NortkerD Rookan. Andpa is mentioned in tbo Puranas as a country situated in the 
^C-inity of the Vindhyaf. It was the country on tho upper Narmada with M ftbiahmati 
for it« capital, according to the Baghuvaihla. Akar&vftiiti oiQ^t be the ea^toru portion 
of M41vi. 

B 972 -a> 

[Bombay Gazetteer 



Section IV. 

Clurter of 

Chmrter of 

Of the wife of 

Private inacrip- 
tiooB containing 
Fojamdyi's aa,me. 

Eelations between 
the king* and 

que«a« mentioned 
In th« iiucrlptions 

in Ootftml's CATv. 

is marlo of tbe grant of a village for the support of tho establish* 

ment in the cave-temple.' 

In a later inscription ougravod in smaller characters belowr thifl_ 
Vasishthipiitra S'ri Pnluraavi, tho h^rd of Navanara, issaes orders 
to his lieutenant in Govardhana, Sarv:lkshadalaDa. He calls hia, 
attention to the fact that the village granted bj the "lord of Dhana 
kata"' (Gotamipubra) in accordance with the above, was nol?^ 
liked by tho Bhadriyaniyaa, and therefore assigns another to 
them by this charter. 

On the wall to the left of the verandah of the cave is another 
inBcription, It purports to be an order or notice issued from the 
camp of the victorious army of Govardhana, by Gotamipatra Sata^ 
karni, lord of Dhanakataka, to Vishnnp;Uita, his lieutenant 
Govardhana, informing him that tho king has granted a fiel 
measuring 200 Nivarlamis, which was up to that time i 
the possession of one Ushabhadita, for the benefit of recluses,' 
The charter here engraved is represented to have been origin-, 
ally issued in the year 18, that is, in the yeiir preceding th 
in which tho cave-teraple was completed and dedicated. Belovr 
this is inscribed another charter issued in the form of an order 
to Sraraakft, the governor of Govardhana, by the queen of Gotarai- 
putra S'ata karni, who is also caliod the royal mother. She thereia 
speaks of a field granted before, probably the one conveyed by the 
above charter, and says that it measures one hundred Nivartanas, 
and she assigns another hundred by this charter out of a field 
belonging to the crown which was her patrimony. It appears 
that two hundred Nivartanas were granted by the first charter, but 
probably it turned out that tho field measured one hundred only; hence 
she now makes it up by granting anotlier hundred out of another field. 
The date of this grant is 24, t. e., it was made six years after the first.' 

Besides these, there are two inscriptions at Nlsik recording the 
benefactions of private individuals, dated in the second and seventh 
years of the reign of Siri (Sri) Puhiralyi, and two in tho cave at 
Ivat'li,'* dated in the seventh and twenty-fourth years of his reign. 

Since GotamJ is spoken of as the mother of a king and the grand- 
mother of a king, and the wife of her son Gotamiputra Sitakarni is 

I Inscription No. 26, VoL ViL Jour. R E R, A. S. ud Trana. Or. Oongr. 187<, 
p. 307. 

*Patjidit BhagvlnUl and Dr. Btihlor, wboao Iraascripts and tranalattoDB of the 
NA»ik xnscriptionB wore publiahcd about ten years after mine, read tbe expiVMion thai 
ouderatood by me tui ^ ^ -^l^l^'^f ^ f^ the Sanskrit i:f;T^vq^:. But what tho tfTramauaa 
or BtiddhiBt priests of Dhanakata, which was Bttuate<l hundnxU of miJea ftwny on the lower 
Kriab^ A, could liave to do with tho matter of tbe granting of a vilhig-e near NAsLk to ttie 
BhadrAvaniya mendicanta of the place it i» impussiblo to conceive. The expr««nqa 
moat, I'tbiok, be taken aa ^ H^^^ il i^^f ^ f*"" ^^"^ S^tt^skrit VfH^I^fH^: or ^T^- 
xmunrr corresponding to tT^rnTT^rlff "" ^^^ ^^^ J***^ ^^ ^°' '"^^j ^^^ Sanskrit of 


General Chapters.] 


represented as the mother of a king, and since the only other kiog 
besides Sdtakariji mentioned in these inscriptions is Pu}um;tji, it 
appears that this last was the grandson and son respectively of 
these two ladies. He was therefore the son and hia mother V^iishtht 
the wife of Gotamiputra S.Uakariii. Satakarni issued the charter 
contained in the second inscription in the year 18, which must bo the 
eighteenth year of Pulura3yi*8 reign, since dates referring to his reign 
only are found at Nasik and Kfirli and not to that of Gotamiputra. 
Even the date of the large inscription noticed abore in which 
Gotamiputra's great deeds are recorded ia referred to Pulnrasyi's 
reign. And the grant of the village alluded to in that inscription 
and the one below appears to have been made by Gotamiputra, 
since he is spoken of as " the lord of Dhanakataka/' though the 
portion of the rock containing the words that would have rendered 
the sense clear has been cut away. Gotami is spoken of as dedi- 
cating the cave in the present tense, wherefore it must be understood 
she was alive at the time. The father and the son appear thus to 
have reigned at the same time, the son on this .side of the country 
since the inscriptions are dated in his reign, and the father at Dbana- 
kataka, which has been identified with Dharaniko^ in the Gantur 
district of the Madras Presidency. And this ia confirmed by the fact, 
mentioned above, of Gotami's having been called the mother of the 
^roat king and the grandmother of the great king. This statement 
would be pointless if she were not both at one and the same time.* 
Since the charter of the year 21-, intended as auppleuientary to that of 
18, was issued by Vasishthi, while the first was issued by her husband, 
it appears probable that Gotamiputra had died in the interval and 
Visis^hi reigned as regent at the capitttl,while Pulumayi continued 
to govern the Dekkan or Mahiriish^ra. The years given in the 
charter must be those of Pulumayi, since even the large inscription 
is dated in the nineteenth year of his reign. These kings belonged 
to the Siitaviihana dynasty. 

The names of other kings, apparently of the same dynasty, are 
found in other inscriptions. In one of the caves at Kanheri near 

» r>r. Buhler (Arch. Surv. of Weat. lud., Vol. IV., p. 110,) rappoBei mcf to hav6 
re*U^\ my conclnsion n» regards t)i)8 point on this statement alone, Aod calls it a 
mistake. Bat he will find my ottj«;r reasoti* also stated in the remarki at tbo end of 
jnj wtiole in the Transaction)) of the Oriental Congrass of 1874. And even thia 
«tat«iiifiot haa a very high corroborative valac. For, if the object of the writer waa 
to represent Gotami'* " special claim" to hoooor, that ia better served hy supposing 
that her son and grandson were great kings at one and the same time. Every quocu 
belonging to a dj^aaty in power is the mother of a king and grandmother of a king ; 
and there is nothing special in the fact if the son and the grandson bore the title at 
dilTeient times. If the son was dead, no object u gained as regards this point by 
nying she was the mother of that son tlmt is not g-ained by saying she was the 
grandmother of a living great king. And if it was a fact that Gotamiputra was dead 
when the cave-temple was dedicated and FoluiinAyi alone was reigning, wc ahoald expect 
to find the exploita of the latter alio celebrated in the inscription, but tliere Is not a 
wofd in praise of him. If Pnlam&yi became king only after Gotamtputra, the latter 
iDiut have died nineteen yeahs before the dedication of the temple, and it certainly 
is not what one acquainted, with the manner and motive of Hindu inscription-writers 
wonid expect that a king who had been Acm\ for nineteen years should be highly 
extolled In the intjcription and the reigning king altogether passed over in silencw. 

Seotion IV. 

. Section rv. 

Y«jfU tfrt. 


Names of princoB 
vn the cm Da found 
at Kolhapur. 



Xhina, a grant is recorded in the eighth year of the reign of 
MadhaHpatra Sakasena.^ In two other inscriptions at the »ame place 
the name of the reigning prince is given as Got«Mniputa Siri Yanna 
Sitakani (G-otamipatra Sri Yajna Sitakarni).* In one of these the 
year that is giFen is not legible, but still appears to be the sixteenth 
o£ his reign. There is one inscription at NAsik which is dated in the 
seventh year of that king.' Pandit Bhagvinlal has brought to 
light the name of another prince. There is according to him an 
inscription on the N4n4^'h4t in which is recorded the dedication of 
a cistern of water in the thirteenth year of Viaiihiputa Chatarapana 

A large number of coins of copper and lead were discovered a few 
years ago, bnried in what appears to have once been a Bnddlnat 
stQpaat Kothftpur. Another hoard had been found some time previoos 
in about the same locality. The legends on those coins are in 
characters the forms of which greatly resemble those in the cave 
inscriptions above noticed. They are as follows* : 

Kaiino Vaaitbiphtasa Vilivdyaknrasa. 

Ranno Gotainiputasa Vijiviyakurasa. 

Raiijio Mndhariputasa Sevalakurasa. 
Here we have the same names as before ; but the words Viliv;iyaku- 
rasaand Sevalakurasa have not yet been interpreted by any student 
of Indian antiquities. On a former occasion I put forth a conjecture 
that they were the names of the viceroys of those kings appointed to 
govern the country about Kulliapur.'' For, coins of two of these 
princes and of a few others belongiug to the same dynasty are found 
near Dharaniko* in the G^antnr District about the site of Dhanakataka, 
the old capital. The legends on these do not contain those words, 
and the coins are of a different type from those found at Kolhapur. 
Those last, therefore, it appeared to me, were struck on this side of 
the country, and consequently bore the names of the viceroys under 
whose authority t\wy were issued. Tbe truth of this conjecture I 
will demonstrnto fuTther on. It will be seen frt;)ra what is to be 
stated liereafter tliat the ViLsithiputa of these coins who liad Vilivaya- 
kura for his viceroy can be no other than VasiBhthiputra Fuluniayi 

• No, lit, Jour. B. B. B. A. S., VoL VI. aod Vol, XIL, p. 409. In the first copy the 
iiatfie is clearly Sakaienasa, but in the second, which is I'awriit Bhag> anlfira rubbing, < 
■omething like an effaced mark lor the vowel i appears above the first twoconaonants. 
The Pttiidit, therefore, reads the name aa Siriseiiasa for S'rlaeDajBVa, but tbe k'tt 
diatinct even in his copy. Siki cannot ntcan anything, wherefore it appears that the 
indiitinct marka which do not occur in the first copy are due to nonie daw in therocic, 
&nd do not repreaeat tho vowol i. Dr. Bhau Daji aUo read the name aa HakasenaM. 
But the copy of the hiacription civen in Plate LI. Vol. V. nf tho Archreological Survey 
of VVcatcrn India and marked No. H leaves no doubt whatever on the point. The 
DHJne there ia distinctly 6\*ivwr«T/*fi. Further confirraatioD if necesaary will be 
found later on. It ts thtrefore clearly a iniatake to call the kina Sitiiena, 

« Nos. 4 and -14, Jour. B. B. R. A. S., Vol VI 

' No. 4, Jour. B. B. R. A. f<., Vol. Vlt,, and Trans. Or. Congr., 1874, p. 339, 

♦ Jour. B. B. R. A. 8„ Vol. XIII,, p. 305, and Vol. XIV., p. 153-54. There 
my nossoasion coina of lead of the same aize a^ those figured here, and a good 
amaJler onee in which I find tho Esame legenda as lho»e given alMivc, They alsi 
found at Kolhapur. Some of the amaller ones appear to bo of brou/e. 

* Jour. B. B, B. A. t>,, Vol. XIV., n. I5-I. 

are in 


General Chaptors.] 


The Gotamiputa must be Gotamiputra Yajfia Satakariii of the inscrip- 
» tioua ; for the father of Puliimayi did not rei^^ on this side of the country, 
as none of the inscriptions are dated in his reign though his exploits 
are de<;criV>ed in the Nasik Caves. Macjhartputa must have come after 
Gotamiputa and not after Vasithiputa, as is maintained by some 
Bchclars ; for his viceroy was a different person from tliat of the other 
two. The fact that these two had the same viceroy shows that one of 
them immediately succeeded the other. Another prince with a different 
viceroy could not come between them. In the stupa dug out at 
Supari, Pandit Bhagvaulal found a silver c«iu in a copper casket. 
On the obverse of the coin, which bears a well-shaped head of the king, 
we have the legend Raiino Gotaniiputasa Siri Yauna Satakanisa, 
which means ** [this coin is] of the king Gotaraiputrtt Sri Yajua Sata, 
karni." This therefore is the prince in whose name the coin was 
issued. There is another legend on the reverse which though some of 
the letters are not distinct appears to he Qidamipnta'Kunutni- YmtJia- 
Sdlakani-Chaturaprviaaa the sense of which is '* [this coin is] of Cha- 
turapana Yanfia Satakani, prince of Gotamiputa/^' The coin was thus 
like the Koihapur coins issued in the names of two persons ; of whom 
Yajoa Sri S'atakariii was the reigning 8<^>vereign, as his name appears 
ronnd the bust, and Chaturapaua who was his son represented him as 
viceroy in the province in wliich the coin was isauefl, and which from 
the shape and get-up of the coin appears to have been once ruled over 
by the Kshatrapas of Ujjayini or Kfitbijiwid. 

There is an inscription at KAnheri which is in a rautilat<?d condition, 
but which with the help of Mr, West's eye cojiy aud an impression 
given in one of Dr. Burgess' Reports lias been partially restored by 
J)r. Biihler. Thereiu is made the dedication of a water cistern bySate- 
raka who was the confidential counsellor of the QluGen of Vasishthi- 
putra aatakarrii, who belonged to the family oE the Karddamakas 
and was the daughter of a Mahaksbatrapa whose name is obliterated. 
The opening letters of the second line have also Ijecn effaced, but what 
we might expect to find there is the name of her son, after we have had 
those of her husband, family, and father. From the letters in West^s copy 
which look like Sakordjn one might think the son meant was Sakasena j 
still the conjecture is somewhat hazardous." The name of this Vasisbthl- 

Seotion IV. 

Names of princei 
on the 8up&r& 

in a KAahari 

* The ncllicT portions of tliolotti-ra chut urn pnnaxa only are iinpresat'd on the coin bo that 
the rcmdinp i* soincwliai doahlful ; l)Ut ptiHcua Is iH^tinot cnou^^h. Pandit BliagvAnlil put* 
(JhaturitpoHaui at the begiuuinp of the lBg«}fui aiul nads rAff/Hrapfl«t/^?i Gulamiputa 
J[»«u1ru r*/«l/1a &U<ikiini whicli he transLitfs " Yajila S^tJikanji. son of Gotumipnto, 

»i1 ' Cliatnrapana ;" and statos bis bdief tibat Chatnrapana was the narao of 

iih«r. But to connect Knntflrii, vvhirh forms a part of a poniponiul with the 
tnrapauaaa, is grratumatically not allowahle ; while the pt'nitive which i» 
ah' i.-^HokIiow whoHo coin it i.i, is frantiog. Hence Chat nrapana^a in tlie last 

h- whole is a compound, Kum&ru \s probably a mintake fur Kam4ra and 
Taufm .Skiakani in the fatlitr's name placed before Chaturapauasa to show that ha 
«M hie um. (Jour. B. B. R. A. S., Vol. XV., pp. 305.6.) 

*Joar. B. B. B. A. S., Vol. VI. and Archaeol S. of W. L, Vol. V., Inscriptino No. 
11 ; |Um> p. 78 of iho latter. There wonld be nothinf? improbable in it if wu here nad the 
tisTT- ' '--r'rvsera. For this name and that of his mother Marlharl point to a connec- 
tir Aakaii whose represeutatives the Kshfttrapas were, and thi« connection in 

Hi • lis inscription. , 

[Bombaj OaaMteor 

SeotionlV. patra is S^&takarijii, wherefore he was not PulnmAyi, bat yery likely 
Chatushpari^a (Chatarapana) SAtakar^i. • 

Thas then, from these inscriptions and coins we arrive at ^e 
names of the follow^ing kings arranged in the chronological order 
indicated bj the forms of the characters used and by other cironm- 



Elshaharita Nahaplna and his son-in-law Ushavadita. 

Gotamipntra Sitakarni. 

Visishthlpntra Pnlumayi. 

Gotamipntra S^ri Yajna S^atakarQi. 

VaAishtfpntra Chatoshpari^a (Chatarapana or Chatarapana) 

S&takarpi. . 
Ma^haripntra Sakasena. 

Besides these, we have the name of Simnka ^itavihana, a king 
that reigned earlier than the second in the above list. We shaS 
hereafter assign to him his proper place. 

Oeneral Chapters. 1 




Native and Foreign Princes mentioned in the inscrtptionb, — 
Identification of thb former with the 
Andiirabheityas of the Puranas. 

The first thing that will strike one on looking at the list given at 
the end of the last section, is that the name KshaharMa Nabapana 
is not Indian bat foreign. The title Kshatrapa or Mahakshatrapa 
also nsed in the case of that king, is not lodian^ though it is the 
Sanskritised form of a foreign one, very likely the Persian Satrap. 
From the statement in the inscription of Gotaniiputra that he 
destroyed the Sakas, Yavanas, and Pahlavas, it appears that the 
country was at that time very mncli exposed to the inroads of these 
foreigners. Yavanas were the Buctrian Greeks, bub Kshaharata 
Nahapana does not look a Greek name. He must, therefore, have 
been either a ^aka or Pablava. Again, we are told that 
Gotamipatra left no remnant of the race of Kbag^rata or Khakharata 
which name seems to be the same as Kshabarata or Khabar^ta 
as it is spelled in the K^rti and Jnnnar inscriptions. It follows, 
therefora, that the S'akas or Pablavas made themselves masters 
of the coontry some time between the second king in the above 
list and Gotamipatra S'atakarui, and that they were driven oat by 
Gotamiputra who, by thus recovering the provinces Jost to his 
dynasty, re-established, as stated in the inscription, the glory of 
the S^atavahana race to which he belonged. All the other kings 
named above belonged to that dynasty. 

Now, in the Paranas we have lists of kings and dynasties that 
ruled over tho conn try. The earliest dynasty with which we are 
here concerned is the Maorya founded by Cbandragupta in B.C. 320, 
as determined by his relations with Seleucus, one of the generals and 
Baccessora of Alexander the Great. It ruled over Northern India for 
137 years according to the Paranas, and the last king Brihadratba 
waa murdered by his general Pnshyamitra or Piishparaitra, who 
fonnded the S'uiiga dynasty. This was in power for 112 years and 
was succeeded by the Kanva family which ruled for forty-five years. 
The Kanvas were overthrown by Sipraka, Sindlmka, or ^isuka, as 
he is variously named, who founded what the Piirtoaa call the 
dynasty of the Andhrabhrityas, that is, Andbras who were once 
servants or dependents. The second kiog of this dynasty was Krishna 
according to all, the third was Safcakaroi or SrisAtakarrii according to 
the VA,yu or Vishnu, while the Bhagavata corrupts the name slightly 
to Sflntakarna. The Mitsya interposes three more kings between 
Krishi^a and oltakarni, while the Vishnia has another oatakari^i to 
correspond with that of the M4tsya. Gotamiputra is the thirteenth 
prince according to the Vayo, fifteenth according to the Bb%avata, 
seventeenth accordiug to the Vishnu, and twenty-second accord- 
ing to the M&tsya. Pulimat, Purimat or Pulomat was his successor 

Sectloa V. 


^aku and 


overthrown by 




[Bombay Gazetteer 



Dtion V. 


of tho 


same as the 


of ihe Piiraiiiia. 

according to the Vishuu, the Bh4gavata, or the M&tsja. These are 

so many raislection3 for tlie Pulutnayi of oar inscriptions and coins. 
The Vaja omits his name altogher. His anccessor was STiva Sri 
according to the Vishnu and the Md-tsya, while the Bbd-gayata calls 
him V^edaaiius, and tlie Viiyu does not notice him. Yajna Sri occurs 
io fdl, being placed after S'lvaskandha, the successor of S'iva 6ri, by 
all except tbe Vayn, which assigns to him the next place after 

Thus then^ the names occurring in the inscriptions and on tbe 
coins as well as the order sufficiently agree with those given in the 
Puranas under the Andrabhritya dynasty to justity us in believing 
that the kinju^s mentioned io both are the same. There is, however, 
DO trftce of Chatnshparna t^atakarui unless we are to identify 
him with Chandusri Halakari.ii. The name Madhariputra Sakasona 
also does not occur in the Pur&nas] and he appears to have belonged 
to a branch of the dynasty. We shall hereafter assign to him 
his place in tho list. Simnka, whose name occurs in the Nan^ghat 
inscription, and who, as I have already observed, was an earlier 
occupant of the throne than the reigning prince S^Atakarni, tho 
third in tho Puranic list, must be the same as Si^uka, the founder 
of the dynasty. For the Devanagari ma is often so carelessly 
written as to look like sa ; hence the true Simnka was cor- 
rupted to yisuka, S^isuka, or Si«uka, in tho couree of time. The 
Sindhuka of the Vayu and the Sipraka of the Vishnu are further 
corruptions. This identification is rendered probable also by the 
consideration that he who caused the cave to be constructed, and 
the statues of himself and tho younger princes to be carved, might, 
to give dignity to his race, bo expected to get the founder of the 
dynasty also represented there, especially as he was removed only 
one degree from him. In this manner the Andhrabhritya dynasty 
of tho Puranas is tho same as the Satavahana dynasty of the 

General Chapters,] 



The dynasty < 

Nahnpdiia not 

tlie ftAine HB 

tliftt of tbo S;itrapt 

of Ujjiiy'ml aud 



TrtB next question we have to consider is as regards the dates of Section VI 
these princes. In my paper on the Nayik cave inscriptions', I have 
accxjpted A,d. (510 aa the dute of Gotamiputru'a accession, arrived at 
by taking B.C. 315 a.s the year in which Chandragupta fouudod the 
dynMty of the Mauryas at RU'ilipntra, and 66 1 years to have elapsed 
between hiin and Gotaraiputra, since the periods assigned in the 
Puranas to that dynasty and the subsequent ones, and the duratious 
of the reigns of the Andhrubhritya princes who pmceded Gutami- 
putra according to the Matsya when added, givtj iKA. The '" race 
of Khagi\r3ta/' which Gotamlputra is, as observed before, repre- 
aented in one of the Naaik inscriptions to have extenniuated, I 
identified with the dynasty of the Ksbatrapaa whose coins are found 
in KathiTivid, as well us a few inscriptions, since Kshaharita or 
Khaglrata was also a Kshutrapa and had been ]>laeed at the head 
of the dynasty by previous writers, The latest date on the coins of 
those princes then known was 250, which referred to the S'aka era, 
is A.D. 328, This cunies so close to GotaraJpntra's ad. 319, that 
the two soemed to corroborate each other. But there are several 
objections to this view, some of which occurroirl to me even then, 
(I) — The inscriptions and coins of the Kshatrapa dynasty concur 
in carrying the genealogy backward to Cliashtana and no further, 
and OS yet nothing has turned up to show that any counection 
existed between him and Nahapana. {-) —If the Kshatrapa or 
Satrap dynasty held sway over Maharashtra for about throe hundred 
years as it did over KAthiAvAdj we might reasonably expect to Hnd 
in that country inscriptions or coins of most, of the princes, but a 
few coins of the later ones only have been discovered in a village 
near Karadh^ and no inscription whatever, (3) — Hudradamau in bis 
JunAgad inscription calls a S^iVtakanri, * lord of Dakshinapatha', which 
be would not have done if he had been the ruler of even a part oE 
Ihe Dekkan. {4) — And the dates occurring on some Satrap coins 
recently discovered are said to be 300 and 3u4'' which referred to the 
8uka are A'.D. 378 and 382, that is, the Satraps were in power even 
long aft43r a.d. 340. which is the date of Gotamiputra^s death accord- 
ing to the Puranic accounts. For these reasons it would appear that 
the " race '* of Kbugarata or Nahapana which Gotaniiputra put an 
end to and which ruled over this country before him, could not 
have been the dynasty of the Satraps. (5) -Besides, according 
to my former view^ the interval between Nahapana and (fotaratputra 
is about 200 years ; but the difference in form between the 
characters in Ushavadata's and Gotamiputra's inscriptions is not 
great enough for that period. Hence the two princes must be 
brought closer together. 


> Trftna. Or. Congr., 1874. 

Mnil. Ant.,V« 


« .Tom. B. B. R. A. .S., Vol. VIL, p. Iti. 
AUJ (Jcul. CuuiiingliHiirs Arch. Export, Vol. 2JU». 


Bection VI. 

Ptolemy's Siro 
Folcmioii tho 

same ns 

Siri Puhiuiayi 

and his 


the same «• 


FuJniiiA ji begMi 

to reign aboat 

130 A.D. 

From the Greek geographer Ptolemy we learn that in his time the 
country inland from the western coast was divided into two di^naioiia 
of which the northern was governed by Siro Polemios whose capital 
was Paithan, and the southern by Baleocuros who lived in Hippocara. 
Siro l^olemios is evidently the same name as the Siri Pulumavi or 
Pukimayi of tho inscriptions corrcBponding to the Pulomat, or 
Puliinat of the PurAnas. But there were two kings who bora 
that name, one the son of GotamJputra, mentioned in the inscrip- 
tions, and another an earlier prince of the Andhrabhritya dynaaty. 
This last does not appear to have been a prince of any not« i 
wherefore very likely the former is the one spoken of by 
Ptolemy. But the question is almost settled by the mention cl 
Baleocuros as the Governor of tho southern provinces. We have 
seen that in the legends on the KolhtLpur coins the name Vili^4ya- 
kura is associated with that of Pulum&yi and of GotaniJputra. 
Viliviiyakura is the same as Baleocura, and I have already elated 
tliat the reason why his name, in my opinion, occurs along with those 
of the twu princes of the .Satuv&han a dynasty, and on KoTh&pur eoiDS 
alone, while it does not occur on those found in the lower Godivari 
districts, is that hcs was the viceroy of those princes ruling over the 
country about Kolhapur. This country answers to the southern 
division mentioned by the Greek geographer as bein^ governed hy\ 
Baleocuros. The 8iro Polemios therefore of Ptolemy is the sumo a4j 
the Pufumayi of the inscriptions and coins. 

Ptolemy died in ad. 163, and is said to have written Ida work 
after a.d. 151, Pulumtlyi, therefore, must have been on the throne 
some time before this last date. We will now proceed to reconcile 
tliis date with those mentioned in the inscriptions, and to determine 
more particularly the dale of Pulumayi's accession. Some of 
Ushavadata's benefactions were founded in the years 40, 41 and 42, 
and the latest date connected with Nahapilna is that in the inscrip- 
tion of his minister Ayania nt Jucnar, riz., 46. These date^ should, 
I think, be referred to the S'aka era. For, we have seen that before 
tlie time of Gotamiputni, the country was subject to the inroads of 
Sukos and other foreign trib^Sj and tho Scythians who are identified 
with the k^akas had, according to the (.Jreek geographers, established 
a kingdom in Sind and even in Rajpuliina. The era known by the 
name of the S^aka and referred to in all the early copper-plate grants 
as the era of the S'aka king or kings must have been establlsbed by 
the most powerful of the 8aka invaders/ who for the first time obtain- 


• Prof. Oldcuberg thinks Kanishka to be the foander of the era; but this view is, 
I tbiBk, anteuable. ( 1 J — ^ dynasty of three kinga only cannot perpetnate nn era. 
The dynasty of the Guptaa coinposed of seven kings was in power for more than ■ 
hundred and fifty yeare, bnt their era died a natural death in the oouree of a few 
oentoriea. ('2J — The characters in Kanishka's inscriptions, especially the yn a« 
conjoined with a preceding consonant, are later than those we find in the first oentury. 
One has simply to coinparo In*criptinn No. 1 in Plate XIII. of the thin! volume of General 
Canuinphftmj's Arch. Rt'portti with No, 4 to see the fjreat difference in the fitrm* of th« 
leyttprR in the timoH <if the earliest KsHatrapas and uf Katiishka. The former 1 " 
the tinit" of the Kahatrajia Swlftsa and tJif letters are almost like tho«e 
UaliavadAla's iiiaoriptiuua at NAsik ; whilse thuio in the latter, which is dated iu <.,l^. .ilu... 

General Chapterg.] 



ed a permanent footing in the country, and NahapHnaand Chashtana^ 
or his father must have been his Satraps appointed to rule over 
Western India, and MiUva. On this supposition tho latest date of 
Ntthapina must correspond to a.d. 124. Gotamiputni or Putiimilji 
therefore must have acquired posseaaion of this country at tor that 
year. The earliest date of Pujumi\yi occurring in the inscriptions is 
the second year of his reit^n : and since the inscription could not hnvo 
home that date if Nahapana or his successors had been in power, it 
is clear that Pujumilyi began to reign after the overthrow of the 
latter. Now, we also learn from Ptolemy that Tiastcnes reigned at 
Ozone about the time when he wrote, and was therefore a contem- 
porary of Piiluraiyi. Tiasfcencs has, I think, been reasonably 
identified with Chashtana. But according to the JnnAgrtd inscription 
noticed above^ Ohashtana's grandson Rudrudaniiiii was the reigning 
prince iu the year 72, which, taking the era to be the S^aica, is 
150 A.D. Chashtana and Piiluraiiyi therefore could not have been 
contemporaries in 150 a.d. Ptolemy's account must, in consequence, 
refer to a period much earlier, i.e. to about the year 132 a.d,, since 
about eighteen or twenty years at least mtist be supposed to have 
elapsed between tho date of his information when Ohushtana was on 
the throne and the year loO a.i>, when his grandson was in posses- 
sion of it, his son Jayadaman having occupied it for some time in 
the interval. Again, in the nineteenth year of Pu|iira{iyt, Gotannputra 
was in possession, according to the large inscription at Nasik, of a 
good many of those provinces which, according tu the Juimgad 
inscription, were conquered and ruled over by RudrKdamau. The 
date 72 in tho inscription seems to refer to the being swept away by a 
storm and excessive rain of the dyke on one side of the lake there- 
in mentioned and not to the cutting of the inscription on the rock. 
So that it is doubtful whether Eudradaman had conquered those 

jear of Kaiistklca, ara considerably later ; and both tbe inscriptions exiat In Matbnrfl. 

(3)— There i» no ground to believe that Kanishka reigned over Gujarftt and Maha- 

\ rAthtra, bat tbe Soka era began to be used very early, especially in the last country. 

i (4 J — Tbe Gaptas whose gold coinage is a close itaitation of that of the IndoScythiaa 

[ djuA^ity, oftme to power in a.d. 319: while the last of the three kingt) Kanishka^ 

L Hiubka, and VAsudeva mast, if the reign of tbe tirst began in ad. 78. have ceased ta 

■ reign aboat a.d. 178. <.^., about 100 years after the fonndation of tiio dyna'jty. And the 

ff latest date of VAandeva is 8y. If* so, an interval of l-tO years must have elaprted 

!■ between the last of the lndo*Scytbian kings and the first Qnpta; bat the clo«e 

rertctoblftuce in the coinage necesfiitates the supposition that it was mnch shorter. 

Albiraui'H stAtemc-nt that the initial date of the Gnpta era was 241 iSaka, t.«., 319 

A.D„ hnn been pronoauccd nnreliablc by gome antiqnarians. As to thi? point and 

the era of tbe Satrap dates, see Appendix A. 

* Frofeesor Oldcnlierg consiilcrs Chashtana to be a Satrap appointed by Gotaiuipatra, 
a supposition which is unwarrantable, since a prince like Gotauilpiitra whotse aim waa 
to expel and dostroy foreignera cannot he expected to appoint a foreigner, as Choeh- 
ana' J. name iudicatisibe wrv*, to be a viceroy, and to UBe a foreign title ; and we have 
that Balcocuroe, who was a viceroy of that mon^ch or of his son, does not use 
title. Riidradiman, the grandson of Choshvana, appointed, .'is we see from his 
inBcriptloD, a Pahlava of ^the name of t^nvli&kha, who wilh the mn of 
to goTem tJnrisbVrft and Anarta, This clrcunistance confirms what we 
from other soarccs, namely, that thia was a dynasty of princes of a foreign 
who had Oflopted Hindu manners and even names, bod in m^ma cnnes entered 
alliance with native royal families, and ^ere domiciled in the country. 

Section ' 

[Bombay Gazetteer 



Section VI. 

Rf lationc of 
GotBinlpiitra ami 

hi ft sncceaaora 

^ith Nahnp&iw, 

Chiuib^ana and 


'provinces before 7- or did so after 72 and before the incision of the 
inscription. Supposing he conquered them before 72, the nine- 
teenth year of Pujuin&yi roust correspond at leii*t to the second or 
third year before a. n. 150, that ift» I'ulumAyi must have begun to 
reign, at tlie latent, about the year a.d. 13VJ. And even if we under- 
Btand him to have coiujueied them after 72, Pulum^yi*a acoesuon 
cannot be placed much kiter, for the interval between Chashtana 
TPfho was Pnliirnayi's contemporary and his grandson Rodrad.iman 
who was reigning in 1 50 a.d, will be considerably shortened. Nahapaoa 
or his fliiccessor thus have tieen overthrown by Gotamipatraoi 
Pulnmayi about 6ve or six years at tlie most after lus latest reoorded 
date, vh. ad. 124. 

The history of the relatious of these princes appears to be this. 
Nahapiiua was a Satrap niliug over Mahar&shttra. His capital wa» 
probably Jimnar Hinre the inscriptions at the place show the town 
to Iwive been in a flourishing condition about that time, and we have 
a record there of the gift of his minister. Ho must have died soon 
after 46 S^aka or .\, i». IS-I", Gotamiputra and Pulumfiyi CAmo 
from the s»nilh-oast to regain the provinces lost to their family, 
overthrew Nahapajia's successor, wlioever he was, killed all his heirSj^ 
an«tl re-establu*he<l their power over this side of the country. Thi» 
appears to be wliut is meant hy Ootamiputra's Juiving been repre- 
Horited in the Na.sik inscriptiou to liave " left no remuantof the race o€, 
KhftgaiJita/' and to have "regained the prestige of his family/* 
t'hoslituna founded or bel^>ugeti to another dynasty of Satraps which 
reigned at l.jjayini. In the JunAgad ioscnption,n)en of all castes aro 
represented to have gone to Kudradiman and chosen him their lord for 
their protection; ' and he is spoken of as having re-established the 
kingdom that had been lost,' himself assumed the title of the' 
Great KshatrMpa, conquered Akar4vanti, Aniipa^ Sur&shtra, Apar&nta 
and other proviuces which, as we have seen, were owned by 
(iotamipiitra, and souio mure ; aud as having twice subdued 
S^atakarni, the lord uf Dakshinapatha^ but still not destroyed him 
in consequence of his connection* with hini not being remote 


I»L Ant, Vol VIU 

• The expreaaionb^^W^'p^ K^^^ ^f^ M^- 
f. 260 J. 9. 

'In Tatidit BhagvAnlaFa tnui«c"ipt in Vol. VIl., Ind. Ant^ the reading is. 
MPn^m^lT-f;?!- llnt in a foot-note Dr. BaLler mya that the correct readuig m»j 
be %f^ for ?J3T, In Dr. Bliiu DAjis copy of tlie inBcri])tion the \?l w distinct,, 
p. 118. Vol. VII, Jour. B. B. R. A. S. BhAn PAji ami Paiuiit B.iagvAnlal trarslate this 
exprosaion by "obtained glory of prewt exjiloits by the VeeBtabliahment of dcpo»fd 
hitig$>" {n, »0, Vol. VIL, Jour. B. B. I{. A. S.), and ♦«he who has reHorcd to their 
throne* deposed kiwiif" (p. i!OU a, Vol. VII, lud. Ant.) If JJ^ weie the rewlmg. tbia 
translation would of courso be correct, but with ^HPT it in far-fetche*i. There ia 
urthing berv to show that the loat nj^ya or kinffdom re-establisbed by Uudmti&uiau 
was any other person's than bis ovrn. So that, it luoks uatucul to underatlind him 
to liave re establiihcd {his own) lost kingdom. 

* The reading b ^V^^^W- It iu allowable to insert tl, and take it aa ^Vv|H^<.t|^I% 
But tbc wnso of the woitl, which ia " remoti-aesg," wjl) not suit the context ; a« he 
could not have " arquired a good name," i.e, been e»teeni«1 by {>eople for not destroying 
tlif Lunl «f the Dekkau on account of the rt'motcne»8 of the connection. Rcmoteneag 
(•ir dislanee of the country would conipolono to let his enemy alone, and there could \ic no 
virtue in it. Th«' ^ thercfurc in the wnnl niuat liavu crept in through mistake ; whcrc- 
fi'ic tliL' tiuc rvadiin: nius.! \yc nk^SX^jKm^ 

and acqnired a good Datnc on thafc account. The meaning of 
nil thia appears to me to be tliia. Gotamiputra Sitakarni, after 
having destroyed Nahapi^aa or his successor, turned his arms against 
another dynasty of foreigners that was roling at Djjayini. Ur the 
Kshatrapa sovereign of Ujjayini Chash^na, or very probably bis son 
Jaj'adaman, having observed the growing power of Gotamtputra or 
Pujuiuavi who bad put an end to a kindred family of rulers, and 
desirous of preventing his further growth, must have attacked him. 
A fact such ap this must be the basis of the popular stoiies about a 
king of Ujjayini having attacked Stalivahana at Pui|ban and been 
dofeated by him. S'alivahana is but another mode of pronouncing 
S^atavahaua : * and Pujuiuayi or Gotamiputra was a S'atavahana. 
The ruler of Ujjayini was defeated and pursued by the victorious 
Ootamiputra into his own dominions, when the Ititter subjugated 
Avanti, AnOpa, Suriiahtra and Aparatita, and dethroned J ayadauian. 
For a time ho and his successors held sway over the territories owned 
by Chash^na, but subsequently Rudradaman collected a band of 
followers, the same as those that are represented in the inscription 
as having chosen him their lord, and drivirig away the SAtavahanas, 
regained his lost kingdom and got himself crowned as Mahakshatrapa. 
But as appears from the Supara coin of Yajiia Sri which bears such 
striking i^semblance to the Ks*.»itrupa coins and is so unlike the 
Kolhapur coins of that monarch, large or email, and from the fact that 
hifl son Chaturapana was his viceroy or representative^ the ISatav4- 
banas retained possession of a part at least of the Kshatrapa terri- 
tories up to the tunc of YuiQa .Sri. They oven entered into blood 
relationship with the Kshatrapas, as we leurn from the Kflnheri in- 
scription, which sjjeaks of the wife of Vas'ishthiputra oatakanii being 
the daughter of a Mah&kshatrapa. But Kudradainan pursued his 
victories and according to his Junagad inscription twice conquered 
yitakariii the lord of Dukahitiapathu, but did not destroy him, and 
u<*quired a good name by his forbeurance towards one whose connec- 
tion with hira wa» not remote. Thus the lord of Dak sbiiiapatha that 
he conquered was Yajiia Sri ^atakariii. lie could not have been bis 
•on Chaturapana ; for the expression " non-remoteness of the connec- 
tion *' BuiUi the former better than the latter, as Chaturapana's wife 
was the daughter of a Mahakshatrapa, perhaps his own and the 
couneetiou \vith him was positively close. The re-acquisition of his 
lost kingdom by Rudradatnan took pkce after the nineteenth year 
of Pulumayrs reign, that is, after about a.d. 149. It is in this way 
ulouc that the scraps of informatitHi dorive<l from the Greek writers 
and gathered from inscriptionSj, cuins, and popular legends, as well 
B& the dates, can be made to harmooize with each other. 

But the date thus assigned to Gotamiputra is not consistent with 
that derived from tho Matsya Puraiia. Our next endeavour, therefore, 
bhoald bo to ascertain whether none of the Puianas agrees sufficiently 
with the conclusioa arrived at, and, if any does, to account for tho 

Section VT. 

Dntes of the 


ae rlutcrtnined 

from tliu Puranic 

I Bombay Gg 


Section VL 

Darfttion of 

tho Maurya 


Of the b'ungai^ 

f tbc KUnvas. 

groat discrepfincy batweon it aad the Mitsya and others. That 
there is very Httlo agpeoinent among them as regards tba , 
Andhrabhritya dymisty, I have already indicated above. The 
genesis of our Puraiiic literature seems to be this. Certain versific 
accounts of certiiti thing.^, purporting to bo narrated by a bard 
Kishis assembled together at a sivcrtticial session, were haaded down' 
orally from geuer.ition to geueratiou ; and these were after some time 
committed to writing. The later PurAuas, devoted to tho exaltation 
of a particular deity and to the inculcation of certain d jctriaea, 
derived their accounts of these things from the earliest written! 
Pur&nas and not from the oral tradition. Of the works of this olaasi 
which I am going to compare for our present purpose, the oldest^ 
appears to mo to be the V(\yu, and next bo it the Matsya. The 
Vishnu is later, and the Bhagavata, the latt'st. The text of the old 
Furaiias gradually became corrupt, and the authors of the later A 
ones were in some cases misled by their incorrect readings iatoV 
putting forth statements at variance with the originil acconaL 
Now the four Pur^nas just mentioned contain general statements 
about the several dynasties, giving the numbar of princes belonging 
to each and its duration in ycirs, and alsD mention the name* ofl 
those princes more p.irtieularly ; while the Vayu and the Matsya] 

give ill addition the number of years for which each reigned. 
»ften there is a discrepancy between the general ami the particular 
statements. Tho duration assigned by them all to the Maurya 
dynasty, founded by Chaodragupta whosa date as determined by 
his relations with the succi?ssors of Alexander the Great is justly 
characterised by Professor MaxMiiller as the sheet-anchor of Indian 
chronology, is 137 years. The number of reigning .princes given 
by the Vflyu is nine, and by the rest, ten ; but the names actually 
enumerated in the Vishou only are ten, while tho Vayu and the 
Bhagavata give nine, and the Matsya, only four. The total of the 
yottr.s assigned to each prince by the Vflyu is 133 years ; so that it ia 
not unlikely that a short reign of four years may have dropped - out 
from the text of thai Pui-Ana, Thus the general statement about 
ten princes and l:i7 years seoms to be corroborated, and it appears 
pretty clear that tho text of the Mdtsya has in this case undergone 
a good deal of corruption. Tiins, if with Dr. Kern wo take B.C. 322 
as the date of the foundation of the Maurya dynasty, its overthrow 
and the foundation of the next or the ounga family must have 
occurred in the year b.o. 185, The S'ungas are generally stated in 
all the Puraims to have been ten and to have reigned for 112 years, 
though the expression used in the Bhagavata is not 'M 12 years," 
but ** more than a hundred years." In the actual enumeration, the 
M^taya omits tvvo^ and the Bhagavata., one ; and tho total of the 
years assigned to each prince in tho Vayu exceeds 112, There ia 
evidently some mistake hero ; but if wo take the general statement 
to be the correct tradition handed down, the dynasty became extinct 
in B.C. 73. Tho d}Tia8ty next mentioned is that of the KAnvas or 
KilnvfLyanas. There were four princes of this line, and they reigned 
for forty-tive years, though the Bhagavata, through a mistake to bo 
laiiicd hcroufter, makes the period to be 315 years. They were 


followed by the Andhrabbrityas. But here, there is a statement ia 

the Vayu and the Matsya, the like of which docs not occur in 

the account of the other dynasties. The founder of the Andhrabhri- 

tyas, Sindhuka, according to the first Puranu, and S'isuka, according 

to the other, is said to have uprooted not only the Kanvas, but " what« 

over waa left of the power of the Sungas.'"^ And the Kanvas are 

pointedly spoken of as S'ungabhrityas or " servants of the Sungas."* 

it, therefore, appears likely that when the princes of the Sfuiiga 

family became weak, the Kanvas usurped the whole power and ruled 

like the Peshwas in moJom times, not uprooting the djTiasty of their 

masters but re<lucing them to the character of nominal sovereigns • 

and this supposition is strengthened by the fact that like the Peshwas 

they were Brfthmans and not Kahatriyas, Thus then these dynasties 

L reigned contemporaneously, and hence the 112 years that tradition 

I assigns to the S'ungas include the 45 assigned to the Kanvas. The 

LJTiingas and the Kanvas, therefore, were uprooted, and the family of 

Hfe Andlirabhrityas c^ime to power in B.C. 73. In a general way, 

^Tne number of princes belonging to this line is given as thirty in 

the Vayu, the Vi.shiju, and the Bhagavata, and twenty-nine in the 

. Matsyn; and the total duration is stated to be 411 years in 

the first, 456 in the second and the third, and 460 in the fourth. 

The disagreement here is not greut, wherefore the tradition as to 

thirty princes and about 456 years may be accepted as correct. 

But the discrepancy between this general statement and the more 

particular accounts that follow, ds well as the disagreement botweon 

the several Puranas in this last, is very great. This will be 

apparent from the following table : — 

Section VI, 








tion of 
rei^n in 


tluu of 
relgm in 










but mentiou- 
ed aa a Vri Sim- 
la or Kadru. 








10 OP U 

S'ri h'dtakarnl . 


Pur^ots&nga ... 


Pamotaaugft .. 












[ bod ATA ... 


T%^ SPVT^R: MI'-WtITmI W^TH. II V4yu. " A servant of the race of tho 
Andhraa having destroyed Su^arman of the KAgva family with main force and 
whatever will have been left of the power of tht S'ungas, will obtain pouesaioD of tbo 
eaj-th." The ataten.ent in the Mitsyaia simitar. 



PiirindmsenA ... 
Sandm* SvAti 

Ohakora RvAti 

QauUnitputra ... 


YajiWrt 8f4U 



Cbaadalrl SAtB. 



23, fl 
or 20 











Chandrat^ri ... 




HI vasvAti. 

n ■* .i.tra. 

i 'Vi\ 


Chandra vijAa, 

Two tradiliona 

about the 


of the 


dynagty- 456 

Bhd 300 ycat-B. 

Thua, the VApi bus seventeen princes aud 272 years and a half ;j 
and the Miltsya, thirty and 448 and a half. The Vishnu giveal 
twenty-four uainea and the Bhitgavatn, twenty-two. This last] 
Purana has in many cases corrupted the names and confounded H&lai 
with the Arishtakarman of the Vish^n, whom it names Anishta 
karman Haleya. It also omits the fifth prince of the Vbhuu Pur&m 
Tlio details given in the MS,tsya come very close to the general 
tradition aud thus confirm it. Should we t!ion attribute the very^ 
great discrepancy between these details and those of the V^yu toj 
the corruption of the text of the latter ? Two or three names might 
drop away in this maunor, but the omission of thirteen names nuo 
the reduction of the total duration by 176 years mast I thiuk ho 
accounted for in some other way. Besides the tradition abont 456 
years, there is a statement in the VAyu Pur&na, in a vi^rse below, to 
the effect that the** Andhras will have possession of the oarth for 
three hundred years," ^ which seems to point to another. That sach 
a tradition existed is indicated by the mistake io the Bh&gavata by 
which the K&avaa are assigned three hundred and forty-five years. , 
The original accoanfc, which the author of this Purina must hava 

Goneral Chapters.] 



•een, probably assigned forty-five, years to tlie K^uvas an 
Landred to the uext or Andhrabbritya tlyuasty. But since that 
dynasty was also assigned another Juration, viz. 456 years, he 
cojinected the " the three hundred " with the preceding, and gave 
31-5 years to the Kayvayana family. Now, the manner in which the 
two traditions are to be reconciled is by supposing that the longer 
period is made up by putting together the reigns of alt the princes 
belonging to the several branches of the Andhrabhritya dynasty. 
That the younger princes often reigned at Paithay and the elderly 
ones at Dhanakataka appears clear when we compare the iuscrip- 
rtionswith the statement in Ptolemy. When the throne at the priu- 
'cipal seat became vacant, the Paithaa princes succeeded. But 
some probably died before their elders and never became kings 
of Dhanakatnka. From an inscription found at Banavasi by Dr. 
Burgess it would appear that another l»ranch of that dynasty ruled 
over Kanaii. The period of three hundred years and the seventeen 
Dames given in the Vayu Puraya refer probably to the main branch. 
The M&tsya seems to me tu put together the princes of all the 
branches, and thus makes them out to be thirty. The total of the 
years assigned to the several reigns in the Vftyu is 272^, and if we 
should suppose one or two reigns lasting for about twenty-eight 
vears to have dropped out by the corruption of the toxt, it would 
become 300i. Thus then the Vayii and the Matsya Puranas each 
give a correct account, but of different things. The Vishnu, which 
gives twenty-four princes, is not entitled to so credit as the 
V^ayu. It is a luter work and the author's purpose being sectarian, 
he probably did not care so much fur the accuracy of his details, 
and hence omitted even the duration of each reign. The Bhagavata 
is stdl more careless, as has alreH<ly bceu shown. 

If then we take the account in the Vfiyu Purdna to refer to the 
main branch of the dynasty and consequently generally correct, the 
perioil that intervened between the rise of the S'atavahanas or 
Andhi-abhrityas and the end of the reign of SivasvA,ti is SOd years.' 
The dynasty must, as we have seen, have been founded in B.C. 73, 
wherefore the end of S'ivasvati's reign and the accession of 
fJotamiputra must be placed in a.d. 133. We have seen thnt 
PuloraAyi, whose capital was Paithan according to Ptolemy, and who 
from the inscriptions appears to have been king of this part of the 
country and to have reigned contemporaneously with his father, 
must have bt'gun to reign at Paithnn about 130 a. P. The father and 
the son drove the foreigners from the Dekkau, and the sou was 
established as the ruler of the regained provinces, Gotamiputia 
expecting to succeed to the throne at the original seat of the fainily. 
Gotamiputra reigned for twenty-one years according to the Puranas, 
wljerefore he must have died in 154 a.d. He was alive, as stated 
before, in the eighteenth year of Puluniayi, i. e, in 148, and also in 
the nineteenth when the cave temple was dedicated, and n«jtaliv*' in 
the twenty-fourth, 1 e. in 15i, according to the two inscriptious 

ree Section V] 

The lotwr i 
refenlotlM * 

iimtu brattch olf 
tlje fatnitj. 

l^At« of 1 
accession anJ 

death of 

' Ily aiUlin'/ up tia' mnnbers in the table. 

ft 972-21 

Section VII. 

Of tho other 


m&iiuo«iud ill 

the inftcripUons, 

Of Pu|umfkyi. 


YajAft Srt. 


uieiitinoed before. Ptolemy's mention of Pujiiujiyi 1 have alreadj 
referred to abuiU the year 132; so that, tlie date deduced from thii 
source, and those ilorived from Gotamiputra'sand Puluiuiyi's iuacrip 
tioiJB at Nisik and Rudrudi'miau's nt Jundgad on ihe suppoaition that' 
the era used in this last is the 8'aka, aa well as those derived fi-om 
tl)e Pur,^i;a8 may thus be shown to be consistent with each other. 
The dates of all the princes whoso names we find in the inaciiptioxid 
may therefore be thus HrrJiiiged : 

Siinuku began to reign in b.c. 7'A and ceased in B.C. 50. 

KmLna V>e^n in b r. M and coaaeil iu b.c. 40. 

S'fitHkarni (ibinl in the V&yu P.) began iu B.C. 40 and c«B«ecl in A.D. Ir^ 

Nah:i{j<i(iJi KahnharCUa. 

tit>t;imi]nitra began in A.D. 133 and cenaed in A.i», 154 

If the twenty -ei^ht years assigned tt;« Pulamiyi iu the Mitsya Pariiyi 
are to be reckoned from the year of Gotamipittra's death, he must 
be considered t'* have begun to reii^n at Dhanaka^ka in a.d. 154, 
njrd tu huve cea.sfJ in A.D. 182. He reignetl at Paithay from a.d. 
130 tn AD. 154, that is, for about twenty-four years, and we liave 
Been that the latest your of his reign recorded in the inscriptions ai 
N.lsik and Kdrli is the twenty-fourth. Ahogether then his rei^^ 
lasted for fifty-two years. But if the tweuty-eight include the 
twenty-four for which he ruled nt Paithay» he must have died in 
158. This supposition looks very probable. He was succeeded by 
S'ivasri, whose coin found in the Tailnngaua districts has been 
described by Mr. Thuraas iu the Indian Aotiquwry^ Vol. IX,, p. 04". 
He appears to linve been Pulumayi's brothePj since he also is styled 
on the coin V.isithiputa, i, fi., Vasisih^hiputra, nrthc son of Vasishthi. 
He had a reign of seven years and must have died iu a.d. 165. 
iS'ivnskunda whs the next king, to whom also seven years have 
Iweu (issigned. There is no trace of these two princes on this side of 
the country ; while the name ol the uext,Yajna h'ri, occurs frequently 
as we have seeli in itiM-riptiuns and cuins. He appears to have 
been Pujumayi's immediate siicces.sor nt Paithuii. His full name 
was Gotauiiputra Yajua 8'ri S';l.takariii, and he is, as observed 
before, the Ootamipritra of tiie Kolhapur coiua. Some copie-s of the 
Mat sy a assign him twenty-nine years, others nine, and twenty, and 
the Vavn_, twenty-nine ; while the Miahmdnda allow.^! him ninetoen. J 
Probably he reigned in Mah;ir,ishtra for eighteen or nineteen years, fl 
since the sixteenth year of bis reign is his recorded date, and 
fur tw*'Uty-uine years nt Dliunakataka since, sccordiug to our 
supposition, the Viiyu Puraya gives an account of the Dhanakat««ku m 
branch and his coins are fuuud in 'JViilafigana. And this is confirmed 
by what we have already said. Pulumayi reigned at Dhanakntaka 
for four years and his two successors for fourteen. All this while, 
i. e.f for eighteen years, Yajua S'ri was ruler of Mah.irashti-a. He , 
must tlius have ceased to reigti in the last country in about a.d. 172 
and died in about A.D. 202. The next three reigns lasted, according 
to the Vityu, for sixteen years. No trace of any of these has yet 
been found on this side of the country ; but coins of Chandra S'rl 
ore found near the original seat of government, and two of these are 
described by Mr. Thomas in the paper mentioned above. Thas the 




latest. Andhrabliritya date is a.d. 218. Mntlhanpota Saka^ena of 
the Kinheri inscription, the same as the Madharipata of the 
KoUiapur coins, has bet^n identified with S'iva S'ri, the successor of 
Pulam-iyi, by Paudit Bhagv.iulal, and I also at one time concurred 
with him. But the identification is not, I think, tenable. II** 
as probably led to it by his reading Siriseua for Sakasena ; but 1 
Bvo shown that the reading is incorrect. Mr. Thomas has de- 
scribed a specimen of eleven coins found at Arnrivati near Dbam- 
^ikotj the legend on which he reads as S'jkaaakaiiaj but it is not 
unlikely .S'a^fl«<?naxa," of Saka^ena." Besides, Madliariputra Saka- 
sena could not have been the immediate successor of Puluinayi for 
• reason which I have already given. One of the Kolh;ipur coins 
figured by Pandit Bhagv.lnlal Indraji bears the names of both 
Gotamiputa and Madhariputa, showing that the piece origirinlly 
bearing the name of one of them was re-stamped with the nume of 
the other. Mr. Thomas thinks that it was originally Madhariputa's 
coin. I think it was Gotamtputa's ; for, if we see the other figured 
coins we shall find that they are so stamped as to leave some space 
between the rim and the legend- This in the present case is utilized 
and the name of Madhariputa stampeil close to the rira. which shows 
that the thing was done later. Madhariputra S'akasena, therefore, 
must have been a successor of Gotamiputra Yajna S'ri S'^takarai. 
But, as we have seen, none of his t^ree Purinic successors bore the 
name, and the name S'akasena is one which has nothing like it on 
the long list of the Andhrabhrityas. Stil! that king must have reigned 
at Dhanakataka also if my surmise thnt Mr. Thomas' Sakasakais the 
same as Saka.sena is correct. In the same manner, as observed before, 
Chatushparna Satakari^i's name does not appt^ar in tiie Pui-^nas, 
But the PuraiiUs cannot be expected to give accurate information on 
these points. In the Mat^sya Puraiia another And bra dynasty of "seven 
princes sprang from the servants of the original Andhrabhritya 
family will, '* it is paid, " come into power after ihtit family becomes 
extinct, **^ The V.iyu has got a similar verse the reading of which, 
however, is corrupt; but it appears that this new dynasty is there 
meant to be spoken of as having sprung from the Andhrabhritya 
family itself and must have constituted a separate branch cut off 
from the main line. And we can very well understand from tbe 
points already mude out how such a branch onuld have constituted 
itself after Yajna Sri's ceasing to reign. Vadshthiputra Sa'akargi 
whom I have identified ^vith Chaturapana married a Kshatrapa 
lady. The Kshatrapas, as I have before observed, were foreigners, 
most probably 9akas who had become Hindus. Madhariputra was 
not unlikely the son of that lady. And tbua he and his lather 
Chaturapana formed, from the very fact of this mamage, a distinct 
line of princes. Chaturapana appears to have succeeded Yajna Sri ; 
and Madhariputra to have reigned after Chaturapana. The dura- 
tions of these reigns cannot bo made out, but the latest date of the 
former is the thirteenth year of his reign, which probably corre- 

Section VI. 


'^OTtt ^'HT (V) ^^ ^ -*J<W^ ^m\' I ?I^TT^f ^f^«#cT. 

f Bombay GaBettaer 

tion VI. ^onds to 185 a.d. and of the latter the eighth. The dates of the later 

Sitavahanas are therefore these : 

^^^l^^^ InJiaMrdshtra. 

aT&hanM. PulamAyi a.d. 130— a.d. 1M. 

YajnaS?rl a.d. 154— a.d. 172. 

Chatushparya or Chatunpana ... a.d. 178— wai TeigninginA. D. 185. 
Ma^hariputra . . . About A.D. 1 90— was reigning in about a-ik 197. 

In Tailangarta, 

PuIumAyi a.d. 154— a.d. 158. 

Kiva Krt a.d. 158— a.d. 165. 

Kivaakunda a.d. 165— a.d. 172. 

YaiRa »rt a.d. 172— a.d. 202. 

Vijaya a.d. 202— a.d. 208. 

ChandiaSrI a.d. 206— a.d. 211. 

Pulomavi a.d. 211— a.d. 218. 

Thus then, the Andhrahhrityas or Sitavihanas ruled over the 
Dekkan from B.C. 73 to abont a.d. 218, i.e., for aboat three cen- 
turies. For some time, however, they were dispossessed of the 
country by foreigners who belonged to the S aka tribe. How long 
these were in power it is difficult to determine. If the S'aka era was 
established by the foreign conqueror after his subjugation of the 
country, and if his Satrap Nahapana or his successor was OTerthrown 
by Gotamiputra or Pulumiiyi, six or seven years after Nahap&na's 
latest date, viz. 46, the foreigners held possession of this conntiy 
only for about fifty-three years.* 


Political and literary traditions a boot the oatavahanab 
OR Salivahanas. 

The period during which the S atavihanas or Andbrabbrityaa Seotion VII. 
mled over Mahir^lahtra must have been a proBporous one in the 
history of the country. Hence seveml trauitiona with regard »o 
different kings of this dynasty have been preserved. But that 
Salivahana or Satavlhana was a family name has been forgotten, 
and different princes of the dynasty have been confuiinded and 
identified. Thus Homachaiidra in his Desikos'a gives 3;llivahaoa, 
8alsna, BiXa,, and Kantala as the names of one iudividiial ; but we 
see from the list given above that the last two were borne by 
different princes, and both of them were 8ilivahanas. In his 
grammar he gives Salivahana aa a Prakrit corruption of Oiitavahana. 
In modern times the Saka era is called the Silivihana era or an era 
founded by Silivahana. When it began to be attributed to him 
it ia difficnit to determine precisely. All the copper-plate grants 
up to the eleventh contory speak of the era as Sakanripakala, i.e., 
the era of the Saka king, or oakakila, i.«., the era of the 
aaka, and in an inscription at Biidami it is stated to bo the era 
beginning from " the coronation of the Saka king." Subse- 
f|uently, the simple expression ** Sake, in the year of the naka,'* 
was nsod,and thereafter 6ake or " in the Suka.'' The word i^aka 
thus came to be understood as equivalent to " an era " goiierally, the 
original senst* being forgotten. And since the era had to be coii- 
not^od with some gi*eat king it whh assticiatod with hhe name of 
J^aliviihana whom tradition had rpprosentt-d to be such » king ; and 
thus wr now use the cxpres^jion A^livahana oaka, which etynmhigi- 
'lally i-ar> have no sense and is made up of the names nf iwi^i royal 
familie? The current legend makes J^ilivilhaiva the son of a 
Brahman girl who was a sojourner at Paithaii and lived with Iier 
two brothers in the house of a potter. On one occasion she 
went to the Godavari to bathe, when Sesha. the king of serpents, 
becoming enamoured of her, transformed himself into a man and 
embraced her. In due course she gave birth to S^livahaua, who 
was brought ap in the house of thp potter,' Some time after, king 
Vikramiditya of Ujjayini, to whom a certain deity had revealed 
that he was destined to die at the hands of the son of a girl of two 
years, sent about his Vetala or king of Ghosts to tind out if there was 
each a child anywhere. The Vettla saw Silivahana playiug with his 
girlish mother and informed Vikramaditya. Thereupon he invaded 
Paithaii with a large army, but SalivAhana infused life into clay 
figures of horses, elephants, and men, by means of a charm commu- 
nioated to him by his father, the king of serpents, encountered 

lieftend about 

' The story about Ibc girl an«l her ftcrpcnt'lover ih in the KftthA»»rit«ftgAr« 
mrnljotitd with refcieiKc to Oun.i.lhya who was the sou yl the gitl. Katavilhana's 
ortgio 'v> gneii differently. 

[Bombay Gasettoer 


Section VII. 

name in 


with the 



of the Kataotm 


VikramiJitya, and defeated him. This desceut of a king of Djjajin 
ou Paithau f have already allu'ded to and endeavoured to explain. 
The Salivahnna referred to in this tradition appears to be Pulumiiyi 
who in conjunction with his father freed the country from the 
Sakas and fought with Chaabtana or Jayadaman and Rudradiaian 
whose capital appears to have been Ujjayini. It was in cooseqaeDce 
of sntne faint reminiscence of Pujumayi SalivAhana's relatiooa with 
the Sukas and their Satrap kings that his name was attached to the 
era first used by bis adversaries. 

There are also several literary traditions connected with the name 
of Sltavahana or Salivfthana. A work of the name of Bribatkathi 
written in that form of the Prakrit which is called the Pais'achi 
or the language of goblins is mentioned by Dandin in his work 
the Kavyadarsa,* Somadeva, the aathor of the Katlia-^aritsi- 
gara, and Kshemendra, the author of another Brihatkatha, pro- 
fess to have derived their stories from this Patsachi Brihatkatbd. 
The stories comprised iu this are said to have been communicated to 
Guiiiidhya, who fur some time bad been minister to Sitavahana, by 
a ghost of the name of KinabhQti. They were written in blood 
and arranged in seven books. Gmiadhya offered them to king 
oAtavabana, but he refused to receive anch a ghastly work written 
in blood and in the language of goblins, whereupon Gunidhya burnt 
six of them. Some time after, king aitav.ihana having been 
informed of the charming nature of those stories went to Guna4hya 
and asked tor them. But the last or seventh book alone remained, 
and this the king obtained inym his pupils with his permission.* 

It is narrated in the Kathasarits.igara that while S'atavihanA 
was, on one occasion, bathing with his wives in a tank in a pleasure- 
garden, he threw water at one of them. As she was tired, she told 
the king not to besprinkle her with water, using the words modakoik 
paritddaya mdm. The king not understanding that tho first word 
was composed of two, md "do not " and udakaih " with waters," but 
taking it to be one word meaning " pieces of sweetmeat," caused 
sweetmeat to be brought and began to throw pieces at the queen. 
Thereupon sho laughed and told the king that he did not know the 
phonetic rules of Sanskrit, and that while she meant to tell him not to 
besprinkle her with wtiter, he had understood her to say that she 
wanted him to throw pieces of sweetmeat at her. There was no 
occasion for sweetmeat at the place, and this ought to have led the 
king to the true sense ; but he was not. Thereupon tho king was 
ashamed of his own ignorance while bis queen was so learned, and 
became disconsnlate, Gunidhya and Sarvavarmon, who were his 
ministers, were informed of the cause j; and the former promised to 
teach him grammai' in six years, though it was a study of twelve. 
Sarvavarman, however, offered to teach the subject in six months, 
and his ofler was accepted ; but as it was not possible to do so, 
Sarvavarman propitiated the god Kartikeyaor Skanda by his self-^ 



' *i;<THnr*T^'T Mr|<fcii«it ff^^«^- 

- Kath<i«iuitsaj^'ara, II. 8. 


tnortifi cations, and the god communicated to him the first Siitra of 
a new giammar Siddho Varnasamdnindyah. Thereupon Harva- 
varman repeated the other Siitras, when K^rtikeya said that if ho 
had not been .80 hasty and allowed him to repeat the whole, tho 
new grammar would have become superior to Pariini^s ; bat since it 
conld not be so now, it would be a small treatise— iTaiJati^ra, and 
would also be called Kdldpaka after the tail of his peacock. 
Ilns new grammar Sarvavarman taught to the kiog.^ The same 
Btory is told by Tar.inatha in his " History of Buddhism '\^ but he 
makes the name nf the king to be Udrjyana, and of Sarvavarman, 
Saptavarman ; while the competitor of Sarvavarman is represented 
by him to be Vararuehi instead of Gui;:idhya. But Udayana is re- 
presented a* a king reigning in Southern India and Satavihana in 
the form of Sinfcivahana is also mentioned in eouuectioii with the 
Btory as a southern king in whose dominions Vararuehi lived. As 
Udayana frequently figures io Buddhistic stories, the southern 
prince Sitavahana is confounded with him, and this seems to be 
indicated by the fact that this Udayana is repreaented to have 
ruled over a country in the south, though the usual Udavana is 
a northern prince. It will thus appear that the Kiitantra grannmar 
was composed by Sarvavarman at the request of a priuce of the 
o itavahana family. And this same thing appears to be alluded to 
even by Hwan Thaang when he says in connection with the short- 
ening of the originally large work on grammar by P;li^ini and others, 
"lately a Rraljmaiji of South India, at the request of a king of 
South India, reduced them further to 2,500 s'lokas. This work is 
widely spread, and used throughout all the frontier provinces, but 
the well-read scholars of India do not follow it as their guide in 
practice/' ^ 

There is a work written in the old Maharjlishtri dialect called 
Saptilati, which is of the nature of an !intholr»gy consisting of 
G.'ithi8 or stanzas in the Arya metre, mostly on love matters. The 
author of this is in the third verse mentioned aa Hala, and 
ordinarily he is spoken of as S'lllivahaua. Bai.ia speaks of it in a 
verse in the introduction to liis Harshacharita as "an imperishable 
and refined repository of good sayings composed by Salivllhaua/' 
Verf^es fn^rn it are quoted in Dbanika's commentary on the 
Dasurfipaka, in the Saraavati Kai;thubharaoa, and in the Xavyapra- 
kasa. Tbere is, it will be observed, iu the list of the Andhnibhrifcya 
princes, one of the name of Htlhi, who probably was either the 
author of the work or to whom it was dedicated by a court-poet. 
From these traditions wo may, 1 think, safely conclude that 
literature flourished under the rale of the Andhrabbfitjas, and that 
the Prakrits or spoken languages, especially the Maharashti^, 
were probably for the first time used for literary purposes. In 
V&tsy&yHna'tf Kamasfiti'a or Institutes of Love, Kuntala S'tltakarni 
S'l\tavfi,hana ifl spoken of as having killed Malayavati, who is called 

Bootion VII. 



• Ktlhitwritailgara, VI. 108 k ff. 

*Llfe of Hwan Thaang, Deal* Tr»o»., p. 123 

' Schiefner's Tmnslation, p< 73 & ff. 

CBombay GkMWttoM 

Seo tion V II. Mab&devt, and consequently must have been his chief qaeen, by 
means of a pair of scissors in connection with certain amorous sports.' 
The name Enntala occurs in the list given in the M&tsya Par&i^a. 

quotation in the Oxf. Cat., p. 217 b., does not contain the name n^jJ >, and In 
supplies Iff^T^ 'rom the preceding clause ; but a GaqikA or conrtezan cannot hecalhd 

DuBwa this period the religion of Buddha was in a flourishing 
condition. Princes and chiefs calling themselves Mahabhojas and 
Mahira^this, merchants (Naigamas), goldsmiths (Snvarnakiras), 
carpenters (Vardhakas), com-dealera (Dhinyakaarenis), druggists 
(G.indhikaa). and ordinary householders (Grihasthas) caused at their 
expense ternplea and monasteries to be excavated out of the soHd 
rock for the use of the followers of that religion. It has been mea- 
tioned that in the first part of this period the country was exposed 
to the inroads of foreign tribes, such as Yavanas or Bactrian Greeks, 
S'akas, and Pahlavas. These afterwards settled in the country and 
adopted the Buddhist religion. For, among the donors and bene- 
factors whose names are recorded in the cave inscriptions, there area 
good many S'akas and Yavanas, Hot some and especially the 8 akaa 
seem to have adopted Br^hmanism. The Buddhist temples were pro- 
vided with chaityas or tombs in imitation of those in which some relic 
of Baddha was buried, and these were objects of worship. Tha 
monasteries contained cells intended as residences for Bhikshus or 
mendicant priests. These travelled over the country during the 
year and spent the four rainy months at one of these monastic 
establishments. In the month of S'ravana the monks held the 
ceremony of robing, at which the old clothes were thrown away and 
new ones worn. To provide these for them, charitable persona 
deposited, as we have seen, sums of money with certain guilds with 
directions that ont of the interest new robes should bo purchased and 
given to the priests. Villages were assigned by kings and their 
officers for the support of these religious establishments. The 
mendicant priests often travelled by sea; and hence at the head of 
several of the creeks in the Konkan we have cave monasteries 
intended as DharmasaMs or rest-houses for them. We have such 
caves at Chiplun, Mahad, and Kudorii situated respectively on the 
Dibhol, the Bankot, and the Rijapuri creeks. For those who landed 
at the head of the Bombay harbour or at Ghodbandar, there were 
the Kinheri caves. 

Brihmanism also flourished aide by side with Buddhism. In 
the inscription at Ndsik in which Ushavadata dedicates the cave 
monastery excavated at his expense for the use of the itinerant 
" priests of the four quarters," he speaks, as we have seen, of his 
many charities to Brahmaps. The same notions as regards these 
matters prevailed then as now, Ushavadita fed a hundred thousand 
Brihmans as the MahAraj Sindia did about thirty years ago. It wag 
considered highly meritorious to get Brahmans married at one's 
expense then as now. Gotamiputra also, in the same ioscription 
which records a benefaction in favour of the Buddhists, is spoken 
of as the only protector of Brahmans, and as haying like Ushavadata 
B 972-23 

Section VH3 

Foiindere of 




equally with 
Buddhism in 
% flouriahinjf 
condition , 

[Bombay Gazetteer 

Trade and 


of towns and 

"put tbom in tlie way of in creasiug their race. Kings and princes thoa 
appear to have patronized the followers of both the religions, and in 
none of the iuscriptir>ns is there an indication of an open hostility 
between them. 

Trade and commerce must also have been in a flourishing] 
condition during this early period. Ships from the western countrieal 
came, according to the author of the Periplus, to Barugaza orl 
Bharukacbciiha, the modern Bhnroch ; and the n»erchandize brought, 
by them was tlience carried to the inland countries. Onyx atonal 
in large quantities from Pflithaii, and ordinary cottons, mu8lin«|1 
mallow-coloured cottons, and other articles of local production from 
Tagara, were carried in waggona to Barugaza and thence exported 
to the west. Paithan is placcil by the author of the Periplus at the 
distance of twenty days' journey to the south of iJarugaza, and is 
spoken of as the greatest city in Dakhinabades or DtikahinapHthn. 
and Tagara, ten days* east of Paitha«»' This town has not yet 
been identi^ed. Its name does not occur in any of the cave inscrip- 
tions, but it is mentioned in a copper^plate grant of the first half of 
the seventh century ; and princes of a dynasty known by the name 
of S'ihlhara call themselves " sovereigns of Tagara, the best of towns/' 
in all their grants. Some have identiiied it with Devagiriand othem 
with Juunar, but in both cases its l>earing from Paithan as given by 
the Greek geographers lias not been taken into acoonnt I have 
elsewhere discussed the question, and have proposed Dhirur in the 
Nizim's territory as the site of the ancient city. The other aea-port 
towns mentioned in the Periplus are Souppara, the modern Soparerii 
or Supiranear Bassein and the S^orparaka of the inscriptions and 
the Puranas, where interesting Buddhistic relics wore dug out 
by Mr. Campbell and Pandit Bhagvaulil ; Kalliena, the modem 
Kalydn, which must have been a place of great commercial importance 
since a good many of the donors whose names are inscribed in the 
caves at Kinheri and sonte mentioned in the eaves at Junnar vrei'O 
merchants residing in ;* Semulla identified with Chembar 
by some and with Chaul by others ; Mandagora, very likely the 
same as tho mo^lern M.indad, originally Mandagada, sitnatod on. 
the Riijapuri creek near Kudeiii where we have the caves ; Palai^l 
patmaij which probably was the same as Pal which is near Mahi^ I 
Melizeigai-a, the second part of the name of which can at one 
be recognized as Jayagad and which must be identiiied with thail 
place whatever the first part Meli may mean ; Buzantion, audi 
others. Bnzantion is probably tho Vaijayanti ' of the inscriptions, bat i 
with what modern town it is to be identified it is difficult to say. 
Vaijayanti is mentioned in the Kadamba copper-plates translated by 
Mr. Tolang/ and was most probably some place in North Kaoara. 

' rnd. Ant,, Vol. VI IL. pp. 14.1, lU. 

» 8*6 the inacriptions in Jour. B. B. R. A. S , Vol VI., »nd ia Aruh. Sorr., W. 
India, No. 10. 
' Kitrli No. 1, Arcli. Rurv. Went. lad., No. 10. 
♦Jour, a B. R, A. 8., Vol. Xll, pp. 318 und 321. 

In a grant of the Vijayanagar dynasty, MIdbava, tho great ' Section VIII,* 

coansellor of king Harihara, is represented to have been appointed 

Ticeroy of Jayantipura. He then cooquored Goa aud seems to have 

made that big capital.^ Jayantipura ia said to be another name for 

Banavasi. In the Sabhaparvau of the Mahabhiirata, Bauavlsi is 

spoken of as if it were the name of a country, and immediately after 

it, Jayanti is mentioned as a town,^ If^heu Jayautland Vaijayanti 

were two forms of the same name, Vaijayauti was probably tho 

modern Banav^i, or perhaps in consideration of the facts that the 

name of Vaijayauti occurs in an inscription at KXtU and also that 

the Greek geographei-s in mentioning the places of note on the coast 

coald not have run at onco from Jayiigju.l to the southern limit of 

North Kinara, Vaijayauti may be identitiod with \''ijf»yadtirg. Bub 

these objections are not of very great weight. 

It is not possible to ascertain the names of all the towns in tho Iulan<l towai. 
inland country that were in a flourighiog condition during the time 
we have been speaking of. Besides Paithan and Tagara there 
was Nasik, which is mentioned in an inscription in one of the caves 
at the place and also at Bedsi. The district about the town was 
called Govardhana. Junnar was another flourishing town, as is 
attested by the number of cave-temples at the place. But what its 
name was we do not know. The name Junnar, Junanara, Jiirna- 
nagara, or Jirnanagara, which means the old town, must have been 
given to it after it had lost its importance. I have already 
expressed my belief that it was the capital of Nahapfl,ua. Puluraayi, 
who overthrew the dynasty of Nahapana, is in one of the Niisik 
inscriptions styled " lord of Navanara," meant probably for Nava- 
nagara or the new town. That he reigned at Paithan we know 
from Ptolemy, and also from the many traditions about S^tivahaua 
which locate the person or persons bearing that name at that city. 
The Navanara, then, of the inscription was probably anotlier nam© 
given to the town when Pulumayi re-established his dynasty, and, 
m contrast with it, Nahapana *s capital was called the " Old Town/* 
Or perhaps Puluniiyi widened the old town of Paitha^j and 
called the new extension Navanara, Wfiat town existed near 
the group of caves at Karli and the adjoining places, we do not know. 
But the place spoken of in connection with the monastic establish- 
ment is in an inscription named Valuraka/ and the district in which 
it was situated is called Mamalih^ra/ or the district of MA.mala, the 
modern Maval. Further south there was the town of l\iirahataka, 
the modern ICarhad, which is mentioned in an inscription at Ku(|cm^ 
and also in the Mahabh&rata.* Kolhapur also must have been a flourish- 
ing town in those days, since a Buddhistic stCipa containing the coins 

Moor. B. B. R. A. 8., Vol IV , p. 115. 

'Chap, XXXI, w. 69 and 70, Bom. EtL Tl^e Vanav.liinah at the end of v, 69 
refer* Vj the town or cnuntrv of BanavAs! .-ind ought properly to appear as VaiiavABikan. 
In the Turitias, too, Vanavaslkah ia giv«ii iig the name of a peopde. 

*No. U, KArli. Arch. Hurv, Weat, Ind., No. 10. * Ibid. No. 19. 

* Ko. JO. KudA CavGB. Arch. Surv. West. Ind., No. 10. 

• In the place «lK»ve referred to. 

[Bombay Oazett^r 

^Section VIII. 


R«te of iuteroHi. 



diffureat parta 

of the ojuutry. 



we hftvo already noticed aod other remains of autiqaity have bosa 
found there. The old name of the place is nnknown. Either Karbi^ 
or Kolh3.pur muat bo the HippocQra of Ptolemy in which he locates 
Baleocoros whom wo have identified with the Vijivayakura of tlie 
Kolbapur coins. 

Persons engaged in trade and commerce probably acquired 
large fortunes. The great chailya cave at Karli was caused to be 
conatrncted by a S^eth (S'rcshthin) of Vaijayanti, and in other places 
also, especially at Kaiibori, their gifts were costly. There were i 
those days guilds of trades such as those of weavers, druggii 
corn-dealers, oil-manufacturers, &c. Their organization seems 
have been complete and effective, since, as already mentioned, the; 
received permanent deposits of money and paid iat**rest on them.' 
from generation to generation. Self-government by melius of such 
guilds and village com muni bios has always formed an important 
faotor of the political administration of the country. A nigamaaabha 
or town-corporation is also mentioned in one of Ushavndlta'a 
Nisik inscriptions, which shows that something like municipal 
institutions existed in those early days. It is also worthy of remark^ 
that the yearly interest on the 2000 kdrshdpanns deposited byfl 
Ushavadita was 100 Icdrahdpa^aa, and in another case that on 1000 j 
was 75 showing that the rate of interest was not so high as it has 
l>eon in recent times, but varied from five to seven and a half per 
cent, per annum. If the rate of interest depends on the degree of 
security and bears an inverse ratio to tho efficiency of government, 
it appears that tho country was well governed notwithstanding 
political revolutions. To this result tho efficient local organization 
spoken of above, which no changes of dynasties ever affected, must 
no doubt huvo contributed in a large measure. 

Communication between the several provinces does not appear 
to have been very difficult. .Benefactions of persons residing in 
Vaijayanti or Banavdsi, and Sorparaka or Supilri, are recorded in 
the cave at Karli ; of a N^sik merchant at Bedsa; of some inhabitants 
of Bharukachchha and Kalyau at Junnar ; of natives of Northern 
India and Dittamitri, which I have elsewhere shown was situated 
in Lower Sindh, at Nisik ; and of an iron-monger of Karahikada or 
Karh;ld at Kudem. On tho other hand, gifts of natives of Nasik 
and Karhad are recorded on the stfipa at Bharhut which lies midway 
between Jabalpur and Allah^b;id.' Unless there were frequent 
communications between theso places, it is not possible that the 
natives of one should make religious endowments at another. 

1 CamvinghamV Stupa of fiharhut, pp. 131, 135, 136, 138)130. 

ies after the extinction of the Andhrabhri- 
D Lave no specific information about the dynjustiea that ruled 
country. The Matsya and the Vayu, as observed before, place 
inces of a branch of the Andhrabhrityus after them, and I 
yen reasons to believe that the Madhariputra of the inscription 
coins referred to before was one of them. This bi-auch seems 
been in possession of the whole extent of tlie country that was 
rer by their predecessors. If the fact, noticed before, of some 
the later Ksbatrapa kings being found in a village near Karhild 
regarded as evidence of their sway over this country and not 
ttributed merely to commercial intercourse, the Kshatrapa 
also must bo considered to have obtained possession of a 
at least of the Dekkan after the ^atavahanas. The earliest of 
inces is Vijaya Saha^ (or Sena) whose date is 144" which, if 
is that of the S'aka kings, corresponds to a D. 222, while the 
ate we have assigned to the Sfatavahanas is about A.D. 218. 
t of the princes whose coins are found near KarhM is Visva 
Sena), one of whose coins has the date 214 and another 224, 
mding to a.d. 292 and a.d. 302.* About this time princes of 
of A-bhiraa or cowherds must have come into power. Ten 
are mentioned in the Purdnas. In the Nasik caves there is 
iption dated in the ninth year of Virasena Abliira, the son of 
and of S'ivadatta Abhira. The characters in the inscription, 
they do not differ much from those in the inscriptions of 
ir Andhrabh^itya kings, must be regarded as more modern, 
guage is Sanskrit, which I regard as an indication of 
era. When the popular dialect became different from the 
the Pali became less sacred, the people fell back upon the 
Sanskrit for such purposes as those of recording religious 
d thus in all the later grants we find the Sanskrit used, while, 
e times of Asoka to the extinction of the Andhrabhrityaa, 
guag^ used was mostly the P;ili, or, to speak more accurately, 
of the Prakrits of the period. The Abhiraa were in power 
en years according to the V;iyu Parana. Many other 
are mentioned in the Puranas as having ruled over the 
~ information given there is much more confused 

the Drevious families. It apT)ear3 that the 


[Bombay Oasotteer 



Bection IX- 



Wu ha^e seen from the cave inscriptions that from remote timM 
tribes of Kshatriyas calling themselves Bhojas nud Ratthis or 
Rlahtrikas were predominant in the country, la the northern pari 
of the Dekkan or Maharashtra these called themselves '* the 
Ratthis or Mafciratthis, the ancient Mur:ithis." but in other pi 
the name in use mast have been Ra^^his or Ratthas, since we know of 
more modern chiefs in the Southern MarAtha Country who called 
themselvos by that name. Some of the Rattha tribes must have 
fonntHl themselves into a family or j^up (kftta) and called 
thtimsclves Ratthakiida, and later un R.i^ho(,la, the Sanskrit original 
of which is Rishtrakdta. Or the Rish^rakAta family was so called 
because it wa<i the main branch of the race of the Ratthas thtvt had 
spread over the whale country. These native chiefs that ruled over 
the country must have been held iu subjection by the Andhrabhrityaa 
during the continuance of their power, and also by the later Ksha* 
trapas. Bat after the dynasties became extinct they mast have 
resumed their independence. The Abhiras held sway for some time 
and over a part of the country only ; for the tradition of Gauli or 
cowherd rulers which very probably refers to them is confined to the 
Nflsik and Khindes districts. The Rishtrakutas probably rose to 
power about the same time as the Abhiras. Hence in the inscrip- 
tions on the Miraj plates and the Yevur tablet first brought to 
light by Mr- Wathon and Sir Walter Elliot,' respectively^ it is 
stated that Jaysiihha, the founder of the Ch.ilukya dynasty in the 
Dekkan, established himself in the country after having vanquished 
Indra, the son of Krishna of the Rishlrakdta family. The Chilnkya 
dynasty was, as will hereafter be seen, founded in the beginning 
of the sixth century of the Christiim era. From about the end of 
the third to the beginning of the sixth century, therefore, the 
Dekkan was ruled over by princes of the Rashtrakiita family. 

An inscription on copper-plates found in the chaitya of one of the 
caves at Kanheri is dated in the 245th year of a dynasty, which, if the 
word has been correctly lithographed, is called Strakiitaka.^ But the 
published copy of the inscription was made in the time of Dr. Bird 
and the plates themselves are not now available for re-examination. 
This Strakiitaka may be a mialection for Rashtrakiita. But it is 
not unlikely Traikfltaka, as the late Pandit Bhagv;inl&l contended. 
He has published a copper-plate charter issued from the camp of the 
victorious army of Traikutakas by a prince of the name of Darhase- 
na^ in the year f?07. Traikfitaka was thus probably the name of 
a race and the prince belonged to it. And the Kanheri inscription 
would show that this dynasty had an era of its own. From the 
form of the characters in the inscription, it appears that it was 
engraved in the latter part of the fifth century of the Christian era ; 
80 that the Traikutaka dynasty was founded about the middle of 

1 Jour, R. A. S., VoU. 11., III., IV.; Ind. Aiit, Vol- VIIL, p. 12. 

' Jour. B. B. R, A. S., Vol. V., p. Ifi, of the capica of ttie Kiitiber4 iiwcriptio 

' Jour. B. B. B. B. A. S., Vol. XVI.. p. S4ti. 

Q«iieral Chapten.] 


the third centnry, t. e. after the oztinction of the Sitav&hanas. Bat Section 12 
farther information about the dynasty is not available ; and we do 
not know over what extent of country it ruled. But since the 
epoch of the era appears to be the samo as that of the era used by 
ine kings of Cbedi, possibly the race of the Haihayas or Kala- 
Cliaris which ruled over that province rose to power about 249 a.d. 
ftod held sv^y over a part of the Dekkan including the western 
coast up to the country of L&t. They were afterwards driven away 
by some other race and had to confine themselves to Chedi. The 
resemblance between the names Tripura the capital of the dynaafcy 
and TrikAta is perhaps not fortuitous. 

{Bombay Qasetlear 



The Early Chalukyas, 

We will next proceed to an accoant of the princes who belonged 
to the dynasty called Chalikya, Chalukya, or Chalakya^ A large 
nambor of inscriptiooa on copper-plates and atone tablets have 
amply elucidated the history of this dynasty. The le^ndary 
orgin of this family is thus given by Bilhana, the author of the Vikra- 
mankadevacharita, or life of Vikramiditja a prince of the later or 
restored Chalakya line. On one occasion when Brahmadeva was 
engaged in his morning devotions, Indra came np to him and com- 
plained of the sinfulness of the world in which no man performed 
the sacrificial rites or gave oblations to the gods. Brahmade va looked 
at his chuluka or the hand hollowed for the reception of water in 
the course of his devotional exercise, and from it sprang a mighty 
warrior who became the progenitor of the Ch&lnkya race. Some 
time after, two great heroes of the name of Hartta and M&navya 
were born in the family and they raised it to very great distinction. 
The original seat of the dynasty was Ayodhy&, and in the course of 
time a branch of it established itself in the south. 

As stated in the opening lines of all the copper -plate grants of this 
family, the Chalukyas belonged to the Gotra or race of Manavya 
and were the descendants of HtLriti. They wore under the guardian- 
ship of tho Seven Mothers and were led to prosperity by the god 
K^rtikeya. They obtained from N^i-^yana a standard with a boar 
represented on it, and fighting under that standard they subjugated 
all kings. The Yevur tablet and tho Miraj plates, referred to above, 
agree with Bilhana in representing Ayodhyil as the original seat of 
the family* But since these wore almost contemporaneous with the 
poet, all the three repi-esenfc only the tradition that was current in 
the eleventh century. The first prince who raised the family to 

1 Dr, Fleet draws a di^ti action between Chalakya and Clt&lnkya and Maerta that 
•HMb laat form bclouffs only to the restored dynasty cfommendng with TaiU II " and 
that " it does not occur in any of the genuine early inscriptions." But it does belong to 
the eftrlierdynaaty also, and is found in gen uino early inscriptions. The best way to 
dateimiiie the point whetber the first syllable was ^ or ^ b to refer to yersos contain- 
ing the name, the metro of which will show tho quantity unmlatakeably. The in- 
scription* of the earlier dynasty are in prose ; we must therefore nofcr to the versifie<i 
grants of the RAshtrakfttaa which speak of the dvnaatv supplantwl by t hem. In the 
RMhunpur grant of tSovinda III. (Ind. ant., Vol. VI.', p. 65), we have ^^TT^^^I^^T^. 
^ 4c., in verse 3. In the Navasftri grant edited by me (Jour. B. B. R. A. 8* 
Vol. XVIII., p. 25"), wo have ^q^^^^T^'jjpT^^: ^jj^llir^ ^J^i^ &c. In three of the 
five grants of the eaatcm branch of the early dynasty edited by Dr. Uoltaoh we hare 
' *JHt^t'' ir IF^ t^outh Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I., pp. 44, 47 & 67). The form 
^grq- IB also f reqnently used. Tho digtiiiction between ^ and ^ and the difference 
in sense in consequence of the lengthening of tho vowel which Dr. Fleet points oat 
bare place in tho pure Banakrit of B&^ini and of tho Br&hma^^ ; but there is no room 
for them in names that came into use in the FrAkrit period long after Sanskrit became 
a dead language. Chain kya was some vcraaculor aame which waa Saoakritized Into the 
varioufl fonna wc actually Gad. 



Bneral Ghapteri.] 



distinction in the aouili was Jayasiriiha. He fought several battles 
"with tho reigning princes, and, among them, those belonging to the 
R&sh trak ft ta family, if the Yevur tablet is to be trusteil, and acquired 
the sovereignty of tho country. After him reigned Riinaraga, who 
WHS a prince of great valour and had a stately and gigantic person. 
He was succeeded by his son Pukkesi, who perfurmed a great 
A^vamedha or horse-sacrifice and attended equally to the concorna 
of this world and the next. He made Vatapipura, which has been 
identiOed with Bad^rai in tho Kaladgi district, his capital. He 
appears to have been the first great prince of the family ; for^ in all 
the subsequent grants tho genealogy begins with him. His full title 
was SatytWraya S'ri Pulake^i Vallabha Maharaja. 0£ these word«, 
VaUahha appears to be the title of all princes of this dynasty. In 
6ome cases, Vallabha had Ffithvi prefixed to it, so that the expres- 
sion meant " the Lover or Husband of the Earth." Satijmraya or 
" the Support of Truth " was inherited by some of the later princes. 
Pulakeni's son Kirtivarman succeeded to the throne after him. Ho 
'eubjogated a family of princes of the name of Nalas ; but over what 
province it ruled wo do not know. He also subdued the Maury us, 
who, from a statement in an inscription at Aihole' upon which this 
account is principally based, seem to have been chieis of northern 
Konkan, and reduced also tho Kadambas of Bauavasi in North 

Kirtivarman had three sons at leasts who were all young when 
he died. His brother Mangalisa therefore came to the throne after 
him. Mangalit^a vanquished the Kalachiiris, a family of princes 
ruling over the country of Chcdi, tho capital of which was 'J'ripura 
or Tevnr near Jabalpur. Buddha sou of S'aiii karri gari.ij whom he is 
represented in one grant^ to have conquered and put to flight most 
have been a Kalachuri prince, as the name daiiikaragana frequently 
occurs in the genealogy of the dynasty. Mangalisa is said to have 
OArried his arms to both the eastern and the western seas. On tho 
coast of the latter he conquered what is called Revatidvipa, or tho 
Island of Revati, A copper-plate grant by a governor of this island 
was found near Goa,* from which it would appear that Rovati waa 
very probably the old name of Redi* situated a few miles to the south 
of Vengurlerii. In an inscription in a cavo-temple at Badami, it is 
stated that the temple^ was caused to be excavated by Mangalisa. 
He there placed an idol of Vishnu, and on tho occasion of its conse- 
cration granted a village, out of the revenues of which a ceremony 
called N&r&yanabali was to be performed and sixteen BrfLhmans to 
be fed every day, and tho residue to be devoted to the maintenance 
of recluses. This inscription is dated in the twelfth year of somo 
reign when 500 years of the ^aka era had elapsed. The reign in the 

Section X. 

Jayasiiiihii, Hi a 
iirat prince. 

PulaWi I. 



. Ant., Vol. Till., p. 241. 

Hnd. Ant.. Vol. VIL, p. 161 . Sec also Vol. XIX.. p. 17. 
Pjoar. B. B. R. A. S., Vol. X., pp. 365^6. 
* Revait should, according to the usual rules, be corrupted to Revadt or Be-a di 
r and then to R«<li. » Ind. Aut., Vol. 11L> p. 3U&. 

a S72— 24 

[Bombay OAzetteei 



Death of 

Section X. twelfth year of which the cave-temple was consecrated is taken to he 
the reign of Maogalisa. Go this supposition Mangaltsa began to reign 
in 489 S'aka ; but I have elsewljere' brought forward what I consider 
to be very strong arguments to show that Mangalina could not have 
come to the throne so early as that, and the only criticiam* that I 
have seen on ray observations seems to me to be very ansatisfactory 
and serves only to confirm my statement The reign referred to, 
therefore, is that of Kirtivarman, and if its twelfth year fell in ftOO 
oaka, Kirtivarman must have come to the throne in 489 STaka 
corresponding to &.D. 567. In that inscription Mangali^^a assigns 
all the good fruits of his charities to his brother in the presence of 
the gods Aditya and Agoi and of the assembled crowd of men, aa^^ 
claims to himself only the fruit arising from serving his brothfl|^| 
faithfully. In the copper-plate grant of the governor of Revati»" 
referred to above, S^aka 532 is mentioned as the twentieth year of 
the reign of a prince who, from the titles given there and from the 
fact that Mangaliaa had about that period conquered the island, 
mast have belonged to the Ch^lukya family. He could not have 
been Kirtivarman, for the island was not conquered in his time, 
neither could he be the successor of Mangali^a who, as I shall 
presently state^ got possession of the throne in 533 S&ka. He 
must therefore have been Maiigalisa himself, and if S aka 532 was 
the twentieth year of his reign, he mast have begnn to reign in 513 
S'aka.'* Kirtivarman thus reigned from 489 S'oka or a.d, 567 to 
613 S'aka or A.d. 591, that is, for twenty- four years. J 

In the latter years of his reign Mangalls'a seems to have been^ 
engaged in intrigues to keep his brother's son Pulakesi off from 
the succession and to place his own son on the throne. Bat Pula- 
kesi, who bad grown to be a prince of remarkable abilities, ba6Bed 
all his intrigues, and by the use of energy and counsel he neutralized 
all the advantage that Mangalisa had by the actual possession of 
power, and in the attempt to secure the throne for his son, Man- 
galisa lost his own life and his kingdom. 

Pttlikeii 11. Pulakesi, the son of Kirtivarman, succeeded. His full title was 

Satyairaya Sfrl Prithvi-Vallabha MahS,rl.ja. From a copper- plate* J 

» Jour. B. B R. A. S., VoU XIV,, pp. 23^25. 'Ind, Ant., Vol. X., 57-58. 

• Bee also the argumeuts uaed by me in the paper reforred to above. In a rwently 

published ariiclti Dr. Fk«t places tbo accession of Mjihgalid'a in 621 Saluk current, being 

k-d ti) it by the occorrence in an Inscription of that prince of the words U*^ ^^^^'W 
^T Sf^H^TI^ ItKig^lH. I have carefully examined the facsimile of the inscription sriven 
in tbe article j and am satisfied that tbis is by no means the correct reading. {{^ and 
^?^HT<^ are tbe only words that are certain and perhaps tbe word ^aUo. Bnt 
^^^^ is bigbly doubtful ; tbe letter which Dr. Fleet reads ^ is exactly like that wblch 
be reads *^ J and there is some vacant apace aft^r *^ and ^ in which soLnethlng like 
anolbcr letter appears. Slmihirly tbe t% of f^^fP^T is bartUy risible as an Indepen^eBt 
letter, and tbo next two letters are also doubtful. Besides in no other inscription of t 
early CbMukyaa docs the fiyclic year appti^, (Sen: lud. Ant., Vol. XIX.» p. 9 and ff.) 
*Ind. Ant., Vol. VI., p, 73. 

General Chapters.] 





grant executed in the third year of his reign and in 535 S'aka, he 
appears to have come to the throne in 533 S'aka or A.d. 611. After 
Mangali^as death, the enemies whom his valour had kept in 
sabjection rose on all sides. A prince of the name of Appayika 
and another named Goviada who very probably belonged to the 
RAshtrakuta race, since that name oocnrs frequently in the genea- 
logy of that family, attacked the new Chalnkya king. The former, 
Teho had horses from the northern seas in hia army, fled awoy in fear 
when opposed by the powerful forces of Pulakesi, and the latter 
surrendered to him and becoming his ally was received into favour 
and rewarded.* He then turned hia arms against the Kadambas, 
attacked Banav&s!, their capital, and reduced it. The prince of 
the Ganga family which ruled over the Chora^ country situated 
about the modern province of Maisur, and the head of the Alupa* 
race which probably held the province of Malabdr, became his allies. 
He then sent hia forces against the Mauryas of the Konkan, who 
were vanquished without any difficulty. With a fleet of hundreds 
of ships he attacked Pori/ which was the mistress of the western 
sea, and reduced it. The kings of Lata, Malava, and G^llrjara were 
conquered and becfime his dependents. About this time, there was 
a powerful monarch in Northern India whose name was Harshavar- 
dhana. He was king of Kaaoj, but in the course of time made him- 
self the paramount sovereign of the north. He then endeavoured 
to extend his power to the south of the NarmadiL, but was opposed 
by Pulakesi, who killed many of his elephants and defeated his 
army. Thenceforward, Pulakesi received or assumed the title of 
Parames'vara or lord paramount. This achievement was by the later 
kings of the dynasty considered the most important, and that alone 
is mentioned in their copper-plate grants in the description of 
Pulakes'i II. Pulakes'i appears to have kept a strong force on the 
banks of the Narmoda to guard the frontiers. Thus, by hia policy 
as well as valour, he became the supremo lord of the three countries 
called MahiriLshtrakas containing ninety-nine thousand villages. 
The kings of Kosala and Kalinga' trembled at his approach and 
surrendered to him. After some time he marched with a large 
army against the king of Kanchtpnra or Conjeveram and laid siege 
to the town. He then crossed the Kaveri and invaded the country 
of the Cholas, the Pdndyas, and the Keralas. But these appear to 
have become his allies. After having in this manoer established 
his supremacy throughout the south, he entered his capital and 
reigned in peace. The date of the inscription from which the greater 

Section X. 

* Ind. Ant., Vol. VIII,, p. 242, Hue 8 of the ioBcription. From the words cAa, 
ekaia and apartna it ii clear thai two i>ersonB aire hero meant. Bat Dr. Fleet in hia 
traodation makes both of them one, which is a mistake ; and the trajiBkiion, I must 
Bay, is unintelligible. 

^ImL Ant., VoL I., p. 363, and VoL VII.. p. 168. 

* The name of the royal family seems to be preserved in the name of the modero 
town of Alnpai on the HalabAr Coast. 

* The town is called the Lakahim! of the Western Ocean- It was probably the 
capital of the tfaarya king of the Eonkan and afterwards of the Silahirat. 

' For the position of these countiirs, e«e Sec. III. para. 2. 

[Bombay Gaxetiesrj 



Section X. 

HwMi Thsang'i 

portion of this narrative is taken is 556 Sfaka, oorrospondiog to a.dJ 
634, 80 that Pulakcs'i'a career of conquest had closed before A.D. G84J 
It waa in the r^ign of this king that Hwan Thsang, the Chineao* 
Buddhist [)ilgrim, visited luditk In the course of his CraTeU 
through the country he visited Mahar^htra^ which he calls Mo-ho' 
la-ckii. He saw Pulakesi, whom he thus describes : " He is of tho 
race of Tua-ia-ll (Kshatriyas) ;hi3 name is Pu-lo-ki-she ; his ideas are 
large and profound and he extends widely his sympathy and bene* 
factions. His subjects serve him with perfect self-devotion/'* 
About Pulttkesi's having withstood the power of Harshavardhaaa 
which we have before mentioned ou the authority of inscriptions, 
Hwan Thsangf spoaka in these words: '* At present the great king 
S^iliiditya (Hrtrshavardhaua) carries his victorious arms from the 
oast to the west ; he subdnes distant peoples and makes the neigh- 
buuriug nations fear hiro ; but the people of this kingdom alone 
buve not submitted. Although he bo often at the head of all the 
troops of the five Indies, though ho has samuioned the braveet 
generals of till the kinujdams. and though he has marched himself 
to punish them, ho has not yet been able to vanquish their oppo- 
sitiou. From this we may judge of their >varlike habits and man- 
ners."* The Chinese traveller visited Maharashtra about the year 
KM. 630, that is, five years after the inscription referred to above 
was iucisod. Tho kingdom, according to him, was six thouaaad 
li (1200 miles) in circuit and the capital waa thirty ii, and towards^ 
the west was situated near a large river. The soil, climate, and thej 
character and general condition of the people of Mah&rishtri 
are thus described by him : '* The soil is rich and fertile and pro-l 
duces abundance of grain. The climate is warm. The manners! 
are simple and honest. The natives are tall and haughty and super- ' 
cilious in character. Whoever does them a service may count on 
their gratitude, but he that offends them will not escape their re- 
venge. If any one insult thorn they will risk their lives to wipe 
out that afTront. If one apply to them in difficulty they will forget 
to care for themselves in order to flee to his assistance. When 
they have an injury to avenge they never fail to give warning to 
their enemy ; after which each puts on his cuirass and grasps his 
spear in his hand. In battle they pursue the fugitives but do not 
elay those who give themselvos up. When a general has lost a 
battle, instead of punishing him corporally, they make him wear 
women's clothes^ and by that force him to sacrifice his own life. 
The state maintains a body of dauntless champions to the number 
of several hundreds. Each time they prepare for combat they 
drink wine to intoxicate them, and then one of these men, spear in 
hand, will defy ten thousand enemies. If they kill a man met 
npon the road the law does not punish them. Whenever the 
army commences a campaign these braves march in the van to 
the sound of the drum. Besides, they intoxicate many hnndreds 
of naturally fierce elephants. At the time of their coming to 

' Ind. ABt., Vol VII, p. MO. 

3 Ind. Ant,, Vol. VII., p. 201. 

Oeneral Chapters.] 


blows they driok also strong liquor. They run in a body trampling Section X. 
everything under their feel. No enemy can slrand before them. 
Tho king, proud of possessing these men and elephants, despises 
and slights the neighbouring kingdoms," 

Palakesi II. appears undoubtedly to have been the greatest 
prince of this dynasty ; and his fame reached even foreign coun- 
tries. He is represented in an Arabic work fco have sent an 
embassy to Chosroes II., king of Persia, who reigned from a.d. 
601 to A,D. 628, in the thirty-sisth year of that prince's reign, 
and must have received one from hitn, either before or after.* 
During his reign tho power of the Chalukyas was established over 
a very large extent of coontry. His younger brother Vishnu- Viahuavojrdharuwl 
vardhana, otherwise called Vishamasiddhi, seems to have for 
some time been appointed to rule over the Satard and Pandhar- 
pur districts, since a copper-plate inscription of his found at records the grant of a village situated on the southern 
bank of the Bhimi^. Vishnu vardhaua afterwards obtained the 
province of Vengi between the lower Krisbna and the Godavari, 
where ho founded another flourishing branch of the Chalukya 
dynasty. Pulakesi's second brother Jayasimha must have been JayaBimlui. 
his brother's viceroy in the district about Nilsik. For, in a 
copper-plate grant found in the Igatpuri tdluka of the district, 
Naga vardhana, the son of Jayasiihha, assigns the village of Bale- 
grama, which has been identified with the modern Be]g^\ra Tarhal^ 
about twelve miles to the north-east of Igatpurf, for the worship 
of the god Kapalikesvara.^ Tho district in which the village was 
situated is in the grant called Gopariishjra. Similarly, Pulakesi's 
eldeet son Chandraditya ruled over the province which contained ChandrAilitya. 
the S^vantvad? district. lu a copper-plate grant, Vijayabhattari- 
k&, the queen of ChandrMitya, who is styled Prithvivallabha and 
MaharAja or great king, assigns to certain Brilhraaiis a field along 
with the adjoiniug Khajjana {modern Khdjana) or marshy land in 
the village of Kochareih situated on the coast about seven miles 
to the north of Vengarlerh. In another ^rant found at Nerur, she 
assigns a field in the fifth year of svardpja or " one's owq reign." 
Now the reign referred to by this expressiun must bo her 
husband's, so spoken of to disHnguLsh it from that of his brothoi" 
Vikram^ditya, the second son of Fulakeai, who succeeded his father 
at the chief seat of government ChandrMitya was a king, as the 
titlee above given show, aod it is proper that his crowned queen 
should speak of his reign as svardjya or her reign. It is not 
necessary that charities such as those recorded in these grants 
should, like political offices or rights, be conferred by the reign- 
ing prince alone. The religious merit arising from ihem is sought 

' Arch. Sur. W. India. No. 9. pp. 90-92. 

« Jour. B. B. R. A. b., Vol. II., p. 11. 

» Jour. B. B. R. A. S., Vol. II.. p. 4, first tranulatwl by B-llft PAatrt and theo by 
me (Jour. B. B. R, A, S., Vol. XIV.), and last of all by Dr. Fleet (Ind. Ant., Vol IX., 
p, 123). 

I Section X. 



Sendrakft race. 

VUcramAditya L 

A branch of the 
Chftlukya dynasty 

estahliBhed in 
southern Gujai&t. 


by woraen as macli as by men ; an^ hence a woman like Vijaya- 

bha^tarika migbfc, during the lifetime of her husband, give a field. 
The fact of her doing so does not necessitate the supposition that 
she was a ruler or a regent when she made these grants, as has 
been thonght. She was simply the crowned queen of a reigning 
monarch at that time. Another son of Pulake^i named Adityavarman 
seems to have ruled over the district near the c<:>nfluence of the 
Krishna and the TungabhadriL,* as a copper-plate grant of his issued 
in the first year of his reign was found in the Karnul District. An 
undated grant of Pulakesi found at Chipluu in Southern Konkan 
has recently been published. In it he sanctions the grant of the 
village of Amravataka made by his maternal uncle S'rivallabha 
Sendnaudar&ja "the ornament" of the Sendraka race.^ This 
appears to be a family of minor chiefs with whom the Chalukyaa 
were connected. A similar grant wag made by the next king at 
the request of the Sendraka chief Devasakti.* Inscriptions of 
Sendrakas are found in Gujarat also, where probably they went 
when the power of the Chiihikyas was established in that province. 
The name Sendraka is probably preserved in the modern Maritbi 
name Sinde. 

Pulakesi was succeeded by his second son Vikram&ditya. In 
the grants he ia called Pulake^i's priyatanaya or favourite son j 
80 that it appears that Pulakesi had arranged that Yikram&ditya 
shoald succeed him at the principal seat of government, and had 
assigned an outlying province to his eldest son Chandr4ditya. At 
the beginning of this reign as of the previous ones there was 
a disturbance ; but it did not come from the princes or chiefs 
more to the north who seem to have now been permanently 
humbled, but from the far south. The Pallavn king of Kafichi 
or Conjeveram and the rulers of the Cholas, the PAndyas, and the 
Keralas threw off the yoke which Pulakesi had but loosely placed 
over them, and rebelled, Vikramaditya, who was a man of abilities 
and daring adventure, broke the power of the Cholas, Pandyas, and 
Keralas, He defeated the Pallava king, captured his capital Kafichi, 
and compelled him, who had never before humbled himself before 
anybody, to do him homage. On the back of his horse Chitra- 
kantha and sword in hand he is said to have repelled all the enemies 
that attacked him. In this manner he acquired again the whole/ 
of the dominions ruled over by his father, and became the para- 
mount sovereign of the country "between the three seas."* 

During the reign of VikramS,ditya I. a branch of the Chalukya 
dynasty was founded in southern Gujarat or the country called il 
L^ta in ancient times. Yikram.^ditya seems to have assigned that 1 
province to a younger brother named Jayasiriihavarman Dhar&^raya^ 


» Ind. Ant., Vol. X., d. 244, and Jour. B. B. B. A S., VoL XVI., p. 223. 
' Epigrnphia Indtca, Vol. 111., p. 51. 
3 Jour. B. B. B. A. S., Vol. XVI.^ p. 228. 8e© also below. 
* Ind. Ant., Vol. VL, pp. 86, 89, W ; Jour. B. B. B. A, 8., Vol. UL, p. 203 ; and j 
Ind. Ant., Vol. IX., pp. 127, 130-131. 

General Chapters.] 


who thus was another son of Pulakesi II,* S^ryft^raya S'ilMitya 
son of Jayasiiiiha made a grant of land while residing at Navasari 
in the year 421,^ and another in 443 while encamped at Kusumes- 
vara with his victoriouff army.* In both of these S'ryftsraya ia 
called Yuvaraja or prince-regent and not a kiug. Another son of 
Jayasimha named Vinay4ditya Yuddliamalla Jayiisraya Mangalaraja 
issned a similar charter in the S^aka year 653.* Pulakesi, who 
represents himself as the younger brother of Jaya^raya Mangalara- 
8Br4ja and as meditating on his feet, granted a village in the 

J ear 490.^ Both are styled kings. From all this it appears that 
ayasinihavarman though made sovereign of southern Gujarat did 
not rale over the province himself but made his son S^ryas'raya his 
regent. He held that position for more than twenty- two years ; 
and does not appear to have become king in his own right, as he is 
not mentioned in Pulakefii*s grant. Pulakes'i, however, seems frum 
his date to be his younger brother. Sryairaya died before his father ; 
Jay&sraya succeeded the latter as king and he was succeeded by 
Pulakes'i. The dates 42 1 , 443, and 490, the era of which is not given, 
would if referred to the Gupta era be equivalent to 739, 761, acd 
808 of the Christian era respectively j while Jayasraya's 653 Saka 
18 731 A.D. But Vinayaditya the sovereign of the main branch 
who is mentioned in the grant of 443 died about 697 A.n. ;^ and 
Jayasimha whose YuvartLja was SryAsraya will have to be supposed 
to have lived to 761 a.d. i.e. &1 years after the death of his brother 
Vikram^ditya ; while the interval between Pulakes'i and his imme- 
diate predecessor Jay&^raya will become 77 years, as Saka 653 of 
the latter corresponds to 731 a.d. The Gupta era will, therefore, 
not do ; and wo must with the late Pandit BhagYaolfiLl refer tho 
dates to the Tniikutaka era of the use of which we have at least two 
instances. Thus Srydsraya's dates will bo 670 and 692 a d., of 
Jayasraya 731 a.d. and of Pulakesi 739 a.d,, and there will bo no 
incongruity. But the original dates themselves 421 and 490 show 
the distance of time between SfryA-sraya and Pulukesi to be 69 years ; 
and if we take the later date of the former it will be reduced to 
47 years. Even this is too much and the only way to account for it 
is by supposing that the two youngest sons of Jayasimha Dhar&sraya 
were born of a young wife married when he was advanced in years. 
In Pulakesi's grant it is stated that he vanquished an army 
of T^jikas which had destroyed the Saindhava^, Kachchhella , 
Saoi&shtra, Chavotaka/ Maurya/* Gurjara^^ and other kings, and 
on its way to Dakshii^ipatha to conquer the southern kings had 
come to ^avas&ri to reduce that country first. Thereupon Valla- 

Seotion X. 

• Joar. B. B. R. A. S., Vol. XVI.» p. 2. • Ibid. pp. 2 A 3. 

» Tranaactiona YIl. Or. Congr, p, 226. * Jour. B- B. R. A. S., p. 5. 

» TmnsActioaa VII. Or. Congr., p. 230. • See below. 

' King of Sindh. ' Very likely king of Kachchha. 

* Kiag of AiuJiilpattan of the ChApotkata race. 

^ Kiug of the Maurya race ; probably ruled over aome part of the Koiikon aad ibe 
oMut of loathem QnjarAt. 

" Kiny of the Ourj»ra race ; ruled ovtr the Broach District. 

[Bombay O^ietteer 



A Bpurioufl 
Ch&lukyn graDt. 

stion X. bhanarendra, who must have been Vijayiditya or Vikrami litya IL the 
reigning sovereign of the main branch, conferred opon him the titles 
of '* Pillar of Dakshin4patha"(l)akshiuapathairad Lara), "OrnamentoE 
the family of Chaluka " (Chalukakulaluihkara)/' Beloved of the earth" 
(Prithivlvallabhal, the " Repeller of the unrepellable*' (Anivartakani- 
variayitri) and " Support of men in the world " ( AvanijaDasraya). Aa 
" Tajika" is a name applied to Arabs, from which the name " Tajika'* 
of a branch of astrology borrowed io the first instance from the 
Arabs is derived, the allusion in this grant is to an Arab invasion- 
And we have a mention of such invasions between the years 711 a.d. 
and 750 a.d. by Maharamad Kasim and his successors.^ Navas&ri 
was the capital of the Cfaalukyas of Lata or southern Qfijarit. 

A copper-plate grant of the Gujadlt Ch&lukyaa fonnd at KherA 
and translated by Prof. Dowson contains the names of three 
princes, viz., Jayasimharaja, Buddhavarmar&ja, and VijayarAja.* 
Scholars and antiquarians have understood the first of these to be 
the satrie as Jayasimha the founder of the Chalukya dynasty of the 
Dekkan. But I think the prince meant is Jayasiihhavarman, the 
brother of Vikramaditya L and founder of the Oujar&t branch of the 
dynasty ; for nothing has hitherto been discovered connecting the 
early Chalukya princes with Gajarit. The grant, however, appears 
to me to be a forgery.' The Buddhavarmau mentioned in it, if he 
existed at all, must have been another son of Jaynsimhavarman, 
besides the two spoken of above, and he and his son VijayarS.ja must 
have ruled over another part of Gujarat. If the grant is to be 
regarded as genuine, the date 394 will have to be referred to the 
Gupta era. 
VinajMitya. After Vikramfiditya I. his son Vinayaditya came to the throne. 

One of his grants is datsd ^aka 611, which was the tenth year of his 
reigTi,* another in 613 Saka and in the eleventh year, and a third in 
616 oaka and the fourteenth year.* There is also an inscription of 
his on a stone tablet, the date occurring in which is 603 S'aka and the I 
seventh year of his reign.® Ffom these it appears that VinayAditya j 
came to the throne in 602 S'aka corresponding to a.d. 680, in] 
which year his father Vikramiditya must have ceased to reign. 
His latest is a.d. 694-, but his reign terminated in a.d. 096 aa is 
seen from his son's gi'ants referred to below. During his father's 
lifetime, Vinayaditya assisted him in his wars with the southern 
kings and won his love by destroy in f( the forces of the Pallava king i 
and of the other three, t.e. Chola, Paudya, and Kerala, and tranqail- 
lizing the country. Between the eleventh and fourteenth years of 
his reign (a.d. 692^a.d. 695) he succeeded in making the Pallavas, 

1 Elphiiifltoiie's Hiflt. of IndiA. ' Jour. E. A« S., Vol. I., p. 268. ■ 

' My reasona are these : — (1) Its style is unlike that of the OhAIukya gimuta. (3) It * 
doei not contain the usual in vocation to the Bo<ar incaraation. (3) It simply siire* the 
three regulation names, i.e., so many as are prescribed, in tbe legal treattsei. (4) 
There is a unifonn mode of naming the three princes, by adding the raffix H^d, a 
mode not to be met with in the genuine Chi^lukya granta. (5) None ol the three 
princes has a title oiBirnda as all ChMukya princea from Pulakeii I. downwarda had. 
* Ind. Ant., Vol. VI., p. 86. * Ibid,, pp. 89, 92. 

send Chapters.] 



Kalambhras, Keralas, Haihayas, Vilas^ Mdlavas, Cholas, Par.irtyas, Section X. 
and others aa steadfast allies of the Chiilukya crown as the Uahga 
family of Chera and the Aiupaa whose loyalty was for the first 
time secured by Pulakesi II.' The kings of Kavera, or Kerala aa 
it ia read iu some of the gmnta, of tlie Pdrat-ikas, who were pro- 
bably the Syrians settled ou tJie coast of Malabar^ aii<l of Simhala 
were made tributaries. He also seems, like hisgrandfatlier, to liavo 
fought with and defeated some parariiouut sovereign of iS'orthera 
India whose name is not given, and to have acquired all the in- 
sigTiia of paramountcy, such as a certain standard called P«//rfAmyLr, 
the drum called Phakka, and others. Thfse events rauBt have 
taken place after 616 8aka, since they are not mentioned in his 
prant of that year, but in those of his successors.* A. chief of the 
name of Mai araja Pogilli of tho Sendraka family was a feudatory of 
bi8 in the sonih about Maisur.^ 

t^Vinayaditya was succeeded by his son Vijayadityfu He appears Vijay4dity«, 

^^liave assisted his grandfather in his campaigns against the 

' southern kings and his father iu the expedition iuto the north. At 

one time ho was captured by his enemies, though they had been 

defeated and were rftreuting. Notwithstanding lie was in their 

custody he succeeded in averting nuarchy and disturbance in bis own 

country, and when he got olT, established his power everywhere and 

bore all the insignia of supreme sovereignty. There is au inscripti«:n 

at Bldami in which it is stated that during his reign, idols of RrahmA, 

Visbiin, and Mahesvara were put np at V-.ltipipura in Saka (52 ( and 

the third year of his reign. One of iiis grants was issued in S'aka 622 

on the full-moon day of Ashadha and iu the fourth yenr of bis reign, 

^^^ther in S'aka G27 and in the tenth year, and a third in Sika t>5l 

^Kthe fuli-moon day of PLatguna and in the thirty-fourth year of his 

^^gn.* On a comparison of all these- dates it follows thjit bis reign 

began in 618 S'aka after the full-moon day of Ashadha corrcspondiug 

to A.D. 696. The first two of these grants, and another which bears 

DO date, were found at Nerur in the Sivautv Idi statv.'^ Vijayiditya 

* had a long reign of thirtj'-six years. 

After Vijay4ditya, his son Vikram:iditya IT. ascended the throne, Vikramadity* if*] 
A grant of his, engraved on a stone tablet, is dated in 6o6 S'aka 
and in the second year of his reign,^ wherefore he must have come 

I> the throne in 655 S'aka or a.d. 733. Soon after his eiironatiou ho 
■1 to turn his arms against his hereditary enemy the Pallava king. 
Be name of the prince who reigned at the Pallava cnpital at 
Kb time was Nandipotavannan, Vikram Iditya marched ngainst 
im in haste and encountered him in the Tudika country. Nandi- 
tavarman was defeated and had to fly away from the battle-field. 

rh!» fact LB not mentioned in thegrant of the eleventh year M his reipn (Iml. Ant., 
f VI , p. 89), while it does cwcur in that nf the foarteeuth year (p. 92) ami in 
|e nf hxA succeaflora. Ant., Vol. IX., pp. 127 and 131. 

Ilnd, Ant, Vol. XIX., p. 143. * Iml. Ant., Vol. VII., r» 112. 

Hnd. Aut., Vol. IX., pp. 127 and 1.11 ; nnd Jour. B. B. R. A. S., V«!. HI., p. 203, 

Mud. Aut., \iA, VU . p, HIT. 

[Bombay Qat^tteer 

Section X. 

Ltrtlvftrman TI, 

Overthruw nf 
th« ChaJuky&a. 


Tbe Ch.ilukya kin^ got a good deal of spoil in the shape of large 
quantities of riil>ic9, elephants, and instruments of martial mus-ic. 
He then f ntered the city of K&Dchi, but did not destroy it. In that 
city ho gave a good deal of money to Brahmana and to the poor 
and helpless, and restored to the temples of Rijasiitiheflvara and 
other gods the gold >vliich, it appears, had been taken axray by some 
previous king. He then fought with the Cholas, the P.indya8, the 
Keralas, and the Kalnbhras, and reduced them.' Yikramiditya 
married two sisters belonging to the family of the Haihayas. The 
plder of these was called Lokamahftdevi and she built a temple of 
oiva under the name of Lokeavara, at Pa^tiidHkal in the Ealal^i 
district. Tho younger's name was TrailokyamaL&devi, and she built . 
another in tho vicinity dedicated to the same god under the name of j 
Trailokyes'varR. The latter was the mother of KirtiTarman 
next king.- Vikramaiitya reigned for fonrteen years. 

His son Klrtivarman IL began to reign in 669 Saka or a.d. 747,1 
since a grant of his, made in the eleventh year of his reign, bear 
the date 679 Saka.* He assisted his father in his wars with the] 
Pnllavas. On one occasion he marched against tho Pallava king J 
with his fftther'a permission. The ruler of Kancht, too weak to\ 
face him in the battle-field, took refuge in a fortress. His power^ 
was broken by the Ch.ilukya king, who returned to his country with , 
a large spoil. During the reign of this prince the Cbalukya<« werej 
deprived of their power in Mabir.ishtm, and the soTereignly of the 
country passed from their hands into those of the Kashtrakiita j 
princes. The main branch of the dynasty became extinct ; but it had 
sevend minor offshoots, and one of these in the person of Tailapaj 
succeeded in the course of time in regaining supreme power. From 
this time forward, therefore, we do not meet with any copper-plate 
grants issued by the Chiliikyas ; but Kash|rakuta plates belong-ing 
to this intervening period are met with from Radhanpur'in Northern 
Gujnr;it to S;nnangad near Kolbipur and ^'a:rpw^ in the Central 
Provinces. The grant of Kirtivannan II., from which the above 
account of that prince is taken, does not allude to the fact of liii 
disgrace, but he must have lost possession oE the greater portion of 
his kingdom before Saka 679, the date of the grant. The name of 
the RAshtrakuta monarch who first humbled the Chalukyas was 
Dantidurga, and the work begun by him was completed by his 
successor Krishna. In a copper-plate grant of the former fonnd 
at Simangad he is spoken of as having become paramount sovereign 
after having vanquished Vallabha.* The date occurring in the 
grant is 675 Saka. Before that time, therefore, the ChAlukyaa ■ 
must have lost their hold over Maharashtra. In the Yevur tablefeV 
and the Mirnj plates the Chalokyas ai*e spoken of as having ~ 
lost sovereign power in the reign of Kirtivarman II. We will there- 
fore here close our account of the early Ch4Iukyas. 

' ImU Ant , Vol. Vllt., p. 26 

* Ijifi. Ant., Vul. X.,p. H>5. EpigrapliU Indica, Vol. III., p. 5. 
» Itid. Ant.. Vol. VI II. p. 27. 

• Jom R. B. R. A. S., Vul. 11.. p. 370. 

0cneral Ch«pterg.j 


Daring the period occupied by the reigns of these early Chalukya 

Srioces, the Jaina religion comes ioto prominence. Uavikirfci, the 
aina who compot<;ed tho Aihole inscription and represents himself 
»s a poet, was patronized by Pulakes'i IL Vijaytulitya gave & 
village for the maintenance of a Jaina temple to Udayadevapan^ita 
or Niravadyapandita, the house pupil of Sripujyapada, who belonged to 
the iJevagana Bectof the Miilasflmgha, i. e. of the Digambara Jainas. 
Niravadyapai^dita is spoken of as a spiritnal adviser of Vijajaditya's* 
Jather, i', e. Vinayaditya. Vikramaditya II. repaired a Jaina temple 
and gave a grant in connection with it to a learned Jaina of the 
name of Vijayapandila, who is represented to have silenced his 
opponents in argument and is styled the only disputant.- Bot 
Jainism in those days, as at present, probably ffourished in the 
Soathern MarS.th4 Country only. If thePujyajala who was the 
preceptor of Niravadyapandita was the famous gramrnarian of that 
name, he mast have flourished some time before 618 ouka, the date 
of Vinayaditya's death, i. e. about 600 Saka or 678 a.d. All that is 
known about Piijyap&laund bis relations to other Digambara writers 
18 not inconsistent with this date. But another date two hundred 
years earlier has also been assigned to Pujyapada. 

No inscription has yet come to light showing any close relations 
'"between the Baddhists and the Chilukya priuces. But that the 
religion did prevail, and that there were many Buddhist temples 
and monasteries, ia shown by the account given by Hwan Thsang. 
Still there is little question that it was in a conditinn of decline. 
With the decline of Buddhism came the revival of Btahmar^ism 
and especially of the sacrilicial religion. The prevalence of the 
religion of Buddha had brought sacrifices into discredit ; but we notV 
Bee them rising into importance, Pulakesi I. is mentioned in all the 
inscriptions in which his name occurs as having performed a great 
many sacrifices and even the Asvamedha. I have elsewhere' 
remarked that the names of most of the famous Biabmnnical writers 
on sacrificial rites have the title of Stdmln attached to ihotti ; and 
that it was in use at a certain period, and was given only to those 
conversant with the sacrificial lure. The period of the early Chalu- 
kyas appears to be that period. Amongst the Biahman grantees of 
these princes we have Nandisvamin, Lohasvdmin, and Bhalla- 
BvAmin ; * Damsvamin the son of Jannasviimin and grandson of 
T{pva?vami-i)ikshita; ^ Devasvamiu, Karkas\am!n, Yajnasvamiu, 
"i^g.immasvamin, another Devas^auiin, Gargasvamin, Rudrasvamin,* 
ibl»akarasvi'nin, Kelavasva-nin,^ &c. There are others whose 
ismea have not this title attached to them. Among these names 
there are three borne by the great comraontatora on sacrificial aiitras 
And rites, viz. Karkasvamitij Devasv^tDin^ and Kesavasvimin, 

Section X. 

Jaioiam under 
the CUSJukyoa. 

' Ind. Ant, Vol. VII., p. 112. 
-In.1. Ant., Vol. VII., p 197. 
» l^cport on M^;:S. for I8S4, pp. 31, 32. 

* Itid. Ant., Vol. VI., p. 77. 

• Iml Ant, Vol. IX., 128. 

' a. B. R, A. S., Vol. XVI., pp. 237. 239. 

• liul. Ant., Vo'. IX., p. 131. 


Revival of 

[Botnbfty OacettMr 


BeotioD X. Though it woDid be hazardous to aesume tliat these writers were 
exactly the persons who are mentioned in the grants with those 
names, still it admits of no reasonable doubt that they nre to be 
referred to the period when theCbalukyas roijnied in Maljarashtra; 
and probably flourished in the Dekkan or the Telugo and Kanarese 
countries. For the revival of Brahuiuai^istn waa carried on rigorously 
in the Southern India. The ritual of the sacrifices mast during the 
previous centurien have become confused, and it was the greftt 
ubject of these writers to settle it by the interpretation of the works 
of the old Risbis. 
iMicfiodi. And the Puranic side of Bralnnanism also received a great 

development daring this period. Temples in honour of the Purkijie 
triad, Brahmrty Vishnu, and Mahesvaru with a variety, of names 
were constructed in many places. The worship of S'iva in hks 
terrific form seems also to have prevsiled, as the Nasik gr&ni 
of N^travardhana assigning a certain village to the worship of 
Kap&likesvara, or the god wearing a gHrland of skulls, would show. 
Csv« wohitccture. Cave architecture came to bo used fur the purposes of the Purinic 
religion about the time of the early princes of the dynafity^ 
as wo see from the cave-temple at Bddarai dedicated to the wor- 
ship of Vishnu by Mafigaltsa. The Chalukyas, like their predeces- 
sors in previous times, were tolerant towaiHls all religious 

ttonnraft Chapton.l 









*-i K SU 
'^ oi ei 









Seetion X. 



fl-© a 

a " 

Jin »2 

Oh '-'5 as - 

_ J 


« e«d6 


-a ►» 











Section XI 

OoTwdft I. 

K&rk* I. 

India il. 




TiiK Raslitrakutaa are represented to have belonged to the 
of Ya<i(i.^ According to the Wardba plates they were members o£l 
the Satyaki branch of the race ; and were the direct descendanti! 
of a prince of the name of Katta. He had a son of the name of 
RAshtrakflta after whom the family was so called. These are clearly 
imaginary persons ; and as remarked before, the Rashrakuta family 
was ill all likelihood the main bmnch of the race of Ksbatriyai 
named Rafthas who gave their name to the country of MahAr^sb^rs, 
and were found in it even in the times of Asoka the Maurya. Thej 
Rfishirakutas were the real native rulers of the country and wer 
sometimes eclipsed by enterprising princes of foreign orig^D, sucL^ 
as the Siita^ahanns and the Cbalukyas who established themselves in 
the Dckkan and exorcised supreme sovereignty, but were never extir^ 
piitcd. The earliest prince of the dynasty mentioned in the grants 
hitherto discovered is Govindn I. But in an inscription in the 
rock-cut tample of the Da-^avat^ras at Elura the names of two earlier 
ones, Dantivarnmu and ludraraja, occur, ^ The letter was Govinda's 
father and the former hia grandfather. Govinda I. was proWbly 
the prince of that name who in Raviktrti's inscription at Aihole is 
spoken of as having attacked the Chillukya king Pulake*i IT. and to 
have afterwards become his ally. Govinda was succeeded by his son ^ 
Karka, during whose reign the Brahmana performed many sacrifices ™ 
utid xvho seems to have patronized the old Vedic religion. After 
him his son Indraraja came to the throne. Indrar^ja married a girl 
who belonged to the Chaluk3-a family, though on her mother's side! 
sho was connected with tbo lunar race, probably that of thej 
Rasbtrakfitas themselves. From this union sprang DantidurgaJ 
who became king after bis father. With a handful of soldiers' 
Dantidurga defeated the army of Karnat^ika, which hitherto bad 
achieved very great glory bj vanquishing the forces of the kings of 
Kancbi, the Keralas, Cholas, and randyaa, and of Sribarsha, the . 
lord paramount of Northern India, and Vajrata* j and thus conquered ■ 
Vallabba or the last Chalukya king Kirtivarman II. with ease. Ho 
tbas acquired paramount eovereigtity in the south.* He also subdaod 
the kings of Kaiicbt, Kaliiiga, Kosala, SfH-S^aila,° M4lava, L&^, and 

» Kharepfttan plata, Jour. B. B. R. A. 6,, Vol. I., p. 217 ; FAng»H plat«a, B. B. R. A., 
Vol. IV., p. ill. ; Kavasarl platea and W ardha platea, Jour. B. B.B. A. S., VoL XVlll. 
n 2S9 ti tto, 
*« Arch. Surv. West. Ind„ No 10, pp. D2— ft6. 

^ The aroiy of Kani4(aka waa thua the army of the Chalakyos. 

* SAmangwi grant, p. 375, Jour. B. R R. A. S., Vul. II. 

• This muHt have Doon the coontry about S'rt-S'ftila which contains the celebrmt«d 
flhrine of Mattikdrjuna and which is situated on the lower Kriehaa in the Kamot 
diBlriut, Madras Freisidency. 


wn\ ChapterB.l 


jpahka. At Ujjayini lie gave large qaantities of gold and jewels in 
charity,^ A graat of Diintitlurga fouod at S^mangad in the Kolha- 
bur district bears the date 675 of the ^laka era, corresponding to 
Ld. 753.« 

Dantidarga died childless according to a grant foand at Karda,' 
and his paternal oocle Krisbiiariija succeeded to the throne. 
Another grant found at Baroda* omits the name of Dantidurga, since 
|he object of the writer was simply to give the pedigree of the reign- 
ing monarch, with reference to whom ilantidurga was but a collater- 
li, and not to give the names of all the previous kings. In that 
rrant Krishnaraja ia spoken of as having " rooted out " a prince 
belonging to the same family with himself who had taken to evil ways 
ind to have himself assumed the task of governing for the *' benefit 
nf his race." The prince dethrooed or destroyed by Krishyaraja 
Doald not have been Dantidurga, as has been supposed by some 
Irriters, since he was a powerful monarch who for the first time 
|u;qiiired supreme sovereignty for bis family. In a grant found at 
j^&vl, and another found in the Navasari district, Krishna is repre- 
tonted to have succeeded to the throuo after Dantidurga^s death.* 
Hie prince whom he set aside, therefore, must either have been 
i son of Dantidarga or some other person with a better claim to 
the throne than himself. The statement of tho Kardii plate that 
Dantidurga died childless may be discredited as being made two 
kuodred years after the occurrence, 

KfishnarAja, otherwise called S'ubhatunga and also Akalavarsha, car- 
ried on the work of Dantidurga and reduced the Chalukyas to com- 
plete subjection. Iti two of tlie grants'* he is spoken of '*as having with 
the aid of goda in the form of his counsellors or lollowers churned the 
ocean of the Chalukya race which had been resorted to by mountains 
In the shape of kings afraid of their wings or power being destroyed^ — 
hn ocean that was iuaccessible to others, — and drawn out from it the 
Lakshmi^ " of paramount sovereignty. He is said to have defeated 
Hahappa who was proud of his own power and prowess, and after- 
wards assumed the ensigns of supreme sovereignty. Who" this 
person was we have not the means of determining. In the Wardha 
' ^es he is represented to have constracted many temples of S'iva, 

rcb. Sanr. West. Ind., No. 10. foe. cit. 
eferred to above. 
Jour. R. .\.ij.. Vol. III. 

FublUhed in Jour, Beng. A. b'.. Vol. VIII., pp. 292-303. 
• See staaiA II ^p. 146, Ind. Ant., Vol. V.,) of the tirst half of whicb ornly ^Ifp'^^ 
[H^l rrmAins ; and Hnei 15 and 16. Jour. B. B. R. A..H., Vol, XVIII., p. 267, Ih 14, 15. 
^V»ni-Diudori, Joor. B. A S , Vol. V„ and RAdhanpnr, Irul. Ant„ Vol. VI., p. 65. 
^^Vhf. legend ia that in early times mouutaina had wings, and as they did conaider- 
tmiBchief hy their use, Indra set about cutting them. The mountain* therenpon 
I refuge in the sea. The atory originated from the double »ena6 which the word 
ba<a boan in the Vedaa. It denot«a " a raoantain " and " a cloud" atao. Indrs 
Ithe god who prevented the cloiida from flying from place to place, and cwmpolled 
m to aiflcharge their freight on the earth for the benefit of his human wor««hipp^ra. 
^^iahgu chumfd tha ooa»n with the aid of the gods and drew out Lakahmt from 
^^Tiom he married. 

Dd. Ant,, Vol. XII., p 182.1. 13. 

Section XT. 


Temple of Siva at 

Elura excavated 

at the orders of 


[Bombay Oaietteer 


Section XI. which resembled the Kaild^a mountain.^ la the Baroda grant il 
is stated that KrishnarAja " caused to be constract4?d a temple 
of a wonderful form on the mountain at Elapura, When the gods 
moving in tbeir aerial cars saw it they were struck with wonder 
and constantly tli«:tught much over the matter saying to thomselres, 
' This temple of Siva is self-existent ; for such beauty is not to be 
found in a work of art.' Even the architect who construct-ed it waa 
struck with wonder, saying when his heart misgave him as regards 
making another similar attempt, ' Wonderful ! I do not know how 
it was that I could construct it.* King Krishna witli his own hands 
again decorated Sanibhu (5iva) placed in that temple, by moans of 
gold, rubies, and other precious jewels, though he had already been 
decorated by the wonderful artificial ornaments of the stream of the 
' Gang/l, the moon, and the deadly poison." The ending pura in the 

names of towns, when it undergoes a change at all, is invariably 
changed to wr, as in Sihur for Rimhapum, Indur for ludrapurn, 
S'irur for S'ripura, &c. The Elapura of the inscription, there- 
fore, is Ehir; and the temple described in the grant in such termi 
must bo one of those excavated on the hills at the place, per- 
haps the temple of Kailasa itself. - Thus it appears that it was 
Krishimraja that caused the Kailasa to be constnicte«i, and the date 
assigned to it by Dra. Fergusson and Burgess simply on architec- 
tural grounds is veritied. Krishyar&jauiust have reigned in the last 
quarter of the seventh century of the S'uka em, i.e., between 753 
and 775 a.d. 

GovindalL KrisbiinrAja was succeeded by his son Oovinda XL* Nothing 

particuljir is recorded of him in the grants, except, of course, the 
general praise which is accorded to every prince, however weak 
and inglorions. It however appears from the Vaiji-Diydort and 
Kadhanpur grants that he was superseded by his younger brother 

^ Lor. nt. 

• Dr. Haltler in his paper in Vol. VI « Ind. Ant , simply itat-es ibat the '*gT«nC 
(]taroda) cuunecta him (Kristiuadlja) with the hill at Khlpur, where be Beeius to have 
built a fort anJ a apltiiidiil temple of STvjv."" He ha* not identitied EUpura and did 
not perceive the im portent signiticancc of tliifl and the next twostauxas. He, however, 
auapocted that one of the verses wa? l»a«]ly deciphered. That thi* and the foliuwing 
verses are somewhat battly deciphered there is no donbt ; but the translation in the 
Bengal Aaifttic Society'* Journal is far worse and Dj-. Biihler was misled by it. Dr. Fleet 
has pahlished a revised translation (hid. Ant., Vol. XII., p. 162), bat as regards 
this paiaag^ it certainly ia no improvement on the first. He also onoe spoke of 
''ahill fort" (Ind. Ant., Vol. XI,, p. 124), and now thinks EIApura i« in the pasaage 
meant to be rpprescntcd as Krishnarlja'si ** encampments. " Ho identifies Elipara with 
YelMpur in the North Kamiri diBtrictB. But th«> manner in whioh the temple i*d>j- 
•crilievl acrordltig to my translation and also the obvious derivation of Elnr from EHpura, 
and Kluril from Elfipuraka, leave little douht that a rockcnt temple at Elura is niMat 
to be apoken uf \ and actnally the exiateneo of a Bisb^rakfitA inscription in one of the 
temples confirms niy roncluRian. Tliat my translation is corrcet and appropriate, I 
have shoH-n in an article published in the Indian Antiquary, Vol. XU., p. 2ii8, wher« 
the reader will find the point fully diaoussed. 

* The name of this prince is omitted in the Vani-Diiidori and R^hanpur grants, for 
the samft reason apparently as tliat for which Dantidurga's is omitted in the fiaroia 
grant ; bnt he is alluded to when they state that Dhruva or Nimpania act aside his elder 

leral Chapters.] 



Dbruva, and the grants endeavoor to palliate his crime in having • 
thns usurped the throne. The Wardba grant states that he gave 
liimself up to sensual pleasures, and lett the cares of the kingdom 
to his younger Brother Nirupuma ; and thus allowed the sovereignty 
to drop away from his hands. But subsequently he seems from 
the Paithan' grant to have endeavoured to regain his power with 
the assistance of the neighbouring princes, when Dhruva vanquished 
bim in a battle and formally assumed the insignia of supreme 
sovereignty. At the end of a Puiana entitled HarivarhsTa of the 
Digambora Jainos, it is stated that the work was composed by 
Jinasena in the oaka year 705 while Vatlabba the son ot Krishna 
mhB ruling over the south. Govinda II. is in the Eavi and Paithau 
grauts called Vallabha, while one of the names of Dhruva, tho 
second son of Krishiia I., was Kalivallabha. Govinda II,, there- 
fore, must be the prince alluded to, and he appears thus to have 
been on the throne in the Sfaka year 705, or a.d. 783.^ 
■^>hruva was ao able and warlike prince. His other names were 
jHptipama or the " Matchless," Kalivallabha, and Dh^r&varsha. 
"He humbled tho Palkva king of Kanchi and obtained from him 
a tribute of elephants. He detained in custody the prince of the 
Ganga family, which ruled over the Chera country. He also carried 
Lis arms into the north against the king of the Vatsas, whose 
capital must have been Kaua'tlmbi the modern Kosam near 
Allahabad, and who had grown haughty by his conquest of a king 
of the Gauda country. He drove the Vatsa prince into the 
impassable desert of MArvild and carried away the two state 
umbrellas which he iiad won from the Gauda king.^ The Jaina 
llftrivaihs'a represents a Vatsa prince as ruling over the west in 
iSTaka 705. He must have been the same as that vanquished by 
Ninipama. According to the Navas-ari grant Nirupamu took away 
the umbrella of the king of Kosala also; and iii the Wardiii plates 
he is represented as having three white umbrellas. A stone 
inscription at Pattadakal was incised in the reign of Nirupnma. 
^L^re he is styled Dharuvarsha and Kalivallabha.* The last name 
^■hars also in tho Wardha grant and tho first in that found at 
^Rthan. This prince does not appear to have reigned long, as bis 
brother was on the throne in Saka 7U5 and his son in Saka 71*i, the 
year in which the Paifhan charter was issued. 

Dhruva Nirupama was succeeded by his son Govinda III. 
KAdhaopur and Vani-Dindori grants wore issued by him in 
i'aka year 730 corresponding to a.d. SOS'* while ho was at 

ftphiA IndioA. Vol. H'., p. 107. 

f>fr (^M*?™'^ (^) w^ ^R ^it^^ If 

[Star* 8Vr. MSS.. Vol. VI., p. 80, and MHP. in the Deccwi College collections^ 
[}i-D'n>«tor1 ftiid Hadhanpiir platea. * Ind, Ant., Yol. XI., p. 125. 

"The Sadtv«t«ant or rycUoyear given in the first is Sarmjil, the current lukii year 
CfTrretponding to which was 730, wliile in the second it ia Vyaya coiroBpondin^' to 729 
rurrent. Ai ivganU the exact «ignificalioD to U< attached to these dat^s, see AppcuJI\ B. 

B »If— 20 

Section XI. 

Govirdtt III or 
Jag&ttunga I. 

PBombAy Gaset 



Beotion XI. • MayArakbandi. This place has been identified with a hill-fort in the 
N&aik territory of the name of Morkhai^d- Whether Mayura- 
kbaijdi was the capital of the dynasty in the time of this king 
caQQot be satisfactorily determined. Oovinda lit. was certainly 
one of the greatest of the RiLshtrakiita princes, and the statement in 
his grant that during his time the RaahtrakutM became invincible, 
as the Y&davas of Purftnic history did when under the guidance of 
Krishya, appears credible. Seeing he had grown ap to be a braTt 
prince his father proposed to abdicate the throne in his fetvoar; bat 
he declined, expressing himself perfectly satisfied with his position 
as Yavar&ja or prince-regent.^ When after his father's death be 
ascended the throne, twelve kings united their forces and rom 
against him, desirous of striking an effectual blow at the power of 
the RaEihtrakOtas. But alone and unassisted, he by his peraoDal 
valour suddenly infiicted a crushing defeat on them and broke the 
confederacy. He released the Gaiiga prince of Chera, who had 
been kept in custody by his father ; but no sooner did he go back to 
his native country than he put himself into an attitude of hostility,. 
But Oovinda III. immediately vanquished him, and threw him int ' 
captivity again. Subsequently he marched against the Gdrji 
king, who 3ed away at his approach. Thence he proceeded 
M&lv&, the king of which couotry knowing himself to be nnable 
to resist his power surrendered to him. After receiving his 
obeisance he directed hia march to the Vindhyas. When M&rlLsarva, 
the ruler of the adjoining country, who had been watching his 
movements, heard from his spies that Govinda's army had encamped 
on the slopes of that mourttain, he went up to him, and throwing him- 
self at his feet presented to him his most highly valued heirlooms 
which DO other prince had ever got before. Oo this occasion Govinda 
spent the rainy season at a place called S'ribhavana, which has not 
been identified. When the rains were over, he marched with bis 
army to the Tuhgabhadrfl, where he stayed for a short time, and 
brought the Pallava king of K&nchi under a more complete sabjec- 
tion than before. Thence he sent a message to the king of Vehgi, 
or the country between the lower Krishi.i^ and the Grod&vari, who 
probably belonged to the eastern Ch^lukya dynasty, and he oame 
and attended ou him as if he were his servant.' This grand 
victorious march to the north and the south must have t«ken place 
before S^aka 726 or a.d. H04. For in a copper- plate grant bearing 
that date found in the K^uarese country, it is stated that when 
the king (Govinda III.) "having conquered Dantiga who ruled orer 
Kfi^nchi, had come to levy tribute, and when his encampments were 
on the banks of the Tungabhadri," he allotted some lands to one 
S^ivadh4ri at a holy place named RAmes^vara.' His expeditions- 
against the neighbouring princes must have been undertaken after 

t The K&Tt pmut, bowevor, states that the fether did wtke h'xm to the rapreo* 

■ovBTeignty which hli onemieR were cndeaToanng to deprive his family of, i, *., when ha 
found the enemiea of liia family too powerful for him, be raised his son to the throue ud 
assigned to him the task of Buppreawug them. lud. Ant, Vol. V., p. 147, v. 27. Ths 
reading^ however, is somewhat corrupt. The enemies spoken of here most be thoM 
twelve whom be is represented to have vanquished in the other grants. 

' Vai?i-Dindnr! snd Pfldhftnpur plutcs. » Ind, Ant., Vol. XI., pp. \2^U 




16 past, or 794 a.d., since the Paitban charter which was Soctiots XI. 
Uiatyctir makes no mention of thera. 

a III. thus acquired a large extent of territory and estab- 
Bupremacy over a number of kings. He appears to havo 
;he paramount sovereign of the whole country from Malva in 
to Kanchipura in the southland to havo under his immediate 
country between the NarmadA and the Tungabhadra. The 
i94ort plates convey a village situated in the N4aik district, 
hose found in the KAoarese country assign some land near the 
liadri. The province of LAta, situated between the Mahi 
lower TApi, was assigned by him to his brother lodra,* who 
the founder of another branch of the dynasty. Goviuda III., 

ein the Baroda grant, made and unmade kings. Kia 
names as found in his own grants were Prabhfltavarsha 
ining profusely/' Frith vivallabha or " the Lover of the 
' and S'ri-Vallabha. Others will be noticed below. The 
rant was issued by Karka, the son of Govinda's brother 
e king of Ld^a, in S'aka 731 or a d, 812, and the K&yl 
G-ovinda the younger brother of Karka, in oaka 7 49 or 
We need not notice these princes further, since they 
more to the history of Gujarat than of the Dekkan. 

keral of the grants belonging to this dynasty, the son and 

vr of Nirupama is stated to be Jagattnhga. Now, since 

Ik III. was one of the greatest princes of this dynasty^, it is 

(ble that he should have been passed over by the writers of 

jrants. Jagattunga, the son of Nirupama, most, therefore, be 

i himself and no other. After his death his son Amogha- 

twhose proper name appears to have been S'arva,^ came to 

pne. He seems to have marched against the Chalukyas of 

and put several of the princes to death .^ In the Navas&rS 

.moghavarsha is spoken of simply as Vallabha and is styled 

la or king of kings and also Vira-Nar&yanfi. This last title 

by the poetic writer of the grant by saying that as the 

irftyana brought out the earth which was immersed in the 

did Vallabha bring the goddess of sovereignty out of 

.n in the shape of the Chalukyas in which it had sunk. 

10 represented to have " bomt " the Chalukyas. These also 

allusions to Amoghavarsha's wars with the Chalukyas of 

and he probably conquered some territory belonging to 

lu the Kardfi, grant the city of Minyakheta is spoken of as 

a very flourishing condition in his time. There is littl6 

that it was his capital ; but whether it was he who founded 

ade it the capital of the dynasty cannot be clearly made 

that grant, as the reading given by Mr. Wathen is 

Bat the Wardhfi, plates are clear on the point. In thera^ 

bessor of Jagattoiiga is called Nripatunga; and he is repre- 

lo have founded the city of Mdnyakheta, which *' put the 

blate, Ind. Ant., VoL V,, p. 147. v. 39; Barodft grmt. Jour. Bengf. A. H., 
It p. 296, T. 21, in which ^^ ooglit to be arr^ oa in the K&vi. 
"nt.. VoL XII., p. 183, 1. as! 
"^ plateau Bat the reading is somcwliat corrupt. 

Farva ot 
Amoghav'arahA I. 

[Bombay Gasetteef 



SeotioB XI. city of the gods " to shame. M4ayakhe^ lias been properly 
identified with Mfi-lkhed in the Nizam's territory. In the Kaoheri 
caveu there are three iuucriptious, in which the reigning paramount 
sovereign is represented to be Amoghavar^ha. In one of them 
PnllaaTfiiti of the 8fiUh&ra family, and in the other two hi^ son, 
Kapardin, are meutioned as his dependents ruling over Konkao, 
which province had been aasigoed to them by Amoghavarsha. The 
dates occurring in the last two are Saka 775 and 799.* An 
inscription at Sirur in the Dbirvid district published by Dr. Fleet 
is dated Saka 788, i^yaya, which is represented as the fifty-second 
year of the reign of Atnoghavaraha ; ^ so that the year 790 S^aka 
of the KAiiheri inscription must have been the sixty-third of hii 
reign. The cyclic year vyaija corresponds to the oaka year 7SS pa$t 
and 789 cun-ent. This prince appears thus to have began to reign 
in Saka 737 pa*/. In a historical appendix at the end of a Jaina 
work entitled Uttarapurana, or the Latter half of the Mahapar^aa, 
by Guiiabhadra, Amoghavarsha is represented to have been a de- 
voted worsbippiM" of a holy Jaina saint named Jinasena, who was the 
preceptor oi' Gunibbadm, and wrote the AdipurAna or the first part 
of the same work." Jinasena himself at the end of hia poem the 
Pars'vabbyudaya gives expression to a wish that Amoghavaraha 
may reign for a long time. An important work on the philosophy 
of the Digambara Jainas entitled Jayadhaval^ is represented at 
the cud to have been composed when 769 years of the oaka king 
had elapsed, in the reign of Amoghavaraha. In the introductory 
portion of a Jaina mathematical work entitled SArasaragraha by 
Virilcharya, Amoghavarsha is highly praised for his power and his 
virtues, and is spoken of as a follower of the Jaina doctrine 
( Sy&dvflLda) .* He is mentioned there also by his other name 
Nripatunga. The authorship of a small tract consisting of questions 
and answers on moral subjects, entitled Prasnottara-ratnamalika, 
which has been claimed for Stiiiikaracbarya and one S'aiiikaragura 
by the Brabnians, audfor Vimala by the S ^etauibaras, is attributed 

1 Jour. B. B. a A. S^ Vol. VL, West'* copiet Nob. 15 and 43 ; Vol. XIII.. p. II j 
&nd Prof. Kiclhorn'B paper, Ind. Ant., Vol, XIII., p. 133. The cyclic year given with 
775 is Pvajtlpaii, the current 8'aka year corresponding to which, however, was 77^i^ 
Prof, Kiulhom has receutly calculated the true Saka from the day of the week and fort-^| 
night and foutid it to bo 7^3 expired, i. c 774 current. 

^ Ind.Ant., Vol. XII., p. 216. 

' Several copica of tlii* Pura?* have been purchased by mo fur Ojvtirameiit Tb« 
stanza in wluch Amogliavartkha u alluded to U this : — > 


" The king Amoghavarsha remembered himsolf to have been purified that d*y 
the Infltre of the gutnswaa heightenod iti coniieqaence of his diadem becoming rcddiah 
by the duat-poUen of [Jinasena's] foot-lotuses appearing in the stream [of waterliko 
lustre] Bowing from the collection of the brilliant rayn of his nails ; — enough — that pros- 
peroufl Jinasena with the worshipful and revcn-d feet is the blessing of the world." 
* This and tbe twoprccediiig references I owe to the kiuducss of Mr, K, B. PalhAki 




Amogliavarslia by tlie Digambara Jaiaas, At tbe end of Section XI* 

l^mbara copies occurs a staana, ia which it is stated 

^ogbavarsha composed tbe RatnamlLlikfi, after be bad 

|Bd tbe throne in consequence of tbe growth of the ascetic 

bi him. There is another Amogbavarsha in tbe dynasty 

represented as beiDg of a thoughtful and religious temper. 

I reigned for a short time and does not appear to have 

j(y connection with the Jainas. There is a translation of 

frk in tbe Thibetan language, and there, too, the tract is 

id to Amogbavarsha, who is represented as a great king. 

ibetan translation of tbe name has been retranslated, 

*, into Amoghodaya by Schiefoer ; but if be had known the 

,ra tradition, he would have put it as Amogbavarsha.* 

1 this it appears that of all the Easbtrakiita princes, 

ivarsha was the greatest patron of the Digambara Jainas ; 

i statement that he adopted the Jaina faith seems to be true, 

Igbavarsba's son and successor was Akalavarsha. He married 
^hter of Kokkala, king of Cbedi, who belonged to tbe Bai- 
lee, and by her bad a son named Jagattanga. Akalavarsba's 
pame was Krishna as is evident from the Navasflri grant and 
\m tbe WardM and tbe Karda plates. He is the Krishna- 
jring whose reign a tributary chief of the name of Prithvi- 
ttade a gi^ant of land to a Jaina temple which he bad caused 
jbnstructed in the Saka year 797 at Saundatti.* Another 
(emple was built by a Vais'ya or Bania named Cbik^rya daring 
in in Saka 824 at Mulgunda in the DbirvM district, and in the 
lion which records this fact be is styled Krishija Vallabha.* 
k or Ak&lavarsha appears to have been a powerful prince. 

iepresented as having frightened the G^iriara, humbled tbe 
the Lata, taught humility to the Gaudas, deprived tbe people 
sea-coast of their repose, and exacted obedience from the 
^ » Kalinga, G^nga, and Magadba,' 

lie reign of this prince the Jaina Parana noticed above was 
rated in S'aka 820, tbe cyclic year being Pihgala,* by Loka- 

EriahnA IL or 

ij Beport on the seaTch for Sannkrit MSS. for 1883-84 j Notea, Ac., p, U. 

icr"* lndis<»he Strviftii, Vol. I., p, 210. 

, & B. R. A. S., Vol. X.> p. 200. The cyclic year mentioned U Manmatha, 

rxcflpoods lo STalca 797 poet. 

D. 193. Tbe cyclic year ia Dundublu, wMcli fell in 826 curreat. 

dhi and Navasdri plates, .Tour. B. B. B. A. S., VoU XV Ul pp. 239- 26», 

• • • • 


Section XL ^senathe pupil of Ga^nbhadraj who was the sathor of the second 
part. Id the historical appeadix, " the lofty elephants of Ak&Ia- 
yarsha " are represented " to have drunk the waters of the Ganges 
rendered fragrant by being mixed with the hamoar flowing from 
their temples, and, as if not having their thirst qnenched^ to have] 
resorted to the Kaumftra forest (in the extreme south), which 
full of saudal trees set in gentle motion by the breezes blowing 
over the sea waves, and into the shade of which the rays of the san 
did not penetrate.'" The date 8S8 Saka has also been assigned to 
Akilavasfaa.^ It will have been seen that an inscription at Saandatti 
represents Krishi>aiaja to have been the reigning prince in S'aka 
797, while one in the K&nheri caves speaks of his father Amogha- 
varsha as being on the throne two years later, i.e., in 799. This 
discrepancy must be dae to the fact mentioned in the RatnamUHkA 
that the latter had abdicatx^d the throne in his old age. The real 
reigning prince therefore in S'aka 797 and 799 mast have been 
AkAlavarsba his son ; but the writer of the Kinheri inscription 
must in the latter year have put in Amoghavarsba's name, as be 
was not dead, and his having abdicated had probably no significanCO 
in his eyes. " M 

Ak^lavarsha's son was Jagattunga. Bat he did not ascend the^ 
throne as appears from the fact that his name is not mentioned in 
the list of kings given in the Kharep&tan grant, after Ak&lavaraha, 
but that of Indra, who is spoken of as AkAlavarsha's grandson, 
while Jagattunga is mentioned in another connection below. And 
in the Navasan grant Indra is represented as " meditating on the 
feet" of Akalavarsha, and not of Jagattunga though he was 
his father, which shows that he was the immediate successor of^ 
Akalavarsha, But the Wardh4 grant is explicit. It tells oa thatSj 
Jagattunga had a beautiful person, and that he died without having^ 

" Victoriotia in the world b this holy Paria«, ih« etaence of the Sistnu Whicb 
flaished and worshipped bv the beat among; respecUble [menl* • • in the T«ar 1 

■ ■ ' - ■• ''' %i the" 


gala that brittgi about great prosperity and confers happiDeas on all mankind, at 
end of the year meaflui^ hy 820 of the era of the 8 akn king * * * i wliile 
king AkAlavarsba, all of whose onemies were destroyed and wboae fame wm punt (orj 
who acquired religious merit and fame) wa« protecting the wbole e^rth." 
The cyclic year Pingala correspoaded to 830 Saka eurremt. 

» Ind. Ant, VoL XI., p. 109. 




ftscended the throne. Jagattunga married Lakshnii, the daughter ' Section 

of his maternal uncle, the son of Kokkala, who is called Ranavigraha 

in theSAhgftli and Nava^iri grants, and S'arhkaragai^a in the Kar(|4 

plates. But it will be presently shown that the Kard4 plates contain 

many mistakes and are the soorce of a good deal of confusion in the 

history of this dynasty. From this union sprang Indra, who succeeded 

his grandfather. His title was Nityararsha according to the Nava- 

fiAri grant ; and his son Govinda I V. is in the S^ngali grant spoken 

of OS •' meditating on the feet " of Nityavarsha, which also shows that 

that was Indra'stitle. Nityavarsha is the donor iti the Navas&rf grant. 

He is represented as residing at his capital Manyakheta, but to have 

on the occasion gone to Kurundaka, identified with the modern 

Kadoda on the banks of the Tip!, for his Pattabandhotsava. This 

must have been the festival in honour of his coronation. At 

Kumndaka he granted that and many other villages, and restored 

four hundred more which had once been given in charity but had 

been resumed by former kings. He also gave away twenty lacs of 

1>rammas in charity aft«r having weighed himself against gold. 

The village conveyed by the Navas&r? grant is Tenna situated in the 

IA( country. It has been identified with Tend in the NavasArl 

division of the Baroda State. The grant was issued in S'aka 836 ; 

80 that Indra appears to have come to the throne in that year. 

Another set of copper-plates found in the Navas&ri district records 

the grant of the village of Gumra identified with the modern 

fiegnmra by the same prince. The grant was issued at the same 

time as the other, and the contents mutatis mutandiH are exactly 

the same.' From these grants of villages in the NavasS.!? district 

which must have formed a part of the old country of Lata, and from 

the statement in the Wardha plates that Krishna or Ak&lavarsha 

humbled the pride of the Ldta prince, it appears that the main 

branch of the RAshtrakfltas reigning at Manyakheta must have in 

Aic&lavarsha's time supplanted or reduced to a humble position the 

dynasty of their kinsmen in Gujarat, which had been founded in the 

time of Jagattunga or Govinda III. Indra was the reigning 

monarch in Saka 838, the cyclic year being Vhdttt^ as appears from 

an inscription published by Dr. Fleet.* 

As regards the next king there is some confusion in the Kard^ 
plates, llie Sangali grant, however, is clear. Indra married a lady 
from theHaihaya family of Chedi again. Her name was VijUmba;* 
and she was the daughter of Ahganadeva, the son of Arjuna, who 
• was the eldest son of Kokkala, mentioned above. By hor Indra had 
a son named Govinds, who is the last kiog noticed in the S&ngal) 
grant, since it was issued by him. But according to the Kh&re- 
p&ta^ grant, Govinda was the younger brother of a prince named 

« Jour, a a S. ▲. S., Vol XVIII., p. 2G1 rt teq, » Ind. Ant., Vol. Xn., p. 224. 

* Dr« fleet in lus revised transcript and tranaktioii of the S&ngnlt grant c«lli her 
XKHimlidk. Trat in the fiaerimile g^ven by him the name is distinctly VijAmbA in both 
\hc '.'re it ocean. The i^anskrit of VijAmba is ytdy&mb&. Ind. Ant., Vol. 

[Bombay Oazettoerl 


Section XI. 

Atnoghavarsba U. 

Govindtt IV. 

Amoghavarsha.^ The immediate snccessor of Indra, therefore, was 
Araoghavarsba, and after him his younger brother Govinda came 
to the throne. And this is confirmed by the Karda plates also. 
Amoghavarsha and Govinda are there meant to be mentioned as the 
two sons of Amb4, who is the same as the of the SangaU 
plate. But in the text of the grant Govinda and AmbA. form one 
compound, so that the translators of the grant call the lady Govind- 
&mbH., which certainly is an unique or an absurd name. Thus 
they drop king Govinda altogether.* But the VVardhA grant is 
explicit on the point. From it we learn that Amoghavarsha w»a 
the elder brother of Govinda, but that ho died immediately 
after his father, as if " out of love for him ", and then Govinda 
came to the throne. The Sahgali grant of Govinda IV., as he 
must be called, does not mention Amoghavarsha by name ; bat 
states that " though Govinda had the power, he did not act with any 
reprehensible cruelty towards his elder brother, and did not render 
himself infamous by incest, or assume the nature of a devil by casting 
aside considerations of purity and impurity, but became SahasAhka 
by his matchless enterprise and liberality." What this st*tement 
exactly means it is difficult to say. But probably Govinda was 
believed to have encompassed his brother's death, and the other 
accusations referred to were whispered against him ; and this ia 

^ Dr. Fle«t in his genc«1n^lca1 table at p. 10^. Vul. XI., ImL Ant., speakt of Oo- 
vinda's brotber as unnami*d. But bi.^ h nairiLHl Amrfghilvarsli* Ln tbu Kh4ivpi(*n grmn(> 
and ftUo in that of KartUi, if prajxrly understiiod, 

' The 14tb atauza. the bitter part of wbicb I have lOnstnuxi aa in tbe text, » 

Now the first line of tbis U, lui it stands, out of place and must contain some tnistak««. For. 
(1) it i>ontain»j in substance^ a repetition of wbat we have in tbe first lino of stanza 12, ami 
{2} if tt i» read bere aa it is, wc iball have to make AmbA a wife of Jagattun^^ along 
with LakHbmT, who has been repreflented as bin wife In atanza 12, and undoratand her 
to 1m? Laksbmt'a sistter, tbu father of Ixitb l)eing ^atiikaragana. Bat Anib6 or VijAmM 
is in tbe Silni^If grant clear]; «puki?a of as tbe daughter of Aii^pad«vm, tbe son at 
Arjuna, who wan the brother of Raqavigraba, the father of Laluhud j that ia, AmbA 
wa« the daagbt4>r of Lakshmt'a first cousin. She is also dii^tinctly represented as the 
wife of Indra and the motbc-r of Govinda IV. Again, if we tike tbe tines a« they anv 
the result will bo that the KardA g^rant luakt-s no montiim of Indra's wife VijArabi 
and of bis sons Amoj^havarftbn and Uovinda IV., the latter of whom rcijniBd, as wa 
shall »op» for at least fifteen years. Such an omission is not likely. Then, Again, 
the i'ftngalt grant makes no allusion whatever to Jagnltunga's marriage witb a lady 
of the name of Govindambil. And the second line ftfrniTTnT^ra^ ^ftR' '''* t ^ r r^^ f '^ f ^J I H I 
looks A» if tbe intention of tbe writer of it was to set funb the iiarat-s of the two sou* , 
of Indra, Araoghavarsba and Govinda, and of their mother Ambi or VijAmb.i. Au41 
it seems to me that tbe fallowing stanza, in which the lilienility of a monarch has breBl 
praised refers to Govinda IV, who, as noticed in the text Ijelow,' was called ^■ava^^T»wb•l 
by people, because he " riinud down gold." Tbe name of that prince, therefon^^ 
must occur in the verse immediately previous. Tlie first line must, it la clear 
m©, have crept in tbroogb mistake. It it were not reail here, the second would 
applicable to tbe king mentioned immediutely before, ». «•., Indra, and the whol* ' 
would Iw consistent with the information derived from the S ifigall grant. The 
eintndation I make in the second line is to read ;Jf fur f^ and then Amba wonld be 
released from her incongraous association with Govinda, and the whole would be 
conaistent and intelligible. There must be other mistakes also in tbe Karda gnuitv. 
Very probably a verse or two are omitted here, as also after the next stanza, wher 
Kdsh^arlja is abruptly introdaced and spoken of jiarentbetically. 

maea^as a defence. The KhsLrepfitan nod Wardba grants agreo ' Section XI. 
•epreacnting Govinda as a priDce addicted to sensual pleasures. 
B former snys that he was *' the abode of the draraatic sentiment 
love «ud was always surrounded by crowds of beautiful women/* 
L the latter tliat he was " the source of the sportive pleasures of 
re, his mind was enchained by the eyes of women, he displeased 
men by his vicious courses, and his health being undermined, 
met with an untimely death.'' The words used have double 
sea from which it would appear that the atfaira of the state also 
into confusion and hastened his destruction. But the SAnofall 
1^ which was issued by him has of course nothing but praise for 
^■Goviuda's other names were Prabhutuvarsha and Suvarnavar- 
^^aining gold) and probably Sahasanka also. The grant was 
led in S'aka 855, or a.d. 933, in the Vijaya ^ year of the cycle, 
lie he was at his capital Manyakheta. Gnvinda IV. was on the 
one in S'aka 8il, as appears from an inscription published by 
^Heet, in which under the name of Prabhutavarslia he is repre- 
Wm as the reigning sovereign.- The inscription, however, is dated 
(s'aka; but from the cyclic year Pramflthiii, which is also given, 
must be understood that the year meant is 841 Saka. It will 
)ear from this that ludra or Nityavarsha, who succeeded his 
ndfatber in Saka 836, had a very short reign, and his eldest sou, 
loghavarsha, could have been oo the throne only for a few months. 
irinda IV. like Amoghavarsha I. was at war with the Chalukyas of 
iigi.3 Another inscription represents Govinda IV. as tbe reign- 
' monarch in S'aka 851.* 

.^rom the Kharepatan plates it appears that Govinda IV. was BaddigaorAmngha 
ceedcd by his paternal uncle Baddiga, the second son of Jagat- "varsha 111. 

iga. Ho is represented to have been a virtuous prince, serene 
B a sage. lie was succeeded by his son Krishimrilja, and after his 
ith his younger brother Khofika became king. The Kardii grant 
iomewhat confusing here, but when properly understood it is per- 
tly consistent w^ith that of KLarepatan. It states: "When the 
er brother Krishnarajadeva went to liouven. Khottigadeva, who 
ibegottenby the king Amoghavarsha onKandakadevi.thc daughter 
xnvaraja, became king.''^ Here the expression ^' elder brother " 
M be taken as related to Khottigadeva and not to the preceding 
ig,® whoever he may have been, Kholika therefore was, even 

The currenk (faka year wm 8oG. 

Ind. Ant., Vol. XII. p. 223. Dr. Fleet, bnwever, identifie* this Prabhfttavawlia 
I JagmttnSiga the son of Akalavarslia or Krislma II, and father of Nityavarsha. 
as wfl bavo f«en Nityavarsha was on the throne in S'aka 836 and 838, wherufore 
Fathor lOuM not have hoen the reigning priiK-e in STaka 840 or 841, Besides, as I have 
vxi, Jnt;attufi^.i did not agcund the throne at all. 

Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 24!l>, and mv note on TrofeHsor Peterson'* Report on MSS» for 
\-hk, p. 48, ' ^ Ind. Ant., Vol. XII,, p. 249. 

For, th«^ clauHo contaiuiujs: tLat expression is dependent on the principal sentcnoe, 
the ncjit or 16th strtn^ and the subject of vvhicli i» KLo^igmleva. Ses 

Krishna in. and 

iBombay Qi 



Section XI- ttccording to tho Kar^i grant, the yoimgor brother of Krishnariji 
But he is represented to have been the son of Amoghavarsha, whil 
Efishnaraja is spoken of in the Kbirepatan plates as the son 
Baddig^ In an inscription at Salotai, Krishnaraja, the son 
Amoghavarsha, is represented to have been reigning at Minyakhe 
in 867 Sttka,* that is. twelve years after the Satigali grant of Govind 
IV. was issued. He must have been the same prince as thi 
mentioned in the grants we have been examining. For the Krisb^ 
of these was the second king after Govinda IV. His father Baddij 
who was Govinda's oncle, must have been an old man when 
succeeded, and consequently must have reigned for a very 
tirae. Hence his son Krishna came to be king within twelve y€ 
after Govinda's grant ; and there is no other Krishna mentiot 
in the grants who is likely to have been on the throne in 867 fifi" 
If^ then, the Krishna of the grants is the same as the Krishna i 
tho Salotgi inscription, hero we have evidence that his fathc 
name was Amoghavarsha; so that the Baddiga of the Kh&repati 
plates was the same as the Amoghavarsha of the KardiL platfl 
Krisht>ai'aja and Khotika were thas brothers, and it would apf 
from the wording uf the statement in the Kardi plates that thi 
were the sons of the .same father but of different mothers.* 

And these points have been placed beyond the possibility of don 
by the Wardha giant. After Govinda's death, we arc told, the feud 
tory chiefs entreated Amogliavarsha fhe son of Jagattuhga, whowi 

' Iml Ant, Vol. I., t>. 205, et atq. Tho cyclic year given is riATED^a, wlurli 
folluwed next after S^aka 869 and the carrent year corrwponding to which waa 87U. 
According to another tystem, which however wii ranly u^cd in toutbem India, it ««« 
PlaTanga in a part of the year 867 Saka expirrd. 

' Dr. Fleet, following Mr. Watlmn's tranalation, makes Krishija, whom he calli 
K|ishna 111., the cldor brother of Amoghavarsha and thus a son of Jagattunga. Hal 
in th«> Khare|):'^au grunt he ia dittinotly represented as the son of Baddig^a who was'tbi 
son of Jagattunga, and in the Wanlha plates m the son of Amoghavarsha, the son of Ja^jat 
iunga, and was tbns a grandson of Jagattanga. He is also represented as Kho^ika's oVder 
hrother. I have shown in the text that the expression *' elder brother," occurring li 
the Kard\ grant, should by the niles of t-onBtruclion be taken as referring bo Khot^ig* 
and in this way that gi-ant Incomes perfectly consistent with that of KhftropA^n. 
The Amoghavarsha wlio w.i« the «on of Japaitunga is that spoken of in the sixtt.'outk 
stanea of the KardA grant, and was differtnt from the one mentioned in the fonrtcf'ntk 
who waa the son of Jndra and nephew of that Amoghavarsha, as I have shown abors 
Dr. Fleet brings in another Krishi^a and makes him the younccr brother of Khotika 
and identifies him with Ninipama (see the text below ) aiid with the Krishna who* 
dates rftngo from STaVa SCT to ^78. What his authority is 1 do not know. But lh# 
KhftrepAta^ grant mentions one Krishna only, the elder brother of Khotika and mo oJ 
Baddiga. The Kar#also mention* one only, and as to his relation with the other princct, 
I have shown that that grant agrees with the KhArepAtan plates. The Kriahna wh«M 
dates range from 867 to 878 is to he identified with the elder brother of Kho^iia wmI ia »fl* 
to be considered a different prince unalluded to in the grants. Nirupama. the joacagf 
brotlier of Khotika, is mot and cannot have been this Kpshija, because his elder brouier 
and the elder brother of Khotiga was called Krishna, and ho too could not h«T« 
been called by tho sanio name. Kirupnma docs not appear to have been a reigniof 
prince, for in the Karcl^ plates he ia only parenthetically introduced as tbe father 
of Rakka, who was a reigaing prince ; and in the Khirep.Atai? grant he ia not mentiooad 
at all by name, but KakkaU is said to be the son of the brother of Khotika. Kriahoa. 
on the other hand, was on the throne from 867 to 878 STaka according to tho atone iaaetip' 
tions. Again if Khotika was the elder brother of this Nirnpama-Kfiahna it is impoa- 
aible that he ahoold be reigning in 8ft3 Saka, while Krishna Hhoold be ou the throne 
frotD 867 to 878 Saka, that is, before his elder brother! Kri«ln?a. therefore, was the 
elder of the two aa atated in the KUaropAlap grant, and Khotika the yoan^cr, l»'- 

Beneral Chapters 1 



first among the wise " aBcl the ** best of serene sages ", to assmne 

lie reins of power. He was assisted in the government by his 
II Krish^aj who thoogh but a crown -prince wielded very great 

K)wer. The enemies who transgressed his commands were pimishud ; 

le pat to death Dautiga and Bappuka who had grown insolent. 
pe thoroughly subdued the Ginga prince ; and planted what 
lars to be a colony of the Aryas in his dominions. Hearing of 
ease with which he captured tho strongholds in the souths the 
jara prince, who was prepuriog to take the fortresses (j>f 
ilanjara and Chitrakiita in the nortli, had to give up theenterpriae. 
11 feudatory chiefs between the eastern and the western oceans and 
Iween the Him&laya and Siiivhala (Ceylon) paid obeisance to him. 
fter he had thus rendered the power of his family firm, his father 
ied, and he ascended the throne. The WardhA plates announce 
le grant of a village to the north-west of Nagpur near the modern 
ohagaon made by Krishnarija, who is also called Ak41avarsha, in 

;he name of his brother Jegattunga to a Brahmai> of the Kinva 
shool of the White Yajurveda on the 5th of the dark half of Vais'ikha 
S'aka 862, corresponding to 9-10 a-d., the cyclic year being S'firvari. 
his prince is called Sri-Vallabha also in the grant. 

Krishnaraja was the reigning monarch in S'aka 873 and 878.* At 

the end of a Jaina work called Yae^astilaka by Somadeva it is stated 

that it was finished on the 13th of Chaitra when 881 years of the 

■ rra of the S'aka king had elapsed, the cyclic year being Siddhirthin, 

during the reign of a feudatory of Krishuarijadeva. Krishnarajadeva 

spoken of as reigning gloriously, having subdued the Fiydyaa, 

imhala, the Cholas, the Cheras and others.- Kho^ika, his brother, 

-ad on the throne in 8aka 893 Prajdpati,^ 

_^ Kho|ika was succeeded, according to the Kharep^an grant, by 
^akkala, the son of his brother. The name of this brother was 
l^impama according to the Kard^ grant. Kakkala is said to have 
4)een a brave soldier ; but he was conquered in battle by Tailapa, 
yiho belonged to the Chalukya race, and thus the sovereignty of 
|he Dekkan passed from the hands of the Rashtrakutas once more 

Fleet, however, being ander the belief that this last was the elder brother, gives the 
I following eiplAnation of the diBcn<p»ncy in the dates : — '' Kojttif a or Blho^iga left no 
[iinie, and this ejcplains why the date of his inscription Qow pnbliBhed is considerablj later 
Lfthan the dates obtained fur Kriahna IV. ; viz., there being no probability of Kot^igiii 
Llearing any iasne, first his yonnger brother Krishna IV, was joined with him in the 
gOTemmcnt and then the latter'* son Kakka III."— (Ind. Ant,, Vol, XII,, p. 2&5.) This 
^opposition ia not gupported by any circnmstanoe ; on the contrary it is utterly 
iisooaatenanoed by the inscriptions of Krish^ja which represent him to be the "Su- 
preme king of great kings, " (Ind, Ant., Vol. XII. ^ p, 258,) and to have been reigning 
it the time at ManjakheV* and covcmin^ the kingdom (lud. Ant., VoL I., p, '310,) 
Otherwise, they would have 8poken of him as Yuvardja, Thus there were not two 
[fiahoaa biit only one. He wa« tho E»on of Baddi^ or Araoghavarsha, not his brother, 
iifl eorlicflt date is that of the VVardha grant, i.e., 862 ^aka and the lateRt 881 that 
_.f Uw Yai^tilakft He was the same monarch as that apokcn of in the i;alo^ and 
ftber liooe inscriptions l)earin(? the diites 867, 873, and 878 ^aka. Ehotfg^ was hit 
Vmnger brother, and Nirapama tlio young'ost. 
* Ind. Ant., VoL XII. p. 257. and Vol. XI., p. 10». 
.» rrr.f Pelcraoni Report, ha at. * lu'l- Ant., Vul. XII, p, 256. 

' Section XI. 

Kakkala or 
Karka II. 

[Bombay Oasettc 



Seotion XI. 

Overthrow of the 

Religion uoder th« 

Krishija of the 

RA^htrakdta raf^c, 

tbc hero of the 

Kavirahasyn . 

into those of tbo Chaliikyaa. Tho Karda graat, wliich was 
in tho reigu of Kakkala, \s dated S'aka 894 or a. d. 972. 
anoilior inscription represents him aa being on the throne in Sd 
current} the cyclic year being Srlmukka. But in this year or S'ak 
895 past Tailapa attained sovereign powers.* The Ra^htrakai 
were thus supreme masters of this country from about a.d. 748 
A.D. 973, that is, for nearly two hundred ana twenty-tive years. 

Thiit the princes of this race were very powerful there c*n 
little doubt. The rock-cut temples at ElurA still attest their pow< 
and ma»,'nificeuce. Under them the worship of the Pura^ic g< 
rose into much greater importance than before. The days whtfn' 
kings and princes got temples and monasteries cut out of the soli 
rock for tho use of the followers of Ootama Buddha had gone bj 
never to return. Instead of them we have during this pen< 
temples excavated or coocitructed on a more magnificent scale and 
dedicated to tho worship of S'iva and Vishyu. Several of the grants 
of these R&,sht.rakiita priuces praise their bounty and mention their 
having constructed temples. Still, as the Kanheri iuscnptions of 
the reign of Amoghuvarshu I. show, Buddhisui had itb votaries and 
benefactors, though the religion had evidently sunk into unimport- 
ance. Jainisuij un the otiier hand, retained the prominence it had 
acquired during the Chialukya period, or even made greater progress. 
Amoghavarsha was, as we have seen, a great patron of it, and was 
perhaps a convert to it; and some of the minor chiefs and the lower 
castes, especially the traders, were its devoted adherents. The form 
of Jaiuism that prevailed in the country was mostly that professed 
by tho Digaiiibara sect. A good many of the extant Digambara 
works were, as we have s^fcn, composed daring this period. 

It is remarkable that, unlike the grants of the early Chalukya 
princes, those of the Hashtrnkiitas contain accounts in verse of tho 
ancestors of the grantor, and most of the verses are of the iiatare of 
those we find in the ordinary artiHcial poems in Sanskrit literature, 
possessing the same merits and faults. The Rashtrakutaa, there- 
fore, must have been patrons of learning, and probably had poets 
in their .service. Otic of the three Krishnas belonging to the 
dynasty is the hero of an artificial poem by Halayudha entitled the 
Kavirahasi/a, the purpose of which is to explain the distinction as 
regards sense and coojugatioeal peculiarities between roots having 
the same exiernul form. He is spoken of as tho paramount sover- 
eign of Dakshinapatha.' Prof. Westergaanl, however, thought 

»Ind. Ant.Vol. .XIT, i>.270. 

* The cyclic year lupntioucd al»mg xviththf first of tho>o two date* is AngirM th« 
current Saka year correupoiicliiig: to wlijch was S95. ^i 

"In Littkftlii^^iuvtliii, which is romlLmt 1i(jI.v h\- tin- lijclit uf tlic wi^.'c Agarity». tb»r 
w.w a. kiji^ uf the naiuc of KrisbuArAja >vliu Wa« cru«iic'<l ai^ a iiiirmnount aovcnHig]i*H 

Gonoral Chapters] 




with the 


liim to be the Krishnarilya of the Vijayanagar dynasty who reigned Section XI. 
in the first quarter of the sixteeoth century. But in the Kavir'a- " 

Ao^ytt he is spoken of in one place as "having sprung from the 
RiVshtrakuta race/* ^ and is in another called "the ornaraent of 
the lunar race/' * which description is of course not applicable to 
the Vijayanagar prince. 

Arabic travellers of the tenth century mention a powerfal dynasty 
of the ntime of Balharas who ruled at a place called Mankir. The 
name of the city wouhJ show that the Rash^rakdltas, whose capital was 
MAnyakhe^ or Mankhed, were meant. But Balhara, the name of 
the dynasty, has not been identified with any that might be consi- 
dered to be applicable to the Uashtraku^as. But to me the identi- 
6catinn does not appear difficult. The RdshtrakOtas appear clearly 
to have assumed the title of Vallahha which was used by their 
predecessors the Chalnkya.s. We have seen that Govinda II. is 
called Vallabhu in two grants, Amoghavarsha I. in a third, and 
Krishna III. in a fonrth. In an inscription on a stone tablet at 
Lakshraesvar, Govinda III. is called jS>t-ra//a?//*fl,' while in the 
Radhanpur plates he is spoken of as Vallabha-nareudra. In the 
Singali and KardA grants also the reigning kiDg is styled Vallabba- 
narendra, while in other inscriptions we find the title Pfithiiuval- 
Itthha iilone used. Now Vallabha-narendra means "the king 
Vallablm," and is the same as Vallahhardja, the words rdja (nj 
and narendra both denoting " a king " Vallabha-raja should by the 
rules of Prakrit or vernacular pronunciation, become Vallahn-rdyt 
BaUaha-niy, or Balha-rdt/. This last is the same as the Balhara 
of the Arabs. 

" Who will e^ioAl in atrengtli that lord of tbe world sprung from the iliah^»kA^ 
rxcv» who by his power bcirs an inconi parable bariicn," 

"That ornament of the lunar race extracts the juico of Soma in wcrificei." 
• Ind. Ant., Vol XI., p. 156. 

[Bombay Omamitmr 

Seotion XI. The genealogy of the R^sh^rakutas is shown in the followiDg 

1. Dwitlvmniuui. 
Indrm I. 



4. Ktfkft I. 


6. Indnll. 7. Kmuuta I. AUlavuibA, or S'libhatongA. 

I '__! 

6. Dastiddma. 8. Ck>viin>A II. 9. Dhiitta, NiraiMum, 

(678 S*.) (706 S*.) or OhlriLvvriw. 

10. Ooviin>AllI.J» 


L I.._ or PmbbfttovuihA, 


Kute Oo4iidfe. 
(7 t4g.) (7«arj> 


•7S» (773,788 4 700 8.) 

18. Kbiuha n. or AkftlAvaithA. 
(707.880,884*888 8.) 


IS. IHDBA in. orNitgr»rarthft 18. Baumoa or AmosbaTwnha m. 

(880 k 888 B'.) 


(841, 861 A 8M 8'.) 

17. KiBHRAllI.orAkthTuahiL 18. Kiiotika. JTtnj 
(861.887.879.878 4 8818'.) (808 8*.) 


I pel 

(e) The order of luceeMioii I« repreaentod bv the numben. 

(d) The luuiiw of thoM who did not afoand the throne at all, have baea printed In XtaUaa. 

18. JStMtkhk, 

ABaoshavarabA IT. 
(804 4 805 8'.) 
(a) The namea of thoae who ware aapreme aorereignt in the Oekkan are printed in oa|ittan. 
(ft) The names of thoae who were klnga before the attainment of supreme power are pclntad in 


The Later Chahtkyas. 

tfc the history of the kings of the Chilukya race at Kirti- 
tl. Between him and Tailapft, who wrested the supreme 
ity of the Dekknn from Kakkala, the last of the Rash^ra- 
gs, the Miraj copperplate grant and the Yevur tablet place 
I. Kirtivarman ascended the throne in S'aka 669 and was 

in 679, before which time he had been reduced to the 
I of a minor chief; and Tailapa regained sovereign power 
'aka.^ We have thiia seven princes only between 669 and 

for 226 years. This gives an average reign of 32 years to 
ich is far too much. This was the darkest period in the 
i the Chilukya dynnsty, and probably no correct account 
ccession was kept. Where the djmnsty reigned and what 
jt of its power v:as, cannot be satisfactorily determined in 
jce of the usual contemporary evidence, viz., inscriptions, 
Dst have been several branches of the Chalukya family, The later ChAlukya 
even a question whether Tailapa sprang from the main dynasty, not a 

I am inclined to believe that he belonged to quite a col- thee*rlier. 
ad unimportant branch, and that the main branch became 

For, the prioces of the earlier dynasty always traced their 
koHariti and spoke of themselves as belonging to the Manavya 
lile these later Ch&Iukyas traced their pedigree to Satyasraya 
I those two names do not occur in their inscriptions except in 
I grant and its copies, where an effort is made to begin at the 
g. But evidently tho writer of that grant had not sufficient 
» at his command, since, as above stated, he places six princes 
ween Kirtivarinan II. and Tailapa. There is little question 
•e was no continuity of tradition. The titles Jagadekamalla, 
inamalla, &c., which the later Chalukyas assumed mark them 
ctively from priticos of the earlier dynasty, who had none liko 
In a copper-plate grant dated S'aka 735 found in Maisura 
ft prince of the name of VimalMitya, the sou of Yasovarman 
idson of Balavarman, is mentioned. To ward off the evil 
) of Saturn from Vimaladitya, a village was granted to a Jaina 
behalf of a Jaina temple by Grovinda 111., the Rishtrakut^^ 
the request of Chikirija of tho Ganga family, the maternal 
Vimaliditya.2 These three Chilukya names do not occur 
tual genealogy of the family. This therefore appears to have 
independent branch. Another independent otfshoot ruled 
frovince called Jola, a portion of which at least is included 
Dodern district of Dbarvad. In the Kanarese Bh^rata 

JB. A.S„Vol.IV.,p. 4. 

* lad, Ant.,V«jLXII„p, 11. 

A ChAlnkya prince 
mcntioneil in a 
Vedamic wurk. 



At the end of a work cntitlod Samkshepasiiriraka, the autbofj 
Sarvajfiiitman, the pupil of Siiresvara, who himself was a pupil of tl 
grput S'aiiikaracharya, states that he composed it while " the prosper 
0U8 king of the Ksliatriya race, the Aditya (sua) of the race of Maao 
whose orders were never disobeyed, was ruling over the earih.'*^ This 
descriptiou would apply with propriety to such a king a8 Adityarar- 
man, Vikramadityal., Vinayaditya, Vijay&ditya, or Vikrnniaditya 
of the early Chalukya dynasty, since they were very powerful p'rinceaj 
and were'** Adityas of the race of Manu." For the Manavya racoj 
to which they belonged may be understood as " the race of Manu/'I 
But Samkoriicharya is said to have lived between S^aka 710 and] 
742, wherefore his grand-pupil must Imve flourished about the year! 
800 of that era, while Vikramaditya II., the latest of the four. cea«ed| 
to reign in H69 Sfaka. Supposing then that the date assigned to [ 
Bamkaracharya is correct, the king meant by Sarvajnatman must 
be oue of those placed by the Mi raj grant between Kirtivannan U. 
and Tailapa. He may be Vikramaditya, the third prince after Kir- 
fcivarman II.,'" but if the description is considered hardly applicable 
to a minor chief, SfamkaracluWya's daio must be pushed backwards 
so as to place the pupil of his pupil in the leign of one of the live 
princes of the early Chalukya dynasty mentioned above. 

Tailapa seems to have cnrried his arms into the country of the 
Choks^ and humbled the king of Chedi.* He despatclied an ex- 
pedition into Gujarat, under a general of the name of Bai*apa, against 
Midar^ja, the founder of the Chaulokya dyuasty of Analiilapattana, 


The Deverfvara spoken of ia the first line U Sureivara, the pnpil of SfamkatAchirj-fc 
' Bee the genealogy at the end of this Section. 

InJ. Ant., Vol, V., p. 17 

* lDd.Aat.,VohVIlI.,p. 16. 


i»ho for some time was hard pressed ; but according to tlie Gujarat * 
chroniclers the general was eventually defeated with slaughter.* 
SomeRvara, the author of the Kirtikaamndi, speaks of Barapa as the 
gpeneral of the lord of Lata, from which it would appear that Tailapa 
was in possession of that coautry.- Tailapa invaded MAivii also, 
which at this time was governed hy Muuja, the uncle of tlie 
celebrated Bhoja. Muuja, instead of strictly confining himself 
to the defensive, took the offensive, and, against the counsels of his 
aged minister Rudr^ditya^ crossed the God&vari with a large army. 
He was encountered by Tailapa, who inflicted a crushing defeat on 
him aDd took him prisoner. At first Mufija was treated with 
consideration by his captor; but an attempt to effect his escape 
having been detected, he was subjected to indignities, made to beg 
from door to door, and finally beheaded.' This event is alluded to 
in one of Tailapa's inscriptions.* Tailapa reigned for twenty-four 
years.* One of his feudatory chiefs granted a piece of land to a 
Jaina temple that he had constructed at Sauudatti^ in the Belgaum 
district, in the year 902 S'aka or A.u. 980. 

Tailapa married Jakabbft, the daughter of the last Bashtrakfita 
king, and had by her two sons, whose names were SatyAsraya and 
Dasavarman.^ The former succeeded him in 919 S'aka or a.d. 997. 
Nothing particular is mentioned of him in any of the inscriptions. 
The Kb4repatai;i grant, which we have so often referred to, was 
issued in his reign in S'aka 930 by a dependent chief of the S'ilahara 
family which ruled over southern Konkan.^ 

Satylkiraya died without issue and was succeeded by "N'ikramidilya I.* 
the ton of his yonnger brother Dasavarman by his wife Bhagavati, 
The earliest of his inscriptions is dated S'aka 9.30^ which is also the 
latest date of his predecessor. He therefore encceeded to the throne 
in that year, i, e., in lOOS a.d., and appears to have reigned for only 
a short time.*" He was succeeded by his brother Jayasiriiha or 
Jagadekamalla, who in an inscription dated 941 S aka, i.e., 1019 a.d., 
is represented to have put to flight or broken the confederacy of 
Malava and is styled '' the moon of the lotus which was King 
Bhoja/' that is, one who hiimbled him.^' He is also spoken of as 
having beaten the Cholas and the Cheras. The Mi raj grant was 
executed bv him five years later, i. e., in S'aka 9 tG. when *' after 
having subdued the powerful Chola^ the lord of the Dramila 
country, and taken away everything belonging to the ruler of the 
seven Konkans, ho had encamped with his victorions army at 

Section XII 

BAiA K&IA, Chap. lY, p. 38. new Ed, * Etrtikaumudi, II. 3. 

I * Mertituoga'i Bhojaprabandha and Bhojacharitra by Rijavallabha. 
H ,Iour. B. A. S., Vol. IV., p. 12, and Iml. Ant., Vol. XXI., p. 108. 
^« Jour. R. S. Vol. IV.. p. 4. « Joar. B. B. R. A. S., Vol. X., p. 210. 

' Miraj plates ; Jour, R. A. S., Vnl. HI., p. 263, st. 30-3n ; Iiid. Ant., Vol. VIII., 
pp. 15-17. » Jour. B. B. R. A. S., Vo\ I., p. 209. 

* I call him Vikraniiditya I. and not Vikramdditja V.. as others do, becausa 
I would keep the two dynasties distinct for the reasone given iu the text above. 
I ah«ll oall Vikrumlditya TribhuvananialTa, Vlkram&ditya II, and no on. 
»• Joar. R. A. S., Vol, IV., p. 4. '' Iiid. Ant., Vul V., p.. 17. 

fBombiy QMOUee 

Bnme^varft or 

Attack againat 

DAhala and the 

Bontljetn couatrids. 


Kolliapur in the course of a march to the northeni conntriei 
vanquish them/'^ The latest date of this prince is S'aka 962.* 
Jayasimha ceased to rei^ in 962 S'aka, or lOiO A.D., and 
succeeded by his son Somea^vara I., who a&gumed the titles of AhaTa- 
malla and Trailokyamalla. As usual with the Ch&lukya prinoee. the 
first enemy he bad to turn hig arms against was the king of the Chola»,^ 
He is then represented by Bilh»na to have marched against DhiLr^, the 
capital of Bhoja, and captured it. Bhoja was compelled to ahaDdon 
the city. These hostilities with the king of Milva seem to have been 
inherited by this king and his predecessor from Tailapa, who had 
caused Munja. to be put to death. Bhoja was but a boy when this 
event took place. It is narrated in the Bhojacharitra that after be had 
come of age and begun to administer the afEairs of his kingdom, on 
one occasion a dramatic play representing the fate of Munja was acted 
before him, and thereupon he resolved to avenge his uncle's death. He 
invaded the Dekkau with a large army, captured Tailapa, subjected 
him to the same indignities to which JNIunja had been subjected by 
him, and finally execvited him.* Bhoja, who ruled over M41vA for 
about fifty- three years, was but a minor when Munja died. Mofija 
was on the throne in 994- a.d.,* while Tailapa died or oeaaed U> 
reign in 997 a.d. He must therefore have been slain by the latter 
between 994 and 997 a.d., and Tailapa ilid not survive Munja for a 
sufficiently long time to allow of Bhoja's attaining majority and 
fighting with him. Hence Bhoja could not have wreaked vengeance 
on Tailapa. But the wars of Jayasimha and Somesvara I. with him 
show that tli6 tradition recorded in the Bhojacharitra must have 
been correct to this extent, that to avenge his uncle's death the lone 
of Malvi formed a confederacy with some neighbouring princes and 
attacked the dominions of the Chilukyas^ Perhaps he captured 
VikramMitya I., of whom we know so little, and put him to death. 
It was probably on that account that Jayasiniha took arms against 
him and broke the confederacy, as represented in the inscriptioa 
dated 941 S'aka. 

After some time Somesvara attacked Chedi or Diihala, the capital 
of which was Tovnr orTripuro, and deposed or slew Karna.* King 
Bhoja must have died before this event ; for, just about the time of 
his death, Karna bad formed a confederacy with Bhimadova I. of 
GujarAt with a view to attack MMv4 from two sides, and sacked 
Bh'W after his deatb.^ Bilhana next represents the Ghilukya 
prince to have marched again sst the countries on the sea-coast, 



* Lo6. eiL DwuTiila is jmother foim of T>iiirid». There ia »oine mistake here in 
the original. The letters ai« j^ ^TTf^^Jpf^^* ^^' ^®®*^ takes j^ wa one word and 
' ^ gf^^^lf^ 'TftT ^ i^nother, but ^ cAnnot be oonstrned and Chandraimla is unknowm 
The mat word mast be n^, ft miutftke for some such word as t^^, **down," •* be* 
low," and the second DromiMdhifHilim. ' Ind, Ant., Vol. XIX., p. 164. 

• Bilhaua's Vikrain&nkH Churitra, I., 90 ; Jour. E. A. S., Vol. IV., p. 13. 
« BhojAcharitra, I., 60-fi6. 

* My Report on the search for MSS. during 1882-83, p, 46, 

• Bilhana'fl Vikr.. I.. lUMtJ.3. 
7 Merut'unga'i Bbojaparabaudbtt \ RAba MAI A. VI., p. 69, new Ed. 

General Cliapters.] 


probably the western. These ho conquered, and having erected a 
triatnphal column there, proceeded by the sea-shore to the extremity 
of the peninsula. In his progress through that part of the country 
the king of the Dravidaa or Cholas attacked him, bnt was defeated. 
SonaeBvara thereupon proceeded to his capital Kanchi, which be 
captured, and the Chola king had to flee away to save his life.' 
Abavanmlla's operations against Bhoja and the Cholas are alluded to 
in an inscription, and he is also represented to have fought with the 
king of Kanyakubja or Kanoj and compelled him to betake him- 
self to the caverns of mountains for safety.^ 

Ahavamalla or Somesvara founded the city of Kalyaiia and made 
it his capital. Bilhana mentions the fact,^ and the name of the 
city does not occur in any inscription of a date earlier than 975 
Saka, when Somesvara was reigning.* In the course of time three 
aona were born to Ahavamalla, the eldest of whom was named 
Somesvara, the second Vikramiditya, and the third Jayasimha.* 
The ablest of these was VikramMitya, and Ahavamalla intended to 
raise him to the dignity of Yuvardja or priiice-regent in supersession 
of his elder brother ; but Bilhana tells us he declined the honour.* 
Somesvara therefore was installed as prince-regent, but the real 
work was done by Vikramaditya, who was invariably employed by 
hia father to fight his battles. The first thing he did was to inarch 
as usual against the Cholas, whose king was defeated and deprived 
of his kingdom. The king of Malv&, who had been driven from his 
country by somebody whose name is not given, sought VikramMitya'a 
assistance. That prince put down his enemies and placed him on 
the throne.^ Vikramaditya is said to have invaded the Ganda country 
or Bengal and KimarQpa or Assam.** In the more detailed deserip. 
tion of his career of conquest^ Bilhana tells uh, he Hrst marched 
against the Keralas, whom he conquered,^ The king of Simhala 
Bobmitted to him at his approach j*'' then he took the city of Ganga- 
kn94^ ft^^ proceeded to the couutry of the Chulas, the prince of 
yrbich fled and took refuge in the caverns of mountains. Vikramdditya 
then entered Kanchi and plundered it ; and thence directed his 
march to Vehgi, and to Chakrakota.*^ 

While Vikramaditya was so employed, Ahavamalla was seized 
with a strong fever. Wlien he observed his eud approaching, he 
caused himself to be taken to the backs of the TungabhadriL. He 

Section XII. 

Bom of 





« Vikr. Ch., I., 107-116. » Ud. Ant., Vol. VIII., p, 19. 

• BiOiAQa's Vikr. Ch., II., 1. The natural conttraetioo appear* to be to take ^Tje^ 
«t excellent " as an nUributive adjective, not predkatire, and tale ^^PK m the 
Licate. The Mnfto thea will bo: ** He made (founded) the moet excellent city 

Mmed £aly&na. " 

• See Dr. Fl'eut'i romorka on the point, Ind. Ant^, Vol. VIII.. p. 105. The won! 
XaifAna occurring in the Salo^gi inaGription (Ind. Ant., Vol. I., p. 210,) ia also, like 
that ia Klrtivarmaa'a grant, to betaken in the sense of "good, ""benefit,, '* '* )>euoH< 
ciaL" and aotaa the name of a town aa ^t. Fludit and Dr. BiiJilor Lave done. 

• Bilhaoa'a Vikr. Cb., II., 57-S8and 85; III.. 1, 25. 

• lb., liL. 26.32. 35-41, and 48-61. ^ Jb., III.. 55-67, 

• /*., HI., 74. • fK IV.. 2. 18. 

*• U^ IV., 20, " Ib.t IV., 2J-30, For the aituatioaof Vengi, see tvpra, p. 188. 

TBombay Oftzettoer 



Section XIX 


barrels between 
the brotheit. 

Submit tion of 

Jayakeii of Goa to 

Alliance with the 
Chola prince. 

bathed in the waters of the river and gavo away a great deal of 
gold iu cbarity. Then entering the river again, he proceeded antil 
the water reached his ueck, and, in the din caused by the waves and 
a number of musical instruments, drowned himself.* This event 
must have taken place in 8faka991, corresponding to 1069 a-D.' 
Abavamalla» according to Bilban a, performed a great many BBcrifices 
and was very liberal to umn of learning.' On account of bis Tirtui 
poets made him tbo hero of the tales, poems, and dramas coni| 
by them.* 

Somet^vara, the eldest son of Aliavamalla, having been prinoe- 
regent, ascended the throne as a matter of coarse, and assumed 
the title of Bhuvanaikamalla. Vikrara^litya received intelli^noe 
of his fathtr's death while returning from Vengi. He hastened 
to the ca])ital and was received with affection by his brother. 
Vikramaditya made over to him all the spoils he had won 
in the course of his conquests, and for some time there waa a 
good understanding between the brothers. But Somesvara was a 
weak and tyrannical prince. He oppressed his subjects and lost 
tbeir aHection. He would not be guided by the counsels of wber 
and better men ; and the kingdom of Kuntala lost u good deal of 
its importance and intluence. Vikramaditya, unable to control his 
brother aud suspecting his intentions towards himself, left the capital 
with his younger brother Jayasiinha and a large army.* Somes- 
vara II. sent his forces after him, but they wore defeated by Vikra. 
maditya with great slaughter.® The prince then proceeded to the 
bauk.s of the Tungabhadr&, and, after some time, directed his march 
towards the country of the Cholas. On the way he stopped at 
Bauavasi, where he enpyed himself for some time, and then started 
for the country of Malaya, Jayakesi is represented to have submit- 
ted to Vikramaditya and "given him more wealth than he desired, 
and thus to have rendered lasting the smile on the face of the Konkan 
ladies."^ Jayakesi appears thus to have been king of the Konkan, 
and was the same as the first king of that name, who in the copper- 
plate grants of the Goa Kadambas, published by Dr. Fleet, is spokeo 
of as having entered into an alliance with the Chalukya and Chola 
kings and made Gopukapattaoa or Goa his capital. Vikrama- 
ditya or TrihhuvananiullH in after-life gave his daughter Mallala- 
mahadevi io marriage to his grandson, who also waa called Jayakeit ; 
and this circumstance is mentioned in all the three grants, since the 
connection with the paramount sovereign of the Dekkan raised the 
dignity of the family.* The king of the Alupas" also rendered his 
obeisance to the Chalukya prince, who showed him marks of favour. 
He then subjugated the keralas or people of Malabar, and turned 
towards the country of the Dravidas or Cholas. Being informed of 
this, the Chola prince sent a herald with proposals of peace, offen'ug 


^ Bilhaiia's Vikr. Ch., IV.i 4G-68. This tncnle of death is known by the 
JahuaniUhi. ' Jour. K. A. .S., Vol. IV.. p. 4. 

3 Bilhana'n Vikr. Cli., L, %im i IV., 52. * Tj., I., 88. 

* Ih., IV.. 88-1 1»; v.. I. • /6.,V.. 5-8. ' /ft., V^ 10. 18-« 

• Jour, B. B. R. A. S., Vol IX., pp. 241*. 268, 273- » b«e tupra, p. 183. boU 3. 


^•neral Chapteral 


bis daughter in marriage to Vikramaditja. These were accepted 
by the latter, and at the solicibatioua of the Chola he fell back on 
ihe Tahgabhadr^, where the prince arrived with his daughter aod 
concluded an alliance.^ 

Some time after, the king of the Cholas died and there was a 
revolution in the kingdom. AVhen the ChAlukya prince heard of 
this he immediately proceeded to KAfich?, and placing the son of 
his father-in-law on the throne, remained there for a month to sup- 
press hia enemies and render his poaition secure. A short time after 
his return to the Tungabhadra, however, Rajiga, the kiag of Vengi, 
observing that the nobility of the Chula pritice were disaffected, 
seized the opportunity^ and, having deposed him, usurped the sov- 
ereignty of the country. To embarrass Vikramadifcya and prevent 
his descent on Kanchi, R&jiga incited his brother Somesvara II. to 
uttack him from behind. Vikramaditya, however, marched on, and, 
by the time he came in sight of the Druvida forces, Somesvara over- 
took him in his rear. He had a very large army, which was well 
equipped.^ Bilbana, who is, of coarse, anxious to show hia patron 
to be guiltless in this fratricidal war, represents him to be deeply 
afflicted when ho saw that his brother had made common cause 
with his enemy, and to have endeavoured to dissuade him from the 
course on which he had embarked. Somesvai-a made a show of 
yielding to his brother's expostulations, seeking however in the 
meanwhile for a favourable opportunity to strike a decisive blow.' 
But Viki-am&ditya finallj resolved to give a fight to the armies of 
both. Then a bloody battle ensued, Vikramadifcya proved victorious, 
the new king of the Dravidas fled, and Somesvara was taken prisoner. 
The Chalukya prince then returned to the Tungabhadra, and after 
some hesitation dethroned Somesvara and bad himself crowned 
king. To his younger brother Jayasimha he assigned the province 
of Banavas).^ These events took place in the cyclic year A^afav 
Sfaka 998, or a.d. 1076.^ 

Vikram&ditya IL then entered Kaly&na and had a long and upon 
the whole a peaceful reign of fifty years. * He assumed the title 
of Tribhuvanamalla, and is known by the names of Kalivikramaand 
Farmadir^ya also. He abolished the S'aka era and established hia 
own ; but it fell into disuse not long after his death. Some time 
after his accession, he went to Kiirah&t^ka or KarhM and married 
the daughter of the Sil^hara king who reigned at the place. Her 

» BabAn»'i Vikr. Ch., V, 26-29. 46, 56, 60. 73, 79-89. » Jb., VI.. 7-54. 

" /6„ VI., 56-«l. * lb., VI., 90-93. 08-39. 

, » JoQf. R.L.S, Vol. IV., p. 4 : Ind. Ant., Vol. VIII., p, 189. The current J§»ka 
T w«a 999. Dr. Fleet thinka that the feativnl of hia Paftabandka or coronation, 
_ Dts on account of wtiich are recorded as made on the 6th day of the bright h&lf 
of Philguna in the N*la year, in an inacrlption at Vadageri, was the annoal feativaL 
Bat thia ia amere aasumption. One would expect in auch a case the word vdrtihiJiiot- 
aatu. The ulsava or festival spoken of must be that which followed the ceremony. 
The date in this inscription refers to the grant, and does not, in my opinion, show at 
nl( f»,.. .]«>., r,n which the coroofttion ceremony took place. All we can gather from 
th -n and that at Arale4vara Js thot the iVate Samvataara was the firat year 

oi t ^ e Jour. B. A. h., Vol. IV., p. 14. 

Section XII. 

Revolution in the 
Chola kingdom. 

Alliance between 
E.^jii^a and Som 

vara II. Bf^atnst 


Battle of 


with bis brother 

and Riljiga. 

Coronation of 

Iteign of 
Vikramaditya II, 


lombay < 



.Beotion XII. 

PebelUnn of JajrA' 

TnvaaioQ of 


domlDioDfl: by 

\ iah QuvA rdhana. 

name was Chandralekli^ and she was a woman of rare beaotj. BU* 
bana represents her to have held a nvayamvara where a great manj 
kings assembled, out of whom she chose the Chalukya prioce and 
placed the nuptiid wreath round his neck. Whether the 9va jiaik* 
vara was real, or imagined by the poet to give himself an oppor- 
Uinity for the display of his poetic and descriptive powers^ it ia noi 
possible to decide. Chandralekhjl is spoken of in the inscriptioiu aa 
Chanduladevi, and many other wives of Tribhuranamalla are men. 
tioned besides her. The revenues of certain villages were assigned 
to them for their private espouses.^ 

Some years after, Yikrama's brother Jayosimha, who bad been 
appointed his viceroy at Banav&si, began to meditate treason against^ 
him. He extorted a great deal of money from bissabjects, enter 
into an alliance with the Dravida king and other chiefs, and ev€ 
©ndeavonred to foment sedition and treachery among Yikramaditya'i 
troops. When the king heard of this, he made several attempts to 
dissuade his brother from his evil course, but they were of no avail ; 
and in a short time Jayasirhba came with his numerous allies and bia 
largo nrmy and encamped on the banks of the Krishni. He plundered 
uud burned the surrounding villages and took many prisoners, and 
considered success so certain that he sent insulting messages to 
Vikrama.* The king then marched against him at the head of bis 
forces. As he approached the river ho was harassed by the enemy's 
Bkirmishers, but driving them away he encamped on the banks.' 
He surveyed his brother's army and found it to be very large and 
strong. Then a battle ensued. At first the elephants of the enemy 
advanced and spread confusion in the ranks of Vikrama. All his 
elephants, horses, and men turned backwards ; but with remark* 
able bravery the king rushed forward on the back of bis maddened 
elephant, dealing heavy blows right and left. The elephants of the 
enemy were driven back and the king killed a great many of his 
soldiers. The army was defeated and Jayasimha and his followers 
fled away. Vikrama did not pursue the enemy, but took the 
elephants, horses, women, and baggage left on the battle-field, and 
returned to his capital. After a time Jayasimha was caught skulk* 
ing in a forest and brought to Vikramaditya, who, however, is 
represented to have pardoned him.* 

In the latter part of Yikrama's reign his dominions were invaded 
by a prince of the Hoysa^a branch of the Y4dava family reigning at 
DvA.rasamudra, the modern Ualebid in Maisur ; and with him were 
associated the kings of the PjLndya country, Goa,and Konkan. This 
Hoysala prince must have been Yishnuvardhana, the yonnger 
brother of and the grandson of Yinayaditya, who first brought 
the dynasty into prominence. For in the inscription of Yira Bal- 
}&Ja, the grandson of Yishnuvardhana, at Gaddaka, Yishnavardbana 
is represented to have overrun the whole country between his capital 

« Jour. R, A. S., Vol. IV„ p. 15, Md BilhwiA't Vikr. Ch., VIIL— XI. 

» BilhaiiA'a Viler. Ch.. XIV., 1-13, 18, 4».56. 

» Ib^ XIV., 57, 70, 71. • /*, XV., 33, 41^2, 55-71. 86-87. 

lapteri ] 



To^ft and washed his horses with the waters of the Krishni- 
It is also stated that " he was again and again remi tided 
Bervania of the honour done to him by the king Paramardi- 
Vikramaditja), who said, 'Know the Hoy sa la alone among 
nces to be unconquerable.' " * Vikmmaditya despatched 
; these enemies a dependent chief of the name of Acba or 
i, whose territory lay to the south. Acha, who was ** a very 
war and shining like the hot-rayed sun^ sounding his war- 
orsued and prevailed against Poysaja, took Gove, put to flight 
na in war, valoronsly followed after Pandya, dispersed at 
les the Malapas, and seized iipoo the Konkan/' * Acha 
ftve fought several other battles for hia master; for he is 
inted to have made " the kings of Kalinga, Vafiga, Maru, 
ftj M&lava, Chera, and Choja (subject) to hia sovereign.'' * 
Ctaditya himself had to take the field against the Choi a 
, who had grown iosubordtnate. He was defeated and fled, 
» king returned to his capital.'* VikramMitya 11. constructed 
I temple of Vishijiu and had a tauk dug in front of it. In 
inity he founded a town which was called Yikramapura. * 
ivemed his subjects well and they were happy under 
f. The security they enjoyed was so great that, according 
ana, ''they did not care to close the doors of their houses at 
^nd instead of thieves the rays of the moon. entered through 
kdow openings.'' He was very liberal and bouatiful to the 
id " gave the sixteen great gifts at each holy conjuncture."" 
e was a patron of learning is shown by the fact of a 
rian Pandit like Bilhana, who travelled over the whole of 
D quest of support, having been raised by him to the dignity of 
>ati or chief Pandit. VijaanesvarSj the author of the Mitakshari, 
IB at present acknowledged over a large part of India, and 
Jly in the MarathH country, as the chief authority on matters of 
nd religious law, flourished in the reign of Vikramaditya 
'ed at Kalyana. At the end of most mamiscripts of that work 
►ccur three sUiuzas, which may be translated as follows ^ : 

\ the surface of the earth, there was not, there is not, and 
•rill be not, a town like Kalyiiia ; never was a monarch like 
wperous Vikrarnirka seen or heard of ; and — what more ? — 
esvara, the Pandit, does not bear comparison with any other^ 

Section Xlt. 

Ant., Vol. II., p. 300. Dr. Fleet's translation of this verae ia incorrect. 
U are to be thiu coUocated :- ^ ^fW^^qcPTT |T^flo5H 3T^>T[^? 11% ? i q r# t' 

p. B. B. B. A. S., Vol. XI., p. 244. Poysala and Hoyaaja are one and the 


p. 269. * BilLaga'a Vikr. Ch., XVII., 43-68. 

XVII., 16. 22. 29. and Jour. R. A. b., Vol. IV., p. 15. 

ana's Vikr. Ch., XVll., 6, 36-37. 

Dr. Buhler'a article on the subject in Jour. B. B. B. A. S., Vol, IX., p. 134. 

BOhler'a reading of the laat two lines i* ^^>^[KW^ ^ *r^ pE ^T^T' 


patronage of 



fBombay Qasett 

fteo tion XIL (person). May this triad which is like a celestial creeper* ei 
to the end of the Kalpa! 

" Maj the Lord of wisdom* live as long as the »un and moon 
endure, — he who produces words which distil honey and than which 
nothiDg is more wonderful to the loarnod, gives wealth exceeding 
their wishes to a raultitude of supplicants, ^ contemplates the form td 
the subjugator of Mora, and has conquered the enemies that are 
born with the body. 

"May the lord Vikram^ditya protect this wliole earth as long 
as the moon and the stars endure, — he whose feet are refulgent 
with the lustre of the crest jewels of prostrate kings from the 
bridge, which is the heap of the glory of the best scion of the Ragha 
race, to the lord of mountains, and from the Western Ocean, the 
waves* of which surge heavily with the nimble shoals of fishee, to 
the Eastern Ocean." 

Though Sanskrit authors often indulge in hyperbolic expressions 
without sofficient basis and as mere conventionalities, still the 

t% •i l '-iJd 1^"^ traiulatefl ** nothing else that eziata In thia K»lpt bears eomp*naon wifcti 

the learned VijAAnesvarA." To mejm "nothing ehe," Or ■J i ^q y must be f ^irLa»«f| ' 

and in thia c-onBtruction q pt^J i the nominative, has no verb, »?{7fy being takeo M th* 

nominative to the vt-rb ^T^, Again, it wi]I not do to say *' nothing that extsta ia 

thiiB Katpa bears comparison," &c., for one-half of this Kolpa only has pftsaad away ; 
the other half still remains, and what it trill produce but hat not yet proiluced cannot 
be spoken of as ^^^^ or *' existing in the Kalpa." The only proper reading with 

a slight alteration ia that of the Bombay lithographed edition, which ha hAs gir«a 

in a footnote and which is faf^|p<|T^'^q[qi|p^^^. Instead of ^^ there mutt lie ^ 

here. And this is the.readiog of a manuscript of the Mit4k<<hara, dsted Sathrat 
1535 and H'aka 1401, purchased by m<! ab.jat ten years ago for the Bombay Goireni- 
meot. The reading ij tu be translated as in the text. 

I Like the celestial creeper, in so far as the triad satisfies all desires. 

' ]>r. Bilhler reads ^ f^fTPPfPT "^^ construes it as a vocatire. The vooatiTa 
does not look natural here. The Bombay lithographed edition and my mAaaaeripi 
have faa r j ^ftq": ^^^ nominative. Instead of ^ the former has » and the latt«r s^. 
1 have adopted this last. The author has here taken the name Vijninearara in its 
etymological sense and given to Cmji-^ or •' knowledge " the object ^^ or "trath," 
the whole meaning " the tortl of the knowledge of truth ". 

» Dr. Biihler'a reading here is ^t^R mfr l ^MI ^IH r ^ffr^Tf^fa^- ^^^ 3f^m^- 
cannot make any sense ; it ought to be ^|V(fp(n:i *fhich the lithographed edition and 
my manuscript have. The latter reads the whole line thus : — yTffH ? | >|m(HMJ!J J i y i uf S M I- 
lfr^^(<rrW[']' There is another q-j- after this, which b redundant. 

* The reading of the epithet of the " Western Ocean " is corrupt in all the three. 
I would improve that of the lithographed edition, which is •^j ' rj | f{fUJk?rM'I !?yr{!T»nfT 

^ ^l^i^ m^ i^ Ml i^lffi^''^ P^ ""y «"»nu«cript to gy^gtnrW- The root ^ 
b Hiaed la connection with waves (see B. k R/s Lexicon nib voe*). 

ral Chapters.] 


Ige and manner of these stanzas do show a really entliasiaBtic 
-tion in the mind of the writer for the city, its ruler, and the 
Pandit, who from the fact of the liberality attributed to him 
rs to have enjoyed the favour of the king aud perhaps held a 
iffice. From this and from the description given by Bilhana, as 
B frouk Vikram^ditya's iascriptions, of which we have about two 
ed, it appears to be an undoubted fact that he was the greatest 
of this later Chalukya dynasty, and that duriug his reign the 
py enjoyed happiness and prosperity. 

ramiiditya II. was succeeded in S aka 10-18 and in the cyclicyear 
\liava (a.d. 1127) by his son Somes vara III., who assumed the 
Bhulokamalla.' lie had a short reign of about 11 years, 
represented to have " pkced his feet on the heads of the 
of Andhra, Dravila, Mngadha, Nepala ; and to have been 
by all learned men.'*^ This? last pmiso does not acera to be 
rved; for we have a work in Sanskrit written by SoTnesvara 
id Manasollasa or Abhilashitartha-Chiutamani, in which a 
deal of information on a variety of subjects is given. The 
s divided into five parts. In the first are given the causes 
h lead to the acquisition of a kingdom ; io the second, those 
.ble one to retain it after he has acquired it ; in the third, 
inds of enjoyment which are open to a king after he has 
(d his power firm ; in the fourth, the modes of diversiou which 
lental pleasure ; and in the fifth, sports or amusements. Each 
consists of twenty kinds. In the first are included such 
as shunning lies, refraining from injury toothers, contiirencCi 
ity, affability, faith in the gods, feeding- and supporting the 
d helpless, friends and adherents, &c. Under the second liead 
_ ribed what are called the seven afigas, i. e.^ the ideal king, 
ministers including the priest and the astrologer, the treasury 
lo way of replenishing it, the army, &c. The enjoyments are — a 
ful palace, batliing, anointing, rich clothing, ornaments, &c. 
[versions are— military practice, horsemanship, training elc- 
\, wrestling, cockfights, bringing up of dogs, poetry, music, 
Ig, and others. The last class comprises sports in gardens atul 
or on mountains and sandbanks, games, enjoyment of the com- 
ff women, &c. In connection with those subjects there are few 
lea of learning or art in Sanskrit the main principles of which 
t stated. Wo have polity, astronomy, astrology, dialectics, 
ic, poetry, music, painting, architecture, medicine, traiuing t-^f 
, elephants, and dogs, &c. The king does appear to have been 
of learning, and it was on that account that he received the 
f SaiTa/habhupa^ or the *' all-knowing king," In the Manasol- 
connection with the preparation of an almanac, the day used 
"pochfrom which to calculate the positions of certain heavenly 
is stated as " Friday, the beginning of the month of Chaitra, 

Section XII. 

►, R. A. &, Vol. IV., p. 15. The enrrent §aka year corresponding to Pard 

Vt 1049, 

r. B. B. R. A. S., Vol. XL, p. 268, » lb., pp. 259 and 268. 

Someiivap* I J I. 
or BbAlokamallji. 




Date given in tha 



TBombay Gaiettoer 


Section XII. 

TftiUpa II. 

AmbjtioilA deaigns 
of Vijjaln. 


ono thousand and 6fty-one yeara of Saka having elapsed, the ye 
of the cycle being Sanmya, while the king Soma, the oroament of t 
Chalukya [race], who was the very sage Agastya to the ocean of 1 
essences of all the Silstras,^ aud whose eoemiea were destroyed, 
ruling over the sea-begirt earth. ^ This work, therefore, was writtei] 
in the fourth yeiir after his accession. 

Somes vara ML or Bbulokamalla was succeeded in the cyclic ye 
Kdlaxjiddi^ S'aka lOUO or a.d. 1138. by his son JagadekamsUa 
Nothing particular is recorded of hira. He reigned for 12 veara" 
ftud was succeeded by his brother Tailapa II., Nurmadi TaiU or 
Truilokyamalla, in S'akii 107!?, Pt'amoda Samvatsura,* During theso 
two reigns the power of the Chilukyas rapidly declined, and some of 
the feudatory chiefs became powerful and arrogant. The opportunity 
was seized by a dependent chief named Vijjala or Vijjana of the 
Kalachuri race, who held the office of Dandanayaka or minister 
of war under Tailapa. He conceived the design of usurping the 
throne of his master, and endeavoured to secure the sympathies and 
co-operation of some of the powerful and semi-independent chiefs. 
Vijay&rka, the MahAmandalesvara of Kolhapur, was one of those 
who assisted him/' and Prolaraja of the Kakateya dynasty of 
Tailafigana, who is represented to have fought with Tailapa, did so 
probably to advance the same cause.' Ho kept his master Tailapa 
under complete subjection till Saka 1079 or a.D. 1157, when Tailapa 
left Kaly&na and lied to Annigeri in the Dharvad district, which 
now became the capital of his kingdom greatly reduced in extent. 
There is an inscription dated Saka 1073, in Vijja^jia's name, the cyclic 

■ That is, he lirank the essences of ftU the (TiUtnii or sciences as the sag« AgMtya 
dr&ak the whole ooeau. 

Tf^^^^si^^i^^- f^^ ifT W 

' The Sidflharthhi Saiiivatsara is mentioned as the second of his reign, wherefore 
the preceding Kuluyukti (.Saka 1060} must have been the first. The current i^aka 
year was lOBl. Ind. Ant., Vol. VI., p. 14 J. There are several inscriptioua in which 
the name of Jagodokani-Ulft occurs, out it is difficult to make out whether they 
belon{( to the reign of this king or Jsyasimha- Jagadekamallo, since the cyclic ye»r 
only is given in them. Sometimes the year of the king's reign is also given, but that 
even does nut help in settling the point. For Jayasimha began to reign in STaluiMC^ 
just 120 years or two complete cycles of 60 ycari each before Jat(adekamalla 11., and 
consequently the cyclic years and the years of their reigns are the same. 

* For the Tuva Satfavatsara was the sixth of his reign and it fell next after 
Sakft 1077. In Pramrnfa^ 1073 was the current 6«Jui year and 1072 year* bad 
expired ; PAli, 8ans. and oM Can. Ins. No. 181. 

* Grant of Bhoja 11, of Kolhdpur, Traiia. Bomb. Lit. Poc, Vol. III. See Section 

^II V J ■ 

* He is said to have captured Tail&pa and let him oflf through bis devotion for 
him. H* probablv owed some allegiance to the ChAlukya sovereign. Ins. of Budn- 
devm Ind. Ant., Vol. XL, pp., 12-13, lines 27-30. 

General Chaptart.] 


Tear being tivara ; and tlie next Saihvatsnra, Bahitdhdnijaf is spokeo 
of as the second year of his reign. ^ He does not liowever seem to 
have assamed the titles of supreme aovereig-nty till S'aka 1084, wlien 
be marched against Tailapa II., who was at Annigori, and proclaimed 
himself an independent monarch. Tailapa seems then to have gone 
farther sooth and established liimself at Banavflsi.^ The latest year 
of his reign mentioned in the inscriptioaa is the fifteenth, the 
Samvatsara or cyclic year being Pdrihiva, which was current next 
after ^aka 1087.3 

For some time there was an iufcermption in the CliAliikya power, 
and the Kalachuris seem to have held possession of the whole terri- 
tory of that dynasty. But internal dissensions consequeot on the 
rise of the Lingayata creed and the assassination of Vijjuna consi- 
derably weakened the power of the Kalachuris, and about the Saka 
year 110*4 Somes^ara, the son of Nurmadi Taila, succeeded in wrest- 
ing a considerable portion of the hereditary dominions ol his family, 
and established himself at Annigeri. He owod his restoration to 
power to the valour and devoted attachment of a feudatory of his 
family named Brahma or Borama, who fought several battles with 
the enemies of his master and is said to have conquered sixty 
elephanta by means of a single one.* Bomma is represented in aa 
inscription at Annigori dated S^aka 1106 to have destroyed the 
Kalaohiirifi and restored the Ch^lukyaa to the throne.' But a short 
time after, the Yadavas of the south rose under Vira Ballfila and of 
the north under Bhillama, They both fought with Bomma; but 
Bucceas at first attended the arms of Vira Ballala, who subdued the 
Chalukya general and put an end to the power of the dynasty."^ 
We lose trace of Vu'a Soma or Somesvara IV. after S'aka 1111. 

The Chalnkya family must have thrown out several branches of 
petty chiefs. One such hos been brought to light by a copper-plate 
grant dated S^aka 1182, Rfiudra Samvatsara, which was iu the 
possession of the Khot of Teravan, a village in the Rajapur taluka 
of the Ratnigiri district.^ The donor Kcsava Mahajani was the 
minister of a Mahflmandalesvara or chief of the name of Kaiii- 
vadeva, one of whose titles was " the snn that blows opeu the lotu.<t 
bad in the shape of theChalakya race.'' He is also called ^r/iy^i/ifi- 
i>u rawi7'(i7/<ii yam or *Mord of Kalyan a the best of cities," which 
like several such titles of other chiefs'* simply shows that he be- 
longed to the family that once reigned with glory at Kalyaua. The 
village conveyed by the grant was Teravatako^ identitied with 
Teravan itself, from which it would appear that Kaiiivadeva waa 
chief of that part of Konkan. There is an inscription in the temple 

1 P. 8. 4 O. C. Ina. Noa. 219 and 182. ' Jour. R. A, S,, Voh IV.. p. 16. 

» P. S. & O. C. Ins. No. 140. 

• Jour. R. A. H., Vol. IV., p. 10 - Iti-J, Ant., Vol. II., p, 300, I. 29. 

• Jour. R. A. S , Vol. IV., p. 16. » ImL Ant., Vol. II., p. 300, U. 29-30. 

» Poblished ill Jour. R. A. S., Vol. V,, in Jour. B. B. R. A. S., Vol. l\.^ p. 10:>» 
mnd iiernoir, t'AvantvAtli tftale, Govt. Rcc. No. X. 

• Sec i/i/io, tjcction XVI. 

Section Xir. 


of sapreme 

■ovoreignty by 


Som«ifTftn IV« 

Extinction of fcbft 

CLtUukya powor. 

A bran oil of the 

Chjilukya family in 

Southern Konkan. 

IBomtwy OueltMr 

»otion XII. of Ambd.Mi at Kolh&par in which is recorded the grant of a Tillage 

by Somadeva who belonged to the Ohftlakya family and reigned 

at Samgamesvara, which is twelve hot to the north-east of 
Batn&giri. Somadeya was the son of Yetng^dera and the father of 
the last was Karnadeva.^ Probably the K&ivadeva of the Terava^ 
grant belonged to this branch of the family. There are still Marftthi 
families of the name of Ch&lke reduced to poverty in the Saihga- 
me^vara Talaka or in the vicinity. 

> Jour. B. a B. A. t«., Vol. II., p. 263. 

HE earliest mention of a family of tliig name tliat we have is in 
connection with Mangali^a of the early Chalokya dynasty, Vinaya- 
ditya is represented in one of his inscriptions to have subdued the 
Uaihayas and Vikramiiitya II. married, as we have seen, two 

firls who were sisters belonging to the family.^ The later Rashtra- 
u'ta princes were also connected by marriage with the Haihayas. 
This family knowQ also by the name of Kalachuri or Kalachuri^ 
ruled over Chedi or the country about Jabalpnr. The Kalachiiria of 
Kalyaua must have been an offshoot of this family. One of the 
titles used by Vijjana was Kdlahjarapnravarddhlivara *'or Lord of 
the best city of Kalaiijara/'' Kalaiijara was a atroughold belong- 
ing to the rulers of Chedi* and was probably their capital, though 
Tripura, the modern Tevur, is also known to have been tbo principal 
seat of the family. The title, therefore, connects the lialyana branch 
of the Kalachuris with the Chedi family. This branch was founded 
by Krishna, who in the Belgaum grant^ is spoken of ae "another 
Krishna/' the incarnation of Vishim, and as " having done wonder- 
fai deeds even during his boyhood.'^ He was succeeded by his son 
Jogama, and Jogama by his son Paramardin. Paramardin was the 
father of Vijjana, Vijjana before his usurpation called hlmGelf only 
a Mahi\mandalesvara or minor chiefs and is first mentioned as a 
feudatory of Jagadekamalla, the successor of Somes' vara III," 
The manner in which he drove away Taila III. from l^y&na, and 
having raised himself to tho supremo power in the state gradually 
ansamod the titles of a paramount sovoreigu, has already been de- 
scribed. But soon after, a religions revolution took place at Kalyaijia, 
and Vijjana and his family succumbed to it. 

The principal leader of that revolution was a person of the name 
of Basava. A work in Kanareso entitled Basava Purana gives an 
account of Basava ; but it is full of marvellous stories and relates 
the wonderful miracles wronght by him. The principal incidents, 
however, may be relied on as historical On the other hand there 
is another work entitled Vijjalarayacharita, written by a Jaina, 
which gives an account of the events from the opposite side, since 
the attacks of the LingcLyataa were chiefly directed against the 
Jainas, and these were their enemies. 

Basava was tho son of a Brahman named M&dir&ja, who lived at 
B&gev4di in the Kaladgi district, Bajadeva, the prime minister of 
Vijjana, was his maternal uncle and gave him his daughter in 
marriage.' After Bajadeva's death the king appointed Basava his 

' Suprti, Section X. 

« 8«e gmnt published in Arch, Surv. West. Intl., No. 10. 
« Jour. B. B. R. A. K., Vol. IX,. p. 330, No. 60, 

* Bilhazja's Vikr. Ch., XVllI., p. 93, Karga seema to be repreaontod hero to have 
conquered K41aiijara. " Joar. B. B. B. A. S., Vol. XVtU., p. 270. 

^^ P. S. k O. C. Ins, No. 1 10. 

Baaava Purana, Jour, D. B, R. A. b*., Vol. VUI., p, 67. 

Section XIII. 

Original scat of 
the Kalachuri or 
Haihaya family. 

A religioua re vol n- 
tion at Kaly&ui^. 

Its leader. 


Bftuva't reb«nioa. 

«ava plans the 
naarder of the 

Recount of the eyent 

according to the 

Basava Fur^a. 

prime miDister as being closely related to Baladeva.* The Jai'nas, 
however, Btate that Basava had a beautiful sister named Padmavati. of 
whom the king became enamoured and whom he either married or 
made his mistress^; and it was on that accoant that he was raised 
to that office and became a man of inflaence. There must be some 
truth in this story ; for the Basava Purftya narrates that the king 
gave his younger sister NilalochanA. in marriage to Basava, which 
looks as if it were a counter-story devised to throw discredit on the 
other which was so derogatory to Basava.' Basava had another j 
Bister named NAgalambiki, who hod a son named Ghenna-Basava orfl 
Basava the younger. In concert with him Basava began to pro^n 
pound a new doctrine and a new mode of worshipping S^iva, in which 
the Linga and the Nandin or bull were prominent. He speedily got 
a large number of followers, and ordained a great many priests, 
who were called Jangamas. Basava had charge of the king's 
treasury, and out of it he spent large amounts in supporting and 
entertaioing these Jangamas, who led a profligate life. Vijjana had 
another minister named Manchanria, who was the enemy of Basava, 
and informed the king of his rival's embezzlements,* In the 
course of time Vijjana was completely alienated from Baaava 
and endeavoured to apprehend him. But he made his escape with 
a number of followers, whereupon the king sent some men in 
pursuit. These wore easily dispersed by Basava> and then Vijjana 
advanced in person. Bat a large number of followers now joined 
Basava, and the king was defeated and had to submit to his minister. 
Basava was allowed to return to Kalyfina and reinstated in hi* 
office.* There was^ however, no possibility of a complete reconci- 
liation, and after somo time the leader of the new sect conceived 
the design of putting the king to death. The circumstances that 
immediately led to the deed and the manner in which it was perj»c- 
trated are thus stated in the Basava Pur&na. 

Ab Kalyaua there were two pious Liiigflyatas named Ilalleyaga 
and Madhuveyya, who were the devout adherents of their master 
Basava. Vijjana, listening to the calumnious accusations of their 
enemies, caused their eyes to bo put out. All the disciples of Basava 
were highly indignant at this cruel treatment of these holy men, 
and assembled in their master's house, Basava ordered Jagaddeva 
to murder the king, pronounced a curse on Kaly^na, and left the 
town. Jagaddeva hesitated for a moment, but his mother spurred 
him on, and with two companions, Mallaya and Bommaya, went 
Btraight to the palace of the king ; and rushing throwgh the throng 
of courtiers, counsellors, and princes, they drew their poiguards and 
stabbed Vijjana. Thence they went into the streets, and brandishing 
their weapons proclaimed the reason of their perpetniting the deed. 
Then aroso dissensions in the city, men fought with men, horses 
with horses, and elephants with elephants; the race of Vijjana was 
extinct, Kalyana was a heap of ruins, and the curse pronounced 


' Jour. B. B. K. A. S.» VoU VIII., p. 69. 

' /A., p. 97. Sir W. Elliot's paper, Jour. R. A. S., V..1. IV.. p. 20, 

U U U * t! \r_t TTTT _ Trt * ik ^». TO Ap 

3 Jour. B, B. R. A. S., Vol. VIIL, p. 70, 


» Jo«n K. A. S,, Vol XV., p. 21 i Jgur, B, B. R, A. H., \oh Vllh, p. 89* 


78 A 89. 

General Chapters.! 


by Basava was verified. Basava went in haste to lu's favourite shrine * Section XIII 
of Sahgaraes'vara, sitaated on the confluence of tlie Malaprabhil 
with the Kfishn;^, aud there in compliance with his prayers the god 
Absorbed him in his body.^ 

The account given by the Jainas is different. Vijjaoa had gone Jaina »ccoant. 

on an expedition to Kolhapur to reduce the Silahftra chief Bhoja It, 

to subjection. In the course oE hia march back to the capital he 

encamped at a certain place on the banka of the Bhim&, and, while 

reposing in his tent, Basava sent to him a Jaogama disguised as a 

Jaina with a poisoned fruit, VijJHna, who is said to have been a 

Jaina himself, unsuspectingly took the fruit from the hands of the 

leeming Jaina priest ; and ws soon as ho smelled it, he became 

Benselese. His son Imraadi Vijjana and others hastened to tho 

spot, but to no purpose. Vijjauaj however, somewhat recovered his 

senses for a short while; and knowing who it was that had sent the 

poisoned fruit, enjoined his son to put Basava to death, Immadi 

Vijjaaa gave orders that Basava should he arrested and all Jangamas, 

wherever found, executed.^ On heariog of this, Basava fled ; 

and being pursued went to the Malabar coast and took refuge at 

a place called Ulavi.' The town was closely invested and Basava 

in despair threw himseU into a well aud ditJil, while hia wife Nilamba 

put an end to her existence by drinking poison. When Vijjana'a 

son was pacified, Cheniia-Basava surrendered all his uncle's property 

to him and was admitted into favour.* He now became the sole 

leader of the Lingayatas ; but, even before, his position was in some 

respects superior to that of Basava. The religious portion of the 

movement was under his sole direction, and it was he who shaped 

the creed of the sect. In him the Pmnava or aacred syllable Om 

is said to have become incarnate to teach the doctrines of the Vira 

^aiva faith to Basava,^ and, according to the Chenna- Basava Purilna, 

"Chenna- Basava was S'iva ; Basava, Vrishabha (or S'iva's boll, 

tbeNandin); Bijiala, the door-keeper; Kalyii^a, KailiLsa ; (and) S'iva 

worshippers (or Lingdyatas). the S'iva host (or the troops ot S'iva's 


Vijjana's death took place in S'aka 1089 (1090 current], or a.d. 
1167. He was succeeded by his son Soma, who is also called Sovi- Sovideva. 

deva or Somesvara. The Belgaum copper-plate charter was issued 
by him on the twelfth of the bright half of Karttika in S'aka 1056, 
the cyclic year being Jaya, to confirm the grant of land to fourteen 
Br^hmar^s and the god Somesvara made by one of his queens named 
Bavaladevi. The king had given her his consent to make the grant 
as a reward for a beautiful song that she sang on an occasion 
when the most influential persons belonging to his own aud other 
kingdoms had gathered together in his audience- hall. Soma 
reigned till S'aka 1100 and was followed by his brother Samkama, Saihkama* 
whose ioscriptions come down to the cyclic year SuhkahfU. In an 

leaders hip« 

» Jovir. B. B. R. A. S., Vol. VIII., p. 96 ,• WiUoii's Mackenzie MSS., pp. 309- 310 

* Wilison'B Mftckonzie MS?., p. .320. » Jour. R. A, S., Vol. IV., p 22 ' 

* WiUon'B Mackenzie MS?., p. 320. * lb., p. 311. 

* Jour. B. B. B. A. S., Vol. VIII,, p. 127. 

(Bombay Gazetteer 



stion XIII. • 

Extinction of the 
Kalachuri dyntutty. 

Beligiona and social 

condition of the 

people tJuring the 

Uter ChAlukya 



• Jain ism. 

Purit^ic religion. 

Codification of 

the civil and 

religious law. 

ira IV. 
om theM 


inscriptioTi at Balagamve the cyclic year ViMriii (S'. 1101) iacall- il 
the third of his reign/ while in another at the same place the Bauie 
year is spoken of as tho fifth. ^ In other inscriptions we h^ve two 
names Saiiikama and Ahavamalla and the cyclic years Sdrvarin 
(^. 1102) and Plava (Sf. 1103) are represe^nted aa the third year of 
his or their reign, which is possible, and Subhakrit (Sf. 1104) as the 
eighth.'' About S'aka 1104 the Chiilakya prince Somesvara IV. 
wrested some of the provinces of his ancestral dominions from 
Kalachurie, and the rest must have been conquered by the Northern^ 
Yadavas ; so that about this time the Kalaohari danasty bi 

During the period occupied by the l;»ter Chilukya dynasty and 
the Kalachiiris (8aka 895-1110 or A.D. 973-1188), the old state of 
things as regards the religious and social condition of the coantry 
may be said to hare finally disappeared and the new ashored in. 
First, wo have in this period what might be considered the laafc 
traces of Buddhism. In the reign of Tribhuvanamalla or Vikram4- 
ditya II., in the cyclic year Yuvnn, and the nineteenth of his era 
(Saka 1017}, sixteen merchants of the Vaisya caste constrncted a 
Buddhistic vihdra or monastery and temple at Dharmavolal, the 
modern Dambal in the Dfjarvad district and assigned for its support 
and for the maintenance of another rihdra at Lokkignndi, the modern 
Lakkundi, a field and a certain amount of money to be raised by 
voluntary taxation.* In S^aka 1032 the S'ililh;ira chief of Koihipur 
constructed a large tank and placed on its margin an idol of Buddha 
along with those of S'iva and Arhat, and assigned lands for their 
support.^ Jainism ceased in this period to be the conquering reli- 
gion that it was, and about the end received an effectual check by 
the rise of the Lingayata sect. This new creed spread widely among 
the trading classes, which before were the chief supporters of 
Jainisra. There is a tradition in some parts of the country that 
Bom(3 of the existing temples contained Jaina idols at one time and 
that afterwards they were thrown out and Br&hmaiiic ones placed 
instead. This points to a chaogo of feeling with reference to 
Jainisra, the origin of which must be referred to this period. 

The worship of the Pur&iiic gods flourished j and as in the times 
of the early Claliikyas the old sacrificial rites were reduced to 
a system^ so during this period the endeavours of the Br&hmans and' 
their adherents were for the first time directed towards reducing 
the civil and the ordinary religious law to a system, or towards its 
codification, as it might be called. The texts or precepts on the- 
subject were scattered in a great many Smritia and Pur&nas ; and 
often there were apparent inconsistencies and the law was doubtful. 
Nihandhas or digests, of which we have now so many, began to be 
written in this period, but the form which they first took, and whicli 
even now is one of the recognized forms, was that of commentaries 
on Smrifcis. Bhoja of Dhari, who belongs to the first part of this 

» P. S. & 0. C, Ins. No. 183, 
* lb. Nob. 190. 192 and 193. 

« lb. No. 189. 

* Ind. Ant., Vol. X., p. 18fi. 

» lb. No*. 190. 192 and 193. * Ind. Ant., Vol. X., p. 

' Jour. B. B. R. A. 9., Vol. XIIL, p. 4, and infra. Section XVI. 

General Ohapten.) 


periody mast hare written a treatise on the subject, since nnder the Section XIII 
Mme of DhiresTvara he is referred to by Vijn&nesvara in his work. 
He was followed by Vijiiinesvara, who, as we have seen, lived at 
KaljA^a in the reign of Vikram&ditya II. Apar&rka, another com- 
mentator on T&jnavalkya, who calls his work a nibandha on the 
Skarmaidsira or institates of Y&jnavalkya, was a prince of the 
silAyira &mily of northern Konkan and was on the throne in S'aka 
1109 (a.d. 1187) and in the cyclic year Pardhhava} Or, if he was 
the earlier prince of that name, he mast have flourished about fifty 
years before. This movement was continued in the next or thir- 
teenth century by Hem&dri, and by Sslya^a in the fourteenth. 
Gonealogy of the Chdlukyo family betwetn Vijaydditya and Tailapa a$ 
givM in the Miraj grant ofJaya$imha dated S^aka 946. 

TUcrmmftditys II. Another aon. 

SrUnnimn II. Ktrtivarman. 



Ayyana, nuurried 
the dau(;htar 
of Krishna. 


married Bomthi- 

devt tho daughter 

of Lakahmana, 

klnif of Cho<li. 



Otnealogy oftht IcUer Chdlnkyas. 

L Tailapa I. /8'aka 805-Q19.\ 
V A.D. 973.097. ) 

I ' : I 

1. SATTAs'bAta, Daaavanuan. 
IrlribhidaiMeA. L 


^ A.D. 997-1006.^ S. ViRUAMADiTYA I. 4. jAvAsiMKA, Jo^roilckainalla t. 

/8'aka 930-940. \ /8'aka <»40-'J82. \ 

Va.D. lOOe.1018.7 U-D. 10I8-l(N0j 

G. Romih'vara I., Ahavamalla, 
Trailokj-oinalla I. /S'akaUO;!Mil. \ 
U.D. 1010-1089. / 


I I 'V I . 

e, Sona^TAEA II , Bhnranaika. 7. VrRRAMAiMTVA II., Jayaaimha. 

/8'aka 991-9{>8. \ TrihhuvaQuinalla. /S'altiiO!>}-ini8.\ 

\aa 10«.lO76. ) \a.o. 107«-112«. J 

8. SoMBs'vARA in., Tihaioka- 

tiialla. /Sak-a li)IS-10<;0.\ 

\A.]>. 1126*1138.7 

0. jA«AniRA)lALLA II. 10. TAILAPA II , Kuniiadi 

/8'aka 10<I0.1072 \ Taila, Trailok v:imalU» 1 1. * 

V A-D. 1138-1160. J /.SaU lo:i-10S7 ?\ 

\ A,D. iiw-iio:>. ) 

11. S.>Mr.f)'vARA IV 
/Htiki IIOMIIl?k 
V A.n. 118311>i!i. / 

» Jour. B. 15. 11. A. 8.. Vol. XIl., pp. 334-335. 

[Bombay Gazetteer 







The YAdavas of Dbvaqibi. 

Early History of the Family. 

TnE genealogy of the YAdavas is given in the introduction to the 
VratakhaiuU attributed to or composed by Hem&dri \vho was a 
rniniater of Mali&deva, one of the later princes of thedynasty. Some 
of the manuscripts of the work, however, do not contain it, and to 
others it begins with Bbillama, as it was he who acquired supremo 
power and raised the dynasty to importance. Others again contain 
an account of the family from the very beginning, the first person 
mentioned being the Moon who was churned out of the milky 
ocean. From the Moon the genealogy is carried down through all 
the PmHiiic or legendary ancestors to Mahiileva. But it is not 
difficult from the account itself to determine where the legend ends 
and history begins. Besides, the names of most of the historical 
predeceaaora of Bbillama agree with those occurring in the copper- 
plato grant translated by Pandit BhagvA-nlal Indraji.^ He con- 
fiidered the Ysldava dynasty mentioned in his ^rant to be difl'erent 
from that of Devagiri and called it ** A New Yadava Dynasty/' as, 
of course, in the absence of the information I now publish, he was 
justified in doing. But it is now perfectly clear that the princea 
mentioned in the grant were the ancestors of the Devagiri Y&davas. 
The following early history of the family is based on the account 
giv*-n in the Vratakhandii^ and on the grant published by the 
Pandit. The latter, however, brings down the genealogy only to 

» Iiid. Ant., Vol. XTI., p. 110 «r erq. 

i Tbe Gtlition of the VrataktiiiiKiA ia the BibliothecA Indioa oontaini neither of 
tlicBe two T«ry valuable ar)<l imporiAut Hta/atdn. I have thei^fore had rocour»e to 
maiittsmpta. There ia one manuscript only in the Governraent culiisctions ttfcp<>8ite«l 
in the Ubrory of the Dekkan Collego and that is No. 234 of Collection A of 1881-83 
which was made by ine. It eontama the shorter Pra^nsti bo.'inuiQg with the reign 
of Bhillama. There in annther copy in the collection belonging to the old Sanskrit 
College of Poona, which contains the I<^ngor Praiaati. Unfortunately, however, 
the third and fourth leaves of the manuscript are miaaing ; and the second en«U | 
with Parammaduva tiie sacoesaor of Seu^^aehandra II., while the fifth begins with i 
some of the last stanzu of the introduction rt-ferring to HemAdri and his workSk I 
The valuable portion therefore was in leaves 3 and 4 ; but that ia inetrievably lost. 
Ithereforeendoavoured to procure copies from the private collections in the city of 
Pood* and obtaiood one from Khlagiviile's library. It contains the shorter Prafiasti 
only. My learned friend Gang^dliar S astrt L>at4r procured atiother. In it the two, 
the shorter one and ti«e longer, are jumbled together. There are in the commence-i 
ment the first seventeen stanzas of the shorter, and then the longer one begins ; ^ 
ftnd after that is over, we have the remaining stanzas of the shorter. This is the \ 
only manuscript of the four now before me wluoh contains the whole of the longer 
Pra^asti, and the information it gives about the later princes of the dynasty known 
tons from the inscriptions is also valuable and new, but the manuscript is extremely 
Incorrect, I therefore cauat'd a search for other copies to be made at NAsik, EolhApnr, , 
and Ahmedabad ; but none was available at those pfaces. I give the two Pra^tU inl 
Appendix C [Since the lirat edition was published I have obtiined and purchaMdl 
another copy of the \'ratakhaijda for the flovernment collections. The introductorj 
portion here is more correctly written, and I have used it iu revising this section « 
th« Prstiasti in Appondix C.J 

Chapters. I 


Seu^acbandra II. who was on the throne in 991 Saka or 1069 A.D., 
tad omits the names of some of the intermediato princes. Two 
Other grants by princes of this dynasty found at SmiitJfamner and 
Kalaa-Bndruk of earlier dates* have been recently published, and 
these also have been compared. 

Sabibu who belonged to the Yiiava race was a nniveraal 
lOTereig^n. He had four sons among whom he divided the whole 
earth ruled over by him. The second son Dridhaprahira* became 
king in the south or Dekkan. The YAJavas, it is stated, were at first 
lords of Mathora; then from the time of Krishna they became sov- 
ereigns of DvAravati orDvaraka ; and came to be rulers of the south 
from. the time of the son of Subahu, viz, J^xidbaprabira. His capital 
was Srinagora according to the Vratakhaiida, while from the grant 
it appears to have been a town of the name of Chandralityapura, 
which may have been the modern Cbara.ior in the Nd-;!k district. 
He bad a son of the name of Seuiiachandra who succeeded to the 
throne. The country over which he ruled was called Seunades'a* 
after him, and he appears to have founded a town also of fcho name 
of Sean ipura. Seunades'a was the name of the region extending 
from Nasik to Devagiri^ the modem Daulat4b4d, since later on we 
are told that Devagiri was situated in Seunades'a and that this 
Utter was situated on the confines of DandakArayya.* This nfima 
seems to be preserved in the modern Kbandes'. In a foot- 
note on the opening page of the Kbandes' Volume, the Editor of 
the " Bombay Gazetteer " observes that the name of the country 
was older than Musalman times, and it was afterwards changed by 
them to suit the title of Khkii given to the Faruki kings by Abmed I. 
of Gujarat. Seunades'a, therefore, was very likely the original 
name and it was changed to Khindes', which name soon came into 
general use on account of its close resemblance in sound to Seuna- 
des'a. The country however extended farther southwards than the 
present district of Kliandes", since it included Devugiri or Daula- 
tabid, and probably it did not include the portion north of the Tapi. 

Seuyachandra's son Dbaiiyappa* became king after him and he 
was SQCceedeil by his son Bbillama. After Bhillama, his son S'riraja 
according to the grants, or Rajugi according to tbe other authority, 
came to the throne, and he was succeeded * by hia son Vfiddiga or 
Vidagi. Yaddiga is in the Sariigamner giiint represented as a 
follower of Krishnaraja who was probably Krishna HI. of the 
K&shtrakfita dynasty, and to have married Voddiyavva, daughter of a 

• Mr. CouKn'a impresfion of the first of these grants was seen by me before it waa 
pablkhed by Prof. Kielhorti in Epigrtiphia Indica, Vul, II., p. 212 ft ttn/., and its 
eonteuta einbodietl in the copy of thia work reviaed for thia second etlitiun. I have, 
hoMrev«r, since availed myself of one or two points made out hy Prof, Kioliiora aod Dot 
noticed by nie. The second grant ia published in lod. Ant, Vol, XVI I., p. 120, tt iwq. 

* Heia called DndhaprahArl (nom. su\g.) in the MSS. ; 8tiuiisa20', Appendix C. I. 
» Stanxa 22. Appendix C. I. * ^?tanza 19. Appendix C. II. 

* Called I»ha>.ii.»A3a in the MSS. ; Apppendix C. I., gtanza 23, 

• Jbid. Pandit Bho^vanl&l translates the worda arvAi: tn»ya (see note 6 bclow) o-ccur- 
ring in tUe YAdava yrunt aa *' before hifn, " and placing Voddiga before 6rtrija, coojec- 
tare* that he wui» Uhiibinia'fi son and tliat Srtraja hi* Tincle deposed him and usurperV 
lli« throoej (lud. Aut., Vol. XII,, pp. 125a and V2.%b), But artttt tasyacm aerwL 

Section XIV«. 



the founder of 

the family. 




Section XIV. prince of the name of Dhorappa. Then came Dhadijasa,^ who was 
the son of Vadugi according to the Vratakha^da. Two of the 
grants omit his name, probably bec^ase he was only a collateral 
and not an ancestor of the grantor in the direct line, and the third 
has a line or two missing here. Dhadijasa was succeeded by 
Bhillamftll. Bhlllaraa, who was the son of Vaddiga or V^dagi and consieqaentlv 
his brother.* Bhillama married according to the grants Lakshmi 
or Lachchiyaw4,' the daughter of Jhanjha, who was probably 
the Silahara prince of fhttn^ of that name. Laohcbiyavv4 sprang 
on her mother's side from the Rilsiitrakuta family, andthroogh her 
son became " the npliolder of the race of Yadu ; " * so that she waa 
connected with three ruling dynasties and flourishing kingdoma. 
The Snmgamner grant appears to have been issued by thia Bhillama 
in the Saka year 922. t. e. 1000 a.d., and the prince mentioned iuj 

mean " Itefore him/' and must menn '* after him ", and hence the conjectarM 
^roundlesH. I have never seen a prfceding prince mentioned in the granta after hi» I 
auccessor, with such aa introdnetory expression a« " fj^f/ore him no and to becama 
king. " By the occorrenco of the vrord ^fj^f^ in stanra 23, line 2, Appoidix C. I., 
it appears Bajagi was the sou of Bhillama I. 

1 Appendix C. I. stanza *2-4. If he had been mentioned in the g;nuit, bewoald 
proUhly have h«on called DliAdiyappa. 

' Ibid. Pnitdit BhagranUI omits this prince though h» it mentioned in hia giaai. 
The laat two lines of trie fourth atanza in this are : — 

The Paijdit tran»laU's this- — '• Before him was the illustrious king Vaddiga, aHaril 
on earth ; and therefore he wa« exactly like the illuBLrious good Bhillama ta Uaj 
actions/^ I have already rcniarkiHl that instead of ^' before him," wo aboald havtt \ 
*' after him " here, llie word ^^jrra- is translated by "therefore," " WberafBrsf**! 

I would ask. No reaaon is given in the tirat of these llnofi for \i\a being exaoU]/ lihi} 
Bhillama; and therefore, it will not do to traualate j^u j j by "therefore." 
tbti Papdit's interpretation of q'c^Mfvn^ aa "exactly like^i actions" u farfetohe 
and unnatural. The thing is, the genitive or ablative ^^^q^: cannot be connected ] 
with any word in the Imo, and is therefore one of the innumerable mistakes whicli i 
we have* in this grant and most of which have been poinU'd out by the Bandit himaelf. 
What is wantotl here is the nominative f^fcfC[f%: ^"f f^fr^T^: "^"^^ ^^^° ^^'■" whole ii ' 
appropriate, and ^ ^ qra- will have its proper aense of "aft^^r him," or ''from him," 

The correct translation then is " Ajter him was a king of the name of Vaddiga the pn>»- 
perous, who waa a Hari on earth, and a/trr him or o/ him (i. e. Vaddiga) came the 
proupcrooa, great Bhillama in whom Virtue became incarnate." In this way we have 
bero another king Bhillama, aa mentioned in the Pra^sti in the Vratakhaiida in tho 
passage cited ahoTe< 

•This lady, according to my translation, becomes the wife of Bhillama, who ta the 
kittg mentioned immediately before, and not of his father Vaddiga as the P*nr'-'^ 
makes out. 

* Here there is another difficulty arising from a mistake in tho grant whieh 
Pandit Bhag^ anUl haa in my opinion not succeeded in solving ; and he bases upoa 
that'mistake conjectures which are rather too far-reaching (p. 125a, Ind. Ant., Vol, 
XII.). The Btaiiza is :— 

The Pandit's translation ia :— " Whose wife was ilie daughter of king Jhafljba 
IjMthiyavVi by name, posieaaed of the (three) gwxl qnalities of virtue, liberality, aod 

the J 

Bneral Chapters.] 



khe grant as having struck a blow against the power of Manja 
iod rendered the sovereign authority of Knnarangabhiiiia firm seema 
ftlso to be he himself. I{ayarani,ml»hima was probably Tailapa, aod 
Ihas it follows that the Yadava prince Bbiliama II. assisted Tailapa 
in his war with Munja which we have already noticed. Vaddiga 
Was a follower of Krishna III. of the Kashtrukiita family, whose 
latest known date is 881 oaka, and Bhillama II. of Tailapa. The 
date 922Saka of Bhillaraa's grant is consistent with these facts. The 
Yudavas appear thus to have transferred their allegiance from the 
old to the new dynasty of paramount sovereigns as soon as it rose 
to power. The next king wasVesugi^ called in Pandit Bhagvinlirs 
t Tesuka, which is a mistake or misreading for Vesuka or Vesuga. 
married Nayaladevi, the daughter of Gogi, who is styled a 
tory of the Chahikya family,^ and was perhaps the same as the 
lessor of the Thana prince Jhafijha. The Ka-shtrakutas must 
xe been overthrown by the CLalukyas about the end of Jhauiha'a 
ign, and thus his successor became a feudatory of the Chalykyaa, 

Section XIV. i 

"V, wlio was of the RAsh^rakflt* rttce, as hfhifj (ulopted (fyg them) at the time 
' of tJ\« young pi'vtct {during hit miuor'Uy) ami who therefore by reASon of 
_ the burden of the kiugdoma, with its seven aiigas, was an object of reverence 
the three kingdoms. " 

with the Pandit in reading Vt liefore <|yf|>iM^|| and taking TPT^ •■ 

'. and, generally, in hia IranBlatiou of the first two atitl the fourth Uoes. But the 
of the third lint, timt is, tlie i>ortiun italicised in the above, ia very objec* 
The Pauflit reads Tpf from ^1{ and aayfl that the ^ in ^^^^o ought to be 
tg for the metre, but w<tnld make no sense. Now, in seeking the true solution of the 
ulty here, we must tiear in mind that in the fourth line the ladv is spoken of as 
object of revereuco to the throe kingdoms." Which are the three kiundoma! 
evidently, that of Jhafljha, her father, who is spoken of in the first line ; and 
dly, that of the llAshtrakd^aa from whose race she is spoken of as having sprung 
the second line. Now, we must expect some allusion t(; the thinl kingdorji iu the 
third line. The third kingdom waa clearly that of the YiUlavaa into whose family 
•he ha^I ]»een married. I, therefore, read ^^^'^i^^ for *^'\-^^\° and thus the diffi- 

I about the metre is removed, the ^ becomiiig prosodially long in consequence 
» following g[. In the same manner I think •IH^PT J** » mistake for ^lol^fj-^ 
w«>rd 3f|7^ the writer must have taken from hia vernacular and considered it 
iskrit word ; or prol^abiy not knowing Sanskrit well, he must have formed it 
the root 5f^ on the analogy of T^ from q^, Tfp^ from 7^%^ T{[^, from t|^ Ac. 
Or ^^TfTPT may he considered aa a mLitake for ^plll'IT. tliesense being the ftame, viz. 
'Urth of a child." The compound i\ •^"^ i\ \ ^\\Kr\\ is to be dissolved as <jTNTf^: 
U^'A*X' W^ I an^iRd heing made the second mend>er according to PAnini II. 2, 37t 
Hblie line may be reail as qj ^M A'MHA''H^^ 'T^^^ITOTfi the dot over (TT 
BHg omitted by mistake, and ^\^\ written aa Sfy^J in consequence of the usual 
eonfasion between ^and "^ The transhition of the line, therefore, is "who l)ecame 
the upholder of the race of Yadu on the occasion of the birth of a new child," V. e, 
ihrough her child she became the upholder of the YAilava race. In thia manner 
the aupposition of her h<iing adopted by the Rfiahtrakd^a during the yon ug prince's 
inini>rity becomes groundless . tjhe must have belonged to the Qlahtrakuta race on her 
tQother's wide. 

* Staiuuk 24, Appendix C. I. 

'The eiprcaaion ^Trr^+'^I'^^^M"^^!'^ in the grant admits of being taken in the 
inaiiner I have done, H'^^'^r* being a mistake for IH^^^T^^' The Pandit understands 
Gogirlja as belonging to the ChAiukya race. I couaider my interpretation to be more 

[Bombay Gazetteer 



Section XIV. 

BhtUama III., 
Bon-in-law of 

I^ftobandra II., 
the ally of 

The Vratnkhanda places Arjuna after Vesugi,* but the two gr&Dta 
omit his uamo; and perhaps the former mentions Arjuna not 
Yadava prince, but Arjuna the Pandava, meaning to compare Vesugil 
with hioi and his enemies to Bhishma. The next king wa 
Bhillania'^ who according to the Kalas-Budruk grant was Veaagi'i 
Bou. He marrie<l Hammd, the daughter of Jayasimha and sister ofl 
Ahavamalla, the Cliilukya emperor, under whose standard he fought ( 
Beveral battles.^ The Kahis-Budruk charter was issued by thia^ 
prince in 948 oaka. The cyclic year being Krodhana, 948 Saka 
must have been the current year, corresponding to 1025 a.d.I 
Pandit Bhagvauldrs gj'aut then proceeds at once to the donor, the 
reigning prince Seu^a, who is spoken of in general terms as " baying 
sprung from the race " of the last-mentioned king, and is represented 
to have defeated sevoml kings and freed his kingdom from enemies J 
after " the death of Bliillama." This Bhillaraa was his imraodiatoW 
predecessor, but ho was a different person from the brother-in-law ' 
of Ahavamalla, since Seuiia, is spoken of not as the son of the latter 
or any such near relation bub simply as " having sprung from hia 
race." The Vratakhayda supplies the names of the intermediate mL 
princes. The elder BhiUama was succeeded by Vidugi,* his son,H 
"whose praise was stmg by poets in melodious words."" After • 
him Vesugi' became kiug, but how he was related to V&dugi we are 
not told. He humbled a number of subordinate chiefs who had 
grown troublesome. Then came Bhillama, and after him Seuna* 
who issued the charter translated by Paydit BhagvaulaL What 
relationship the last three princes bore to each other is not stated. ^ 
Seuua is represented to have saved Paramardideva, that is, Vikrami- H 
ditya II., who is styled the *' luminary of the Chalukya family ** " 
from a coalition of his enemies, and to have placed him on th« 
throne of Kaljana^ This appears to be a reference to the coali- 
tiou between the Vengi prince and Vikramaditya's brother Somes- 
vara. The YaJava prince Seuua was thus a close ally of the Chalukya 
monarch and tlioir dates also are consistent with the fact. Seuya- 
chandra's grant is dated S^aka 991 Sannuja Samvatsara, while 
Vikramaditya IL got possession of the Ch&lukya throne in Saka 998 
Nala. The grant mentions the relations of previous Yadava princes 
to the Chalukyas of Kalyaua, while the important service rendered 
by Seunachandra to Vikramaditya is not recorded, and he is spoken 
of only in general terms as having vanquished ** all kings." This 
itself shows that in all likolihood the fact mentioned in the Vrata- 
khfinda of Seunichaudra's having delivered that prince from his 
enemies and placed him on the throne took place after Saka 991^ J 
and we know ib as a matter of fact that Vikramaditya became kingi 
in Saka 998. 

> Stanza 2i, Appendix C. I. ' Stania 26, tbidU 

' Thia appears to me to be the general seuse of staDxa 8 and not that he foughk 
with Ahavainalla aa Fa^dit Bbogvunlal tmderstanda. 1 need not discuss tbe mait«r 
in detail. 

* Htanza 26, Appendix C I. * Stanza 27, Ibid. 

c Stanza 28. /&, ' Stanza 29, Ib. 

L Chapters] 



bhandre was succeeded by Parammadeva who was probably 

j and after him caino Simhaiaija^ or " King Siihha," whoso 

e was Sififjhflna- and who appears to have been his brother. 

id to have brought an elephaot of the name of Kar]i£lratilaka 

fijipura and thus did a piece of service to Pai-amardin, who 

to be Vikramaditya II. of tlie Clialukya dynasty.^ He was 

d by his son MalUi«^i, who took a town of the name of 

fc^a from his enemies, and while residin*; there carried away 

i the troop of elephants belont^nng to the king of Utkala or 

Then followed bis 8on Aniaragaiigeya'' whose name is 

tdina copper-plate grant iseued in the reign of a subsequent 

After him came Govindaraja who was probnbly hia son. 

r&ja was succeeded by Amai-amallagi, a son of Mallugi, and 

fali^'a Ballala. This prince was in all likelihooci the son 

aniallagi, though it is not expressly stated. BalUila\s sons 

aside and the sovereignty of the Y^dava family fell into 

>f his uncle Bhillama/ who was possessed of .-superior 

illama being represented as the uncle of BallAla must 

Another son of Mallugi, and he is so spoken of in the 

'erred to above.^ He got possession of the throne after 

is brothers and their sons, wherefore lie must have been 

lid man at the time. Hence it is that he reigned only for 

having come to the throne in 8^ika WUO and died 

It was this Eliillama who acquired for his family the 

lat was ruled over by the Chalukyas. 

Bhngvanlal has published a stone-inscription" existing in a 
mple at Anjaneri nearNasik, in which a chief of the Yadava 
*med Seui^adeva, is represented to have made some grant in 
year 1003^* to a Jaioa temple. From the account given 
will be seen that there were two princes only of the name 
in the Yadava family, and that the later of the two was 
Vikramaditya II., aud consequently reigned about the end 
ith and the beginning of the eleventh century of the S'aka 

Section XIV. 

Fuccesaors of 
Seu^achaadr* II. 

Bhillama V., 

the founder 

of tbe Yadavft 


ot A&jauerii. 

» Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV. ^ p, 315. 

* Stauzau 33 and 34, fbid, 

ft Jour. B. B. R. A. S., Vol. XV., p. 386. 

iSOan.l 31, Appendix 0. I. 
132, Appendix C. I. 
1 35. /biil, 

135-37. Appendix C.I. 

ioicription at Godag pablished by Dr. Kielhorn (Epigraphia Indici, 

I p. 219) fibillama is represented oa the *on of Karnn, who is eaid to be 

f of AmtingkngejA. In tbe many inscriptions of the Yiduva dynasty 

"S Pra^aatifl given in seveial books tbe name Kar^n does not occur eveu 

J GadA|; inscription mslies Mallugi tbe son nf Seva^^adeva, while iu the 

bja and tbe Paithan plates he is ropro.iouted aa the son of Singhnfia, who 

[to the former antb^irity was one ot the Bucreasora of Seu^jachandra and 

^bly hia yoanger a<)D. The inaL-ription iH here opposed to two authoritiea 

with each other. Hence this must be a mistake ; and that makes it 

at the other ia aI«o a mistake. These auppoaitions are atrengthenf^d by 

b the compoeier of the Ga<lag iDscriptlou does not niL-ntion a single partlcolar 

refor<fnce to any one of the princes, thus showing that he had no accurate 

of them. Such a merely conventional deacription ia characteristic of a 

'«r. I am, for these reasons, inclined lo think that the Qadag grant 

' Dr. Kiel horn is a forgery. 

, Vol. XII., p. 126. 

I shown to be 1064 iSalta by Trof . Kielhom, Ind. Ant., 

[Bombay Qasetteor 



Section XIV. 

of the founilation 

of tlie V'Adava 


era. The Seoi^adova of the Anjanori iascription therpfore cannot 
be this individual, and no other prince of that name is mentioned 
in the Vratakhanda. Besides Seur^adeva calls himself pointedly a 
Mahdiidmanla or chief only ; while about 1063 8'aka, when the 
Ch&lukya power had begun to decline, it does not appear likely that 
the YA^avas of Seuriades'a should give themselves such an inferior 
title. It therefore appears to me that the Seuyadeva of Anjaner 
belonged to a minor branch of the Yftdava family dependent on 
main branch, and that the branch ruled over a small district of whic 
Anjaneri was the chief city. 

The number of princes who reigned from Dridhaprahira 
Bhillaraa V. inclusive is 22. There are in the list a good many wt 
belonged to the same generation as their predecessors and con-l 
seqiieutly these twenty-two do not represent so many different 
generations. Allowing, therefore, the usual average, in such 
of 18 years to each reign, the period that must have elapsed betwee 
the accession of Dridhaprabara and the death of Hhillatna V. is 39£ 
years. The dynasty, therefore, was founded about 717 oika or 798 
A.D., that is, about the time of Govind III. of the RA^htrakuta race 
Possibly considering that Vaddigal. was contemporHry of Krishna IILj 
ono might say that the dynasty was founded in the latter part of the 
reign of Araoghavarsha I. 

Genealogy of the early Yddavds or Ue Yddauat of Seuj^adea'a* 


Seu^acbandra T. 

Dha<liyBpi»a I. 

BbLU&raA I, 


KAjagi or S*rfMj«. 

V4dagi or V«ddig» I. 

DbMiyapP"* ^' Bliillamft II. i^altft 022, 

Vesiigi I. 

BMUaiua IIL S'aka 048. 

VAdugi IF. 

Vcfeugi !!.• 
ninllama IV. • 
ScuOAchiLnJra ll,« K'aVa 1)01 or a.ij. 10tt9. 








Biin.i.isi A V or I. 
died SaU 1113 of 
A.o. 1191. 

"The relatiotis uf those wbo«o uaiucs aru marked with aix aatoriak tc tbcir |i|«il«'- 
OMaoia arc not c1o.ir1y ttat«d. 

Section i 

prnjeoia of 


9»nefai Chuptdft J 



The YAdavas of Devaqul 

Later Histoty. 

Wb have seen that the Uoysa|a Y^davas of Ha|ebid in Mai/)ur 
ert beeoraing pdwerfal in th« time of Tribhuvanamalla or VikramA- 
ditya II. and aspiring to the supreme sovereignty of the Dekkan, and 
Viflh^iuvardhana, the reigoing prince of the family at that period, 

tually invaded the Chalukya territory and encamped on the banks 
«f the Krish?i-VenA.» But those times were not favourable for the 
twilizAtiou of their ambitious projects. The Chahikya prince waa 
A man of great ability, the power of the family was firmly established 
ever the country, its resources were large, and Uie dependeufc 
^efs and noblemen were obedient. But the state of things had 
now changed. Weaker princes had succeeded, the ChAlukya power 
liad been broken by their dependents the Kalachuris, and these in 
Iheir UirA had succumbed to the internal troubles and dissensions 
eOBBequent on the rise of the Lingayata sect. At this time the 
eerapAQt of the Hoysala throne was Vira Ballala, the grand.son of Vlr» BftllA^ii 
Tishf ovardhana. He fought with Brahma or Bomma, the general 
of the last Chalukya prince Somesvara IV"., and putting down his 
elephants by means of his horses defeated him and acquired the 
provinces which the general had won back from Vijjaiia,* 

The Y&davas of the north %vere not slow to take advantage of the Bim of BkiUAma.1 
unsettled condition of the country to ex tend their power and territory. 
Mallttgi seems to have been engaged in a war with Vijja^a. A 
person of the name of DAdi was commander of his troops of 
elephants and is represented to have gained some advantages over 
the army of the Kalachuri pr-ince. Hehad four sons of the names of 
Mahidhara, Jahla, Simba, and Gangftdhara. Of these Mahidhara 
succeeded bis father and is spoken of as having defeated the forces 
of Yijjsf a.' But the acquisition of the empire of the Chalukyaa was 

• Ind. Ant^ Vol II*, p. .100. 

» Inirodiiction to JahlSo's SdktimnkUvali, now brottght to notice for the first time : 

^cm<td¥^ ?I^TdKd4*il ^5m^* I 
^ ^ ^: 5T^«f^^^Tf^'jf^<Tr: II i \\ 

?r (^) fPt^rPi^^Jf^T tpt ^m ^^^^m, il ^ ft 

Tkm fuU inttoAtctiot will be pubikhed eU«wUer«, 
a 072-91 

[Bombay GaEetUerl 


FoQodation of 

Conteita between 
the riTalk 

fieotion XV completed by Mallugi's* son Bliillama. He captured a to^vn of „ 
Dftiiie of Srivardhana from a king who is called Antala, vanquish^ 
in battle the king of Pratyaydaka, put to denth the ruler of 
Maiigalaveshtaka, (Mangalvedhem), of the naiue of Villapa, and 
baviiig obtained the sovereignty of Kaly&na> put to death the 
lord of Hosala who was probbaiy the Hoysala Yidava Narasimha, 
the father of Vira BallalaJ The commander of his elephants waa 
Jahla, the brother of Mahtdhara, and he is represented to have 
rendered Bhilloma's power firm. He led a maddened elephant 
skilfully into the army of the GOrjara kin^, struck terror int-o the 
heart of ilalla, frightened the forces of M»dlu£ri, and put an end to 
the victorious cancer of iMunja and Anna." When in this manner 
libillaina made himself master of the whole country' to the north 
of the Krishya, he founded the city of Devagin* and having got 
himself crowned, nmde that city his capital. This took place about 
the S'aka year 1103, 

Bhillama then endeavoured to extend his territory farther soutb^i^ 
wards, but lie was opposed by Vira Bal!&ia, who, as we have seen, 
had been pushing his conquests northwards. It was a contest for the 
possession of an empire and was consequently arduous and determin- 
ed. Several battles look place between the two rivals, and eventual- 
ly a decisive engagement was fonglit at Lokkigui^di, now Lakkuydi, 
in the Dharvad Dij<ttict, in which Jaitrasiihha, who is compared to 
" the right arm of Bliillama "and must have been his son, was defeat- 
ed and Viru Ball^ja became sovereign of Kuntala. The inscriptioa 
in which this is recorded bears the date S'aka 1114 or a.d. J192;* 
and Vira Ballala who made the grunt recorded in it was at that 
time encamped with liis victorious army at LokkiguQ^it from which.^ 
it would appear that the battle had taken place but a short timeV 
before. Tlio norlheni Yadavas Iiad to put off the conqnest of 
Kuntala or the Southern Mara^ha Country for a generation. 
JaUr&pdla. Bhillama was succeeded in 111"? Saka by his son Jaitrap&la or 

Jaitugi- He took an active part in his father's battles. " He assumed 

' Appendix C. 1., stanza 38, 
tbe capitoD of a tniuor chief. 
*Iatr.Jahl, Bukt. :— 


Maiiga]Tedhem it near Paiidharpur. It waa probably 

^ *v *\ 4\ 

Tlbe Mallugi mentioned Ijere must have Ibeen one of the enemieB of Bb 
probably beloug«)d to « minor bfauch of the V&dava family. 
> Appendix C. I., tt. 39. * Ind. lnt.> Vol 11., p. 300. 



©•neral Chtpt«rt.] 


the tacrificial vow on tbe holy p^roond of the battle-field and throwing 
• great many kinprs into the fire of his prowess by means nf the ladles 
of his weapons, performed a human sacrifice by immolating a victim 
in the shape of the fierce Rudra, the lord of the Tailangas, and 
Tanauished the three worlds."' This same fact is alluded to in the 
P«(oan grant, in which Jaitugi is represented to have killed the king- 
of Iho Trikalihgas in battle. He is there spoken of also as having 
rdessed Ganapati from prison and to have placed him on the throne." 
The Rndra therefore whoio he is thus represented to have killed on 
the field of battle must have been the Rudradeva of the Kakatiya 
dynasty whose inscription we have at Anamkond Dear Wurtingal, 
and the Ganapati, his nephew'^ who was probably placed in eon- 
finenoent by Rudradeva. In other pbicoa hIso his war with the 
king of the Andhras or Tailahgas and his having raised Ganapati 
to the throne are alluded* to, and he is represented to have 
deprived the Andhra ladies of the happiness arising from having their 
hatbands living.^ Lakshmilhara, the son of the celebrated mathe- 
matician and astronomer Bha-ikaiacharya, was iu the service of 
Jaitrapala and was pinced by him at the head of all learned 
Papdit^. He knew the Vedaa and was versed in the Tarkasastra 
and Mtmarii;4.* 

Juitrapila's son and successor was Singhnua, under whom the 
power and territory of the family greatly increased. He ascended 
the throne in 1132 Sfaka.' He defeated a king of the name uf Jajjalla 
and brought away his elephants. He deprived a monarch named 
Kttkk^Ia of his sovereignty, destroyed Arjtina who was probably 
the sovereijni of M&ivtl, and made Blioja a prisoner. Janardnna, 
the son of Gahgalhara, who was Jabla^s brother, is said to have taught 
Sihghai^a the art of managing elephants which eurililed hiui to van- 
qnisb Arjuna.® He had Hucceeded to the office of commander of ele- 
phants held by Juhla and after him by GuDL,'aihara. " King Laksh- 

Seotion XV. 


' Appendix C I., at. 4L Just na the fruit of a horse sacritice is the conquest of tbe 
whole world, the fruit of a man-aacrifice is supposed here to ht the conquest of the 
three worlds. Jaitraptila performed Dietaphoricitlly sia-h a aaonlicc ; and tliat vt 
0OD>id«red to be the reason, aa it were, uf nis having obtained victories everywhere, 
i. e. in the uaaal hyperbolic language, of his having sucveedod in vanqui^hiog the throe 

' Ind. ATit.. Vol XIV., p. 316. =" Ind. Ant., Vol. XXI., p, 107. 

* Jour. B. B. R. A. S., Vol. XV., p. 38G, and Epigraphia Indiea, Vol. III., p. 113. 
» Jour. R. A. 8., Vol. I.. N. S, p. 414. • lb. p 41&. 

' Joar- R- A, S., Vol IT., p. 6. 

• latr, Jahl. fcukt. :— 

^?^jp^^ m ^^:w^'^^'kw^r^^^ il \i II 

TBombay GaMtt^erl 

Section XV. 


kivaaidns of 




• niJdhara, tbe lion of Bhambhafjfiri, was redaced, the ruler of Dh&ri>J 
was besk'ged hy means of troops of horses, aod the whole of the! 
country iu the poBsession of BaUala was taken. All this was bataj 
child's play to King Binghai>a.''^ Jajjalla must hare been a princ^J 
belonging to the eastern branch of the Chedi dynaetj tlmt ruledl 
over the province of Chhattii^garb, for that name occur* in the' 
genealogy of that dynasty.' The name Kakkiila I would ideDtifj 
with Kokkala which was borne by some princef of Ihe western 
branch ot the family, the capital of which was Tripura or Tevnr. The 
kings of Malhuiaand Ka^'i were killed by him iu battle, and UamoiSm 
was vanquished by but a boy -general of Sirigha^a ^ In an inscripikoo 
also at Tiljvalli in the DharvAd District, he is represented to have 
defeated Jajalladeva, eowquered BiUlala the Unysajft kiog, •ubdae^l 
Bhoja of Panhiila, and hnaibled the sovereign of Malava.* He if 
also spoken of as " the goad of the elephant in the shape of tba 
Gdrjara king.*'^ We have an inscription of bis at Gaddaka d&le^ 
1 135 S^aka, which shows that VJra Ballala must have been deprive4 
of the southern part of the country before that tiuie.^ fciinghana Ml J 
represented as reigning at his capital Dovagiri.^ ■ 

The Bhoja of Panlia]» spoken of above was a prince of Ihe SPilahilni ~ 
dynftsty, and after his defeat the Koyh&piir kingdom appears to 
have been annexed by the Ya lavas to their dominions. They pot 
an end to this branch of the family aa later on they did to another 
which ruleil over Northern Konkan. From this time forward the( 
Kolhapiir inscnpti<]>n9 contain the names of the Yilava princesl 
with those of the governors appointed by them to rule over tho^ 
district. An inscription of SiDghana at Khediipur in that district' 
records the grant of a village to the temple of Kop pes vara in th^ ' 
year ll3()Saka. J 

Singhai^a seems to hava invaded Oii}arS,t several times. In aq- 
inecription at Ambeth a Brahmaii chief of the name of Kholeavar% 
of the Miulgala Gntra ia spoken of aa a very brave general in the 
pervice of the Yiduva sovereit^n. He liniiibled the pride ©f the 
Gflrjara prince, crushed the Maluva, destroyed the ra«e of the king 
of the Abhtras, and being like " wild fire to the enemies " of hi» 
master, left nothing for Singhaiia t^ be anxious ftbout. His sod 
K^ma succeeded him, and a large expedition under bis commao4 
was again sent to Gnjat at. Rama advanced up to the Narmada, wbev 
a battle was fought, in which he slow numbers of Giirjara soldiers, 
but he himself lost his life.* From this it would appear tbat 
Gujarat was invaded by SinghflQa on two occasiona at least, if not 
morej and this is borne oat by what we find stated in the attthorities 

« Appendix C. I., at. 43 ftnd 44. Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV., p. 316. 

' General Cunningham's Arch. Reports, Vol. XVII., pp, 75, 76 aad 79* 

» Jour. R. A. S., Vol. L, N, S-, p. 414. 

* Jour. B. B. R. A. 8., Vol. IX., p. 326. 

» Mnjor Graham'* Report on KoJhapar, Im. No. l*u 
•Ind. Ant. Vol, IL,p. 297. 

* Major Graham's Rep<>it, Ins, No. 10. 

* Arch. Surv. of W. 1 , Vol. III., p. 85w 

rsl Chapters.] 



tbe bistfry of Gnjarat. Somadeva, the antbor of the Ktrtti- 
mudi, which gives an accouut of the minister Vastujala and bis 
lA»ters the prince* of the VAsrhela brHncb of the Cliaulukya faiuily, 
Vbea an invasion of Gnjaiat by Sii'ighai>a in the time of Lavoi^a^ 
rsaAda and his son Viradhavala. " Tbe capital of Gujaiat trembled 
iih fe«r when the advance of Sihghai>a'a army was reported. 
letng afraid of this foreign invasion no one among the subjects of the 
hurjara king began the construction of a new house or stored grain, 
nd the uiiuds of all were restless. Neglecting to secure tlie graiu 
1 th^r fields they showed a particular solicitude to procure carts, and 
l^e army of the enemy approached nearer and nearer, the people 
Hjp their fears greatly excited removed farther and farther. When 
^^ MF-aafida heard of the ra[>id advance of the innumerable host 
J adava prince, he knit his brow in anger; aud thongli he had 
int A small army, proceeded with it to meet that of the enemy, which 
13 yaetly sapprior. When the forces of Sin^haya arrived on the 
.nks of the T4pi he rapidly advanced to the Mahi. Seeing, on the 
1^ Uie vast army of the enemy and, on the other, the indomit- 
ess of the Chaulukya force, the people were full of doubt 
io«! Cfonld not foresee the result. The enemy burnt villages on 
iheir way, and the volnme of smoke that rose up in the air showed 
"le position of their camp to the terrified people and enabled them 
irect their movements accordingly. The Yidavas overran ther 
I'try about Bbaroch while the plentiful crops were still standing 
the fielda; but the king of Gujarat did not consider them 
ncoofjuerable.'"^ In themean while, however, four kings of MArvad 
1- inst Lavanapras&da and his son Viradhavalaj and the chiefs 

t iiti and Lata, who had nnitod their forces with theirs, 

ibandoned them and joined the Srlirvad princes. In these circum- 
tanccs Lavayaprasada suddenly stopped his march and turned 
mckwards.' Tlie Yadava army, however, did not, according to 
^ome^vara, advance farther j but he gives no reason whatever^ 
►baerving only that "deer do not follow a lion's path even when he 
MS left it/** Bnt if the invasion spread such terror over the 
wnntry aa Somesvara himself represents, and the arnty of Si»ghai^ 
was 80 large, it is impossible to conceive how it could have ceased 
o advance when the Gfirjara prince retreated, unless he had agreed 
lo pay » tribute or satisfied the YfLdaya commander in some other 
ray. Ib a manuscript discovered some yesrs agoof a work containing 
orms of letters, deeds, patents, &c., there is a specimen of a treaty 
irith the names of Sinibaija and Lavai>aprasada as parties to it, 
roiB which it appears that a treaty of that nature naust actually 
lave been concluded between them.* The result of the expedition. 

' Kirttika»mudl IV., stanzas 43 - 6?. 

? 76., tt. 65.60. 'iA.,|t. 6(3. 

* IhiM work IB entitled Lekbapafichil^ikA, and tbe manuscript wan pnrchaiied bv 

fur Govern mttit in 1883. TW fir«l: leal is wauling and thv ool»pl)on do99 not 

itain the name of the anthnr. The mannacript, bowevcr, is more than foar handi«4 

old, baing tranBonbad ia 1&S6 •/ tb« Vikaaaaa Saihvat. For the T«iriab]« termt- 

* Section XV. 

First Invasiott* 

S^ctioxi XV. 

Beooad InvMion. 

therefore, was tliat Lav^anaprasada bad to submit and conclude a 
treaty of alliance with Sihghaya. 

This invasion of Gujaiat must have been one of the earlier ones 

alluded to in the Arhbem inscription, and Kholefl^vara himself must 
have been the comtnaoder of the Ya lava armj on the occasion. 
For LavatjiaprasgLda is said to have declared himself independent of 
his original mHstcr Bhiina 11. of Anahilapatt^na about the year 1276 
Vilcranm/ corresponding to 1141 S'aka, which was about the ninth 
or tenth year of Singhana's reign, and the work in which the treaty 
mentioned above occui-i* was composed in 1288 Vikrama, i.e. 1153 
S'aka. Bot the expedition under the command of R&ma, the son of 
Kholesvara, mn-t have been sent a short time before S'aka 1160, 
the date of the AiiYbtrii inscription. For Rama's son is represented 
to have iieeo a minor under the gUiirdiauship of that chief's sister 
Lakshmt, who governed the principality in the name of the boy. 
H&ma, therefore, had not died so many years before S^aka 1160 aa 
to allow of his boy having attained his majority by that time, Oq 
the occasion of this expoilition Visakdeva, the sou of Vtrndhavala, 
was the sovereign of Gujarit. For in an inscription of his he boaste 

in the formt g^ren by the author, he often nses the ntntl exprasBion amtika, w»«<Mi»«y 
*' some one" or 'such a one," This general expression, however, b not and to 
indicate the date, and we have in all the fomis one date, viz, 15 bodi of Vaitf^kha, 
ia ihe year of Vikrama 1288, except iu one case where it it the :)rd siadi. Thit 
probably wag the date when the aatlhor jvrote. SimiUrly, when giving the form 
of a grant inscribed on cupporplatea, the author in or^ler probably to make the 
form clear, useu real mnd apecitic namea. He gn**« ^be genealogy of the Chaulukya 
kingi of AnahilapitlaTia from Maianlja to Btiima 11. and then introduceB l^avamLpr*- 
feida, whom he culls Ukvaj,.y&p t a^ilda and sty lea a Mah&iitaadale^vara, as the 
prince making the grant. Similarly, in givitig the form of a treaty of alliance caUad 
jf(tmalai>altia, the persona who are introduced aa parties to it are Sliiih«9A and 
iiLvayQapraaada ana the form runs thna : — 

" On this day the i5th Sudi i>f Vai;^klia^ in the year dam vat 1288, in the 
Carop of Victory, [a treaty j between the paramount king of kings, the 
proaperouB l^iQlhana and the Mah&iuandale^vftra Blpaka, the prosperous 
LAvauyapruaiila. Si mbaija whose patrimony is paramount sovereignty, and 
the MabAm&i^dales^v-ara Katia the piosperoas LavaiiyaprAtads ahould 
according to lormtT usage eoufine themselvea, each Ui hie own country ; 
neither should invade tlie country of the other." 
The treaty then provided that when either of them is taken op by an enemy, ib» 
armies of both ahould march to his release ; tJiat if a prince from either oooniry imn 
away into the other v.hth some valuable tbinga, heehoulil not be allowed qnarter, kc 
Now, it is extremely unUkely that the aaihor of the work ahould introduce these per* 
fons tn his form unlesa he had aeen ur hedrd of snch a treaty between them. Simha^a 
in but another fitrm of Smgba^a, and he is epoken of as a paramount sorereign. Tba' 
treaty, it will be seen, was concluded^ in the "victorious camp,'* which ia a dear 
reference to the invasion described by ^ome^vara. 

In ^aTjf^ we have, I think , the veruacular root rr " to remain," " to lire." For 

furllier details see my Report on the search for manuscripts daring 1882-83, pp. S9 

and 226, 

Ind. Ant., Vol. VI, p. 190. 

Oftndral Chapters.] 


of hi? having been '* the submarine fire that dried up the ocean of 
Singha^^ft'a army,"* aud he mast have eucceeiled his father about 
Ihe year 1292 Vikraraa corresponding to S^aka 1157,- though he 
obtaiDed possession of ihe at Anahilapattana in Vikrama 
13u2, corresponding to Saka 1167 and l:i4t} a.d. The foundation 
ol his boast whs probably the fact of ReLma's having been killed in 
battle. What the ultimate reault was, however, the inscription 
not inform ub. 

BiDghaoa appointed one Bichana or Bicha, the son of Chikka 
and yoQnger brother of Maila, to be governor of the southern 
provinces and his viceroy there. He fought with his master's 
vocmies in the south as Kholeavara did in the north and kept them 
in check. Bichana is represented to have humbled the Kattaa who 
were petty feudatories in the Southern Marat b^ Couutry^ the 
Kmdambas of Konkan, t. e. of Goa, the Guttas sprung from the 
ancient Guptas, who held a priDcipality io the soutli, the Fandyas, 
tlie HoysHJas, and the chiefs of other southern proviuces, and to have 
erected a triumphal coKimn on the banks of the Kavert.^ The 
date of the grant in which all this is recorded is 8aka 1160 or A.D. 

It thus appears that the Ytldava empire became in the timo of 
Sihjfharia as extensive as that ruled over by the ablest monarcha 
of the preceding dynasties. The full tides of a paramount sovereign 
are given to Sihghana in his inscnptious, such as *' the support of 
the whole world/* "the lover of the earth {PfithvivaUabha}/' and 
" king of kings/' Since Krishijia, the eighth incarnation of Vishnu, 
ifl represented in the Pvnajus to have belonj^ed to the Ya Java family, 
the princes of Devagiri called themselves Vixknuvamiodl/hava ;* and 
as Krishna and his imtuodiate descendants reigned at Dv&raka, 
they assumed the title of Dtdravaiipuravard'^hiiuara, " the supreme 
lord of Dvaravati, the best of cities.'** In the reign of Singhatia 
a^ well as of his two predecessors the office of chief secretary or 
Srikaranddhipa, which in a subsequent reign was conferred on 
Hemidri, wns held by a man of the name of Sodhala. He was tho 
ion of Bhaskara, a native of Kasmir who had settled in the Dekkan. 
Sodhalu's son ti arntradhara wrote in this rei^n a treatise on music 
entitled Saihgitaratnakara which is extant." There is a commentary 

> Ind. Ant., Vol. VI., pp. 191 and 212. 

» Vtradhavalft, it la fl*id, died not long before VastupAla. The death of the 
latter took place in Vikrama 1297. Va«ti;ip,1la was miaiater to Vtsaladeva also for 
•ome time. We might, therefore, refer the accesaion of the latter to Yikrama 1292. 
Ind. Ant., Vol. VI., p. lyO. 

» Jour. B. B. R. A. S., Vol. XV., pp. S8fl-7, and Vol. XII., p. 43, 

* i. e, •*of the race of Viahnu.'* 

» Graham'i Eeport, Im. Ko. 10, and Jour. B. B. B. A. S., Vol. XII., p. 7. 

*^ ^rn^ II '^'*®° followa one verse m praise of SinKhai^ and two iu pr»i»e n£ 

Section XV. 

Conquests m 
the South. 


rBomlDfty (^azettoe 



SSnehaua's son, 

died before him. 

Bdotion XV. on this work attributed to a king of the name of Sidga who 
is represented as a paramount soverei^^a of the Andhra circla. 
This Singa appears in ail likelihood to bo SinghaiiJi; and the 
commentary was either written by him or dedicated bo him by 
a dependant, as is often the case.* Chihgadeva, the grandson of 
Bh&skarlLcfairya and son of LakshmldhHra, was chief astro Iofr€»r to 
Sioghnnn ; and also Atiantadeva, the grandson of Biii^karichirya'f 
brother SrJpati and sou of Ga^apati. Cl.ingadeva founded a Maiha 
or college for the study of hia p^rand father's Siddhi:itHfl'iroma^^ij 
and other works at PAtni in the Chalisgamv division of the Khia^ 
des^ district, and Anaiitadeva built a temple at a village in the same 
diviniou and dedicated it to Bhavaui on the 1st of Chaitra in the] 
B'aka year 1144 exyired^ 

Singhaiia's son was Jaitugi or Jaitrapllla, who " was the abode of 
all arts, and was thus the very moon in opposition, fnll of all the 
digits, that had come down to the earth, to protect it. He Wj»8 death 
to hostile kings and tirtn in unequal tights."' But if he protected 
the earth at all he Tnust have done so during the lifetime of 
his father as i'Mcar^/'a, for the latosfe date of Sihghaiia ia Saka 
1169, and in a copper-plate inscription of his grandson And 
Jaitugi's son Krishna, S'aka 1175, Pramddi-Saihvalgarafis 8tated.J 
to be the seventh of his reign, so that Krishna began to reign iw{ 
S'aka 1 169 corresponding to 1247 a.D.* And in the longer of the two 
historical introductions to the Vratakhanda, Jaitugi is not mentioned 
Krii}n)%. at all. After Sihghaiia, we are told that his grandsons Krishna and 

Mah^deva came to the throne, of whom the elder Krishna reigned 
first.* Krishna's Prakrit name was Kanhara, Kanhara, or Kandhira. 
He is represented to have been the terror of the kings of Malava* 
Gujarat, and Konkan, to have " established the king of Telnnga,'* 
and to have been the sovereign of the* country of the Chola king.' 
In the Yratakhttpda also he is said to have destroyed the army of 
Visala, who we know was sovereign of Oujartit at this time and 
who had been at war with Sihghana, and, in general terms, to hare 
" cofvquered a great many enemies in bloody battles in which 
numbers of horses and elephants were engaged, reduced some to 
captivity and compelled others to seek refuge in forests, and, having 
thus finished the work of vanquishing the series of earthly kings, 
to have marched to the heavenly world to conquer Indra."^ Laksh- 

SoclhaU in whicli he is represented t>o hftve pleated Si&ghnqa by hiB merit* «ad to 
kave conferred beaeSta on all through the wealth and inflaence thua aoqoired ; and 
iken we have ?T?TfT^|Ff^lftc(: ^IT^^' ^^»V 1 ^%fK ^^'' ^i\^K' f$^ 
f^i tl IntroduetioD to SamgltaratnAkara, No. 979, Collection of If^ST- -91 , Dekk. CoU. 

» My Beport'on MHF. for 18S2-8S, pp» 37, 3^ and ?52. 
■ Joar. E. A, S., Vol.L, N.K., p. 415, and E " " ' 

» Appendix C. tl., at. 7. 
* Appendix C. I., at. 4£ 
' That ii, 

leti thii world," " died' 

phia Indica, Vol. III., p. 11». 
B. K R. A. 8., Vol. tlU P' «. 
• Jonr. B. B. R A. 8., Vol. XIL, B. ^ 

, Appendix C. II., it. II. 

ra, son of Jan^rdana, is represented by his wise counsels to have 
Krisbya to consolidate his power and to have by his sword 
idued ills enemies.^ Krishna performed a great many sacrifices 
■ thus ^' brought fresh strength to the Vedio ceremonial religion 
in the course of time had lost its hold over the people." In 
iper-plate grant dated S^aka 1171, found in the Belgaum Tiiluka, 
or Mallisetti is spoken of as the elder brother of Bicha or 
tna, the viceroy of Singhana in the south, and was himself 
nor of the province of Kuhundi. He lived atMudnigala, pro- 
the modern Mudgala, and gave, by the consent of Ivrisbna, 
jvereign, lands in the village of Bagevadi to thirty-two Brah- 
of different Gotras.* Among the family names of those it is 
M-esting to observe some borne by modern Maharashtra Brihmana, 
U as Patavardhana and Ghaifdsa, prevalent among Chitpflvanas, 
^^Ghalisdsa, Ghulisdy and Pdthalcaf among De^asthas. The 
\ Trivddi also occurs ; but thore is no trace of it among MarilthA 
aans, while it is borne by Brahmans in GujarcLt and Upper 
Instan. In another grant, Chaunda the son of Bichana, who 
eded to the office and title of his father, is represented to have 
ally Rolicited king Krishna at Devagiri to permit him to 
the village mentioned therein.' Jahlaoa, son of Lakshmideva 
[had succeeded his father, assisted Krishijia diligently by his 
els in conjunction with his younger brother. He was comman- 
the troops of elephants and as such fought with Krishna's 
lies. He compiled an anthology of select verses from Sans- 
_^_poet8, called Suktimuktavali, which is extant.* The Veddnta- 
patarn, which is a commentary on VSchaspatimisra's BhIlaQati 

EJmJil. Sukt. :- 
I f^ #Wr^?Tc^R^^T^wf^ II "<"< II 

R B, R. A. 8., Vol. XII.' p. 27. Ind. Ant., V&l. VIL, 301. 
Bonda to a port of the niodorn Belgaum difltrici. 
LT. B. B. B. A. S., VoL Xll., p. 43. 
r. Jalil. Sukt, :— • 

^ ^'- f^lf^ (ft )^ fl^^^K^ ^!T1%^T#^ II -K^ tl 
ft W\\f^ W(^ ^W^ ^#^TTt^ I 


[Bombay Oazottoei 



ion XV- which itself is ft commentary on SariikarA,cLarya'8 VedAntasfit 
~ bhishja, was written by Amalananda in the reign of Krishi.ia.* 

Section XV. 



of Northern 


Kriahijia was succeeded by his brother MahAdeva in 1182 S^akac 
1260 A.D. " He was a tempestnous wind that blew away the he 
of cotton in the shape of the king of the Tailahga country, th« 
prowess of his arm was like a thunderbolt that shattered th6 
mountain in the shape of the pride of the swaggering GOrjara, hfl^ 
destroyed the king of Konkan with ease, and reduced the arrogant 
sovereigns of Kariiata and Li\ta to mockery."^ The Gurjara here 
mentioned must bo Viaaladova noticed above, as Mahadeva is repre- 
sented in the Paithan grant to have vanquished him ;^ and the 
king of Karuata was probably a Hoysala Yadava of Ka|ebid. ** K^iogj 
Mahadeva never killed a woman, a child, or one who submitted 
him ; knowing this and being greatly afraid of hira, the Andhra*! 
placed a woman on the throne ; and the king of Malava also for the J 
same reason installed a child in his position, and forthwith renouncinp 
all bis possessions practised false penance for a long time. He tooS 
away in battle the elephants and the five musical instruments of the 
ruler of Tailanga^a, but left the ruler Kndrama as he refrained from 
killing a woman,"* In a work on Poetics called Prataparudriya by 
Vidyiinatha there occurs a specimen of a dramatic play in which 
Ga^apati of the K^katiya dynasty, the same prince who is represented 
in the Paithan grant to have been released from confinement by 
Jaitugi, is mentioned as having left his throne to his daughter, whom, 
however, he called his son and named Rudra, and who is spoken of 
as " a king " and not queen. Sho adopted Prat&parudra, the son 
of her daughter, as her heir. This, therefore, was the woman spoken 
of above as Kudrami and as having been placed on the throne 
by the Andhras.^ "Soma, the lord of Konkan, though skilled in 
swimming in the sea, was together "with his forces drowned in the 
rivers formed by the humour trickling from the temples of MahA- 
deva's maddened elephants." " Mahadeva deprived Some.<vara of 
his kingdom and his life."* We have seen that Krishna fonght 
with the king of Konkan, but it appears he did not subjugate 
the country thoroughly. His successor Mahadeva, however, agaii 
invaded it with an army cousistiug of a large number of elephanta«| 

1^ ^Pi^ ^\^^ ^<^'^m^W^ I 

' Transactions Ninth Oongress of Orientalists, Vol. I., ]>, 423. 

' Apiwudlx C. I., fit. 48, and II., st. 13. » Ind. Ant , Vol. XIV.,p„ .31G. 

* Appendix C. I., st. 52, and IJ,, et. 14 and 15. 

^ ^ ?t^tMT 1 Tooim lithogTaphfd edition of Saka 1771, fol, 29, See ftlso Df. 
Hullzsch'e paper, Ind. Ant., Vol. XX I., pp. 108, 1911, 
' Appendix C. I., st. 4», £50, and IL, »t, 17. 

»neral Chaptorsj 



« or Somesvara was completely defeated on laod and his powor 
Token, whereupon he appears to have betaken himself to bis ships. 
There somehow he met with his deafch,^ probably by being drowned, 
for it is said that " even the sea did not protect him " and that *' ho 
betook himself to tho submarine fire," thinking the fire of Mahi- 
deva*8 prowess to be more unbearable.* Konkau was thereupon 
onnexed to tho territories of the Yadavas. Hence it is that tho 
tountry was governed by a viceroy appointed by the Devagiri king 
daring the time of Mahadova's successor, as we find from the 'f^ilnA 
plates published by '^\r, Wathon.^ The Somesvara whom Mahadeva 
(Subdued belonged to the S'ilahara dynasty of T'l^i** ^^^^ ^^^ been 

Eg over that part of Konkan for a considerable period. He is the 
prince of the dynasty whose inscriptions ai'e found in the dis- 
j and his dates are J^aka 1171 and 11<S2.* Mahileva like his 
predecessors reigned at Devagiri, which is represented as the capital 
of the dynasty to which he belonged and as situated in the country 
called Scuna on the borders of Daydakarnuya. "It was tho abode 
of the essence of the beauty of the three worlds and ita houses 
! the peaks of the mountain tenanted by gods, and the Seni^ia 
y deserved all the sweet and ornamental epithets that might 
be applied to it."* At Pondharpur there is an inscription dated 
1192 Saka, Pramoda Samcataara, in which MahMeva is represented 
to have been reigning at the time. He is there called Praiidhapra- 
tdpa Chakravariirif or '^ Pammouut sovereign possessing great 
Talotir.'* The inscription records the performance of an Aptorpdma 
Bacrifice by a Br^hraay chief of tho name of Kesava belonging to 
the Kasyapa Gotra. 

The immediate successor of MahiJeva was Amana* who appears 
to hare been his son ; but tho sovereign power was soon wrested 
fiom his liauds by the rightful heir Ramachandra, son of Krishna, 
who ascended the throne in 1193 S'aka or 1271 a.D. He is called 
){anij)uieva or Karaaraja also. In the ThanH copper-plate grants he 
is spoken of as **a lion to the proud elephant in the shape of the 
lord of MAlava," from which h would appear that he was at war with 
that country. He is also called " the elephant that tore ap by tho 
root the tree in the shape of the Tailaiiga king." This must be an 
allusion to his wars with Pmtaparudra the successor of Rod rami, 
which are mentioned in the work noticed above. Several other epi- 
thets occur in tho grants ; but they are given as mere biriuUis or titles 
which were inherited by Kamachandra from his predecessors, and do 
liot point to any specific events in his reign. His inscriptions are 
fonnd as far to the south as the confines of Maisur, so that the empire 

> Appendix C I., st, 49. > Jb. I., at 51, and II., st. 18. 

■ Joar. B. A. S. (oW fterie*), Vol. V., p. 177. 

< Bi>mbav Oawrttocr, Vol. XllI,. Part II., p. 429. 

• ^ ' - C. II., at. 19 ami 20. "Tho mouutain tenanted by gods " maybe tbo 

31 i I !cru. In Uiis opittict there is a rofcreoce to the etymology of Tcvagiri 

irhi .- — , ... ■ a tuouataln of or having gaU." 

« i*|hap fcTAnl, Ind, Ant., Vol. XIV., \k 317. 

Seotion XV. 

or KAoiaclevji. 

Section XV. 


the minister uf 

MahlVdeva and 




he ruled over was as largo as it ever was. There is in the Dekkan 
College Library a manuscript of the Amarakoara written in Konkan on 
T41a leaves during his reign in the year 4398 of the Kaliyuga 
corresponding to S'aka* 1210 and a.d. 1297. His viceroy in 
Konkan in S^aka 1212 was a Brahman named Krishna belonging 
to the Bliaradvraja Gotra, whose grandfathor Padmau&bha first; 
acquired royal favour and rose into importance in the reign o£ 
ISingharia, One of the Thfi,nA grants was issued by him, and 
the other dated 1191 S'aka by Achyuta" Nayaka, who was also a 
Br&iimaa and who appears to have been a petty chief and hold j 
BO mo offieo which is not stated. Where he resided is also not clear. M 
By the Pai^ban copper-plate charter, which was issued in Saka 1193, ^ 
Bimachandra assigned three villages to fifty-seven Brahmans on 
conditions some of which are rather interesting. The BrahmA^s 
and their descendants were to live in those villages, not to mortgage 
the land, allow no prostitutes to settle there, prevent gambling, us© 
no weapons, and spend their time in doing good deeds.' 

llemiidn, the celebrated author, principally of works on 
Dharmas'astra, flourished during the reigns of Mah^deva and 
Rimachandra and was minister to both. In the yitroduction to hia 
T^orks on Dharma^/istra he is called Maliadeva*s ^Srtkaranddhipa or 
JSrlkaj^anaprahku. In tho Tli^i-^'^- copper-plate of 1194 Sfaka also, he 
is said to havo taken upon himself the ddhipatya or controllership 
of all karana. This office seems to have been that of chief 
secretary or one who wrote and issued all orders on behalf of hia 
master and kept the state record, nemftdri is also called Mantrin. 
or counsellor generally. In his other works and in the ThanA. platOi 
Etlmaraja instead of Mohildeva is represented as his master, 
Mahtldeva's genealogy aud his own are given at the beginning ol 
his works on Dharma. Sometimes the former begins with 
Siiighana, sometimes with Bhillama, while in the Danakhanda the 
exploits of Mahadcva alone are enumerated. The description of the 
several princes is often coached in general terms and consists of 
nothing but eulogy. But the Vratakhanda, which was tho first 
work composed by Hemjldn, contains, as we have seen, a very 
valuable account of tho dynasty from the very beginning, and by 
far tho greater portion of it is undoubtedly historical 

Hemildri was a Bn\hmun of the Vatsa Gotra. His father's nam* 
was Kamadeva, grandfather's, Vasudeva, and great-graudfather*a,' 
Vamana." He is described in terms of extravagant praise ; and the 
historical truth that may be gleaned from it appears to be this. 
Hemadri was very liberal to Brilhmans and fed ourabers of them 
every day. Ho was a man of learning himself, and learned men 
fonnd a generous patron in him. He is represented to be religious 
and pious, and at tho same time very brave. He evidently possessed 
a great deal of inlluence. Whether the voluminous works attributed 
to him were really written by him may well be questioned ; but the 


t)y « 

Ind. Antn Vfl, XIV., p. 319. 

' Paiis'eslMiltha^dft, Ed, Bib, Ind., pp. 4-5. 

jneral Cheptore ] 



lea at least of reducing the religioua practices and obsorvances 
t had descended from times immemorial to a system must 
^rtainly have been hisj and must have been carried out under Ma 

, His great work ia called the Chaiurvarga Chinidmani, which is 
[ifided into four parts, viz., (1) Vratakhanda, containing an 
ixpoeition of the religious fasts and observances ; (2) Ddnokhanda, 
& wLich the several gifts to which great religious importance 
B attached are explained ; (3) TtrthakhfindliJ, which treats of 
pilgrimages to holy places ; and (4) Mokshakhanda, in which the way 
k) final deliverance is set forth. There is a fifth Khanda or part which 
|b called ParUeshakhanda or appendix, which contains voluminous 
beatises on (1) the deities that should be worshipped, (2) on 
Btdddhus or offerings to the manes, (3) on the determination of the 
|nroper times and seasons for the performance of religious rites, 
Ind (4) on Prdyaschiita or atonement. All these works are trepele 
^th a great deal of information and inoumerable quotations. They 
kre held in great estimation, and future writers on tho^same subjects 
^rmw largely from them. A commentary called Ayurcedava^d' 
||a?ia on a medical treatise by Vagbhata and another on Bopadeva's 
yLuktdphala, a work expounding Vaishnava doctrines, are also 
ktiributed to him. 

\ This Bopadeva was one of Hemadri'a protegees and the author of 
the work mentioned above and of another entitled Harilila, which 
k>Dtain3 an abstract of the Bhagavata. Both of these were written 
\X the request of Hem^dri as the author himself tells us,^ Bopadova 
ku the son of a physician named Kesava and the pupil of Dhanesa. 
Ris father as well as his teacher lived at a place called Sartha 
situated on the banks of the Varad4. Bopadeva, therefore, was a 
Dative of Berar. Bopadeva, the author of a treatise on grammar 
palled ilivgdhabodJiaf appears to be the same person as this, since 
the names of the father and the teacher there mentioned are tho 
lame as those we find in these works. A few medical treatises also, 
trrit ten by Bopadeva, have come down to us. 

^Kem^dri has not yet been forgotten in the MarithH country. He 
l^^opularly known by tho name of Plemadpant and old temples 
ihroughont the country of a certain structure are attributed to him. 
&e is said to have introduced the Modi or the current form of 
irriting and is believed to have brought it from Lank^ or Ceylon. 
ks chief secretary he had to superintend the writing of official 
papers and records, and it is possible he may have introduced some 
Improvements in the mode of writing. 

The great MarathA sddhu or saint Jiidne^vara or DnyAnes^vara as 
|Lis name is ordinarily pronounced, flourished during the reigu of 

Section XV. 


Other works. 


Hem ^<1 pant of 

JfidncftVara, tht 

Eajcndi^al'i noticea of Biy. M6S.» Vol. II., pp. 48 and 200. 

[Bombay Gazett 



Section XV. 

Conquest of tho 

oonntry by tho 


Ramacliftndra. At tbo end of his Mariithi commentary on tho 
Bhagavadgitll. he tells \13 : " In the Kali a<^o, in the country of 
Maharashtra and on tho southern bank of tho Godayari, there is a 
sacred place five kos in circuit, tho holiest in the throe worlds, where 
exists Mahillay^, who is tho thread that sustains tho life of tho 
world. There, king IlAraachandra, a scion of the Yadu race and tUo 
abode oi all arts, dispenses justice, and there a vernacular garb wa^ 
propaivd for the Gil4 by Jnanadeva, the son of NivrittioAtha, spmng 
from tho family of Mubei^a."^ The date of tho completion of the 
work is given as STaka 1212 or A. d. 1290, when we know 
RAmachandra was on the throne. 

Ramachandra was the last of the independent Hindu sovereigns 
of the Dekkan. The Mussalmans had been firmly established at 
Delhi for about a century, and though they had not yet turned their 
attention to tbo Dokkan it was not possible they should refrain from 
doing 80 for a long time. Alla-ud-din Kbilji, the nephew of ihe 
reigning king, who had been appointed governor of Karra, was a 
person of a bold and adventurous spirit. In the year 1294 A.d. or 
S'aka 1216 he collected a small army of 8000 men and marched 
Btratght to the south till ho reached Ellichpur, and then suddenly 
turning to tho west appo^ired in a short time before Devagiri. Tho 
king never expected such an attack and was consetjueutly unpre- 
pared to resist it. According to one account he was oven ab- 
sent from his capital. He hastily collected about 4000 troops, and 
threw himself between the city and the invading army, liut being 
aware he could not hold out for a long time, he took mejvsures for 
provisioning tbo fort and retired into it. Tho city was then taken 
by the Mahomedans and plundered, and tho fort was closely 
invested. Alla-ud-din taken caro to spread a report that hi3 
troops wero but the advauceJ guard of the army of the king 
-which was on ils way to the Dekkan. Rirnachandra, therefore, 
despairing of a successful resistance, began to treat for peace. 
Alla-ud-din, who was conscious of his own weakness, received 
bis proposals with gladness and agreed to raise tho siege and retire 
on condition of receiving from the king a largo quantity of gold. 
la tho meantime, Ramachandra's son Samkara collected a largo 
army and was marching to the relief of the fort, when Alla-ud-din 
left about a thousand men to continue the siege and proceeded 

^ 5^ ^ ^ 1 3nf^ ii^TwrTQ?^ I 
4i%^mNn f^ I '^f^^ II 1 11 

^4 '^spTT^ ^ifm^ I 'im\'^^\ ^% II "^ I 

=tthS ^t?^ f^^ I */nmx II 3 

#t w^ ^ I X^rfR ^ II ^ II 

I^ral Chapters ] 



ith the rest to a short distance from the town and gave battle to 
amkara's forces. The Hindus were numerically superior and 
DToed the Mahomedans to fall back j but the detachment left to 
ibserve the movements of the garrison joined them at this time, 
Ad Saiiikara's followers thinkiug it to be tho main army that was 
way from Delhi were seized with a panic^ and a confusion 
which resulted in the complete defeat of the Hindus. 

machandra or Ramadeva then continued tha negotiations, but 
od-din raised his demands. The Hindu king's allies wore 
ng to march to his assistance, but in tbo meanwhile 
handra discovered that tho sacks of grain that had been 
ily thrown into the fort really contained salt; aud sinco tho 
iTisions had been well nigh exhausted ho was anxious to hasten 
conclasion of peace. It was therefore agreed that ho should 
ij to Alla-ud-din " 600 maunds of pearls, two of jewels, 1000 of 
fT, 4000 pieces of silk, and other precious things/' cede Ellichpur 
its dependencies, and send an annual tribute to Delhi. On the 
receipt of the valuable treasure given to him by the Devagiri prince 
Alla-ud-din retired. 

Some time after^ Alla-ud-din assassinated his aged uncle and 
oaurped the throne. King Bamachandra did not send the tributo 
for several years, and to punish him tho Delhi monarch despatched 
an expedition of 30,000 horse under tho command of Malik Kafur» 
a slave who had risen high in his favour. Malik Kafur accomplis^hed 
the long and difficult march " over stones and hills without drawing 
rc'in," and arrived at Devagiri in March 1307 a.d., or about the end 
of Saka 122S. A fight ensued in which the Hindus were defeated 
and Ramadeva was taken prisoner.^ According to another 
account, Malik Kafur came laying waste the country about 
Devagiri, and the Hindu king observing the futility of resistance 
Bnrrendered himself. Ramachandra was sent to Delhi, where ho 
WHS detained for six months aud afterwards released with all 
honour. Thenceforward he sent the tributo regularly and re- 
mained faithful to the Mahomedans. In Saka 1231 or a.d. 1300, 

■Hik Kafnr was again sent to the Dokkao to subdue Tailangana. 

^B the way he stopped at Devagiri, whero ho was hospitably 
entertained by the king. 

Ramadeva died this year and was succeeded by hia son Samkara. 
He discontinued sending the Annual tribute to Delhi and Malik 
Kafur was again sent to tho Dekkan in Saka 1234 or a.d. 1312 
to reduce him to submission. He put Sarakara to death, Laid waste 
his kingdom, aud fixed his residence at Devagiri. 

In the latter years of Alla-ud-din his nobles, disgusted with tho 
overwhelming influence which Malik Kafur had acquired over 
liim, revolted. In the meantime Alla-ud-din died aud was suc- 
ceeded by his third son Mubarik. The opportunity was seized 

Section XV. 

^ Elliot's Eiatoi-y qI ludm, Vol. lU., p. ?7, 

»neral Chaptors- 





'P.EE distinct families of chiefs or minor princes with the name of 
I or Silahilra ruled over different parts of the country. They 
qU Traced their orig:in to Jtmfttavahana the son of JiniAtaketu, who 
wia the king of a certain class of demigods called Vidyidharas, and 
who saved the life of a serpent named aankhachiida by offering 
himwilf as aTictim to Garuda in his place. ^ One of the titles borno 
by the princes of all the three families was Tnrjarapuravarddhisvava 
lordfl of Tagara, the best of cities," which fact has a historical 
lificance. We have seen that Kariivadeva, the donor of the Rajapur 
It who was a Chalukya, called himself KnhidnajniravarddhLivaraf 
and one of the titles of the later Kadambas after they had been 
lednced to vassalage and of the rulers of Goa was Banavdslpura" 
turddJiiivara. As these titles signify that the bearers of them 
belonged to the families that once held supreme power at Kalyana 
and Banavasi, so docs TaqarapuravarddhUvara show that the 
^ilaliAras who bore the title oelonged to a family that once po&sessed 
nipreme sovereignty and reigned at Tagara. In one S^ildhara grnnfc 
it is expressly stated that ** the race known by the name of S'il&hAra 
was that of the kings who were masters of Tagara." * As mentioned 
in a former section, Tagara was a famous town in the early centuries 
of the Christian era and retained its importance till a verj^ late 
period, but unfortunately the town has not ycfc been identified, nor 
nave we found any trace of the S^ilAhara kingdom with Tagara as its 
capital. Perhaps it existed between the close of the Andlira- 
bhritya period and the foundation of the Clmlokya power. 

Che three oilahara dynasties of Mahamantlalesvaras or dependent 
princes which we have been coa^idering were founded in the times 
of the tUahtrakutas. One of them ruled over Northern Konkan, 
which was composed of fourteen hundred villages, the chief of then\ 
bein^ Puri, which probably was at one time the capital of the 
proviijce. As represented in an inscription at KAiiheri noticed 
before, Konkan was assigned to Pullasakti by Amoghavarsha 
A few years before S'aka 775. Another S'ilahara family estab- 
lished itself in Southern Konkan. The founder or first chief 
named S'anaphulla enjoying the favour of Krisbnaraja acquired 
the territory between the sea-coast and the Sahya range.' 
There were three RiLsbtrakilta princes of the name of Krishnaiaja 
but the one meant here must be the prince of that name who 
reigned in the lost quarter of the seventh century of the S'aka era 

1 rtory hw been drarantited in the Sanskrit play Nagftnanda attributed to 

- ^.i-.inl translated by Dr. Taylor and i>ubli3liccl in the Transactions of tbe Literary 
Society of Bombay, V«U III. f ^ t t^^^mHMM I't ?FfS;><ir^J^^ I 

* Khlrepfitan plates, Jour.»B. B. R, A. S., Vol. I., p. 217. The nauio of the firat 
chief i» read *' J ballaphulla " by Bal Qangftdhara. b'iatrl ; but the first letter looks 
liVe ^ though there ia some difference. That difference, however, brings it nearer to 
^. The letter which was re.i>l by him as 3? is clearly T. For 
^f5T^.;% on the platea, 
a 072-3.1 

Section XVI. 

Three branches 



Tasrara, the 

original Beat of 

tbtj family. 


The North 
Konkan branch. 

The South 
Konkan branch. 


fBombay Gazettecx 



Section XVI. 

The KolhApur 

tite f^mudcr. 

or Itotwccn 753 and 775 a.d.' The genealogy of this dynasty U 
given in the Kharepatan grant, the last prince mentioned in whic" 
was on the throne in S'aka 930 while the ChA.luk}'a king Saty&»r»yi 
was reigning. The capital must have been situated somcwhe 
near Kliflrepatag. 

The thinl S'il&hfi.ra family the history of which falls within th« 
scope of this paper ruled over the districts of Kolh&pur, Miraj, and 
Karhiid, and in later times Southern K on k an was added to itsterri-* 
tory. This dynasty was the latest of the three and was founde<|l 
akmt the time of the downfall of the li^htrakuta empire, as will f 
hereafter shown. The iirst prince of the family was Jatiga, whc 
was s-ucceeded by his son NAyinima or N^yivarman. Nayimma wa 
followed by his son Clmndraraja. and Chandraraja by his son Jati^ 
who is called "the lion of the hill-fortress of PanhaR."^ Jatiga*f 
son and successor was Goiiika, otherwise called Gomkalaor Gokalla _ 
He is represented to have been the ruler of the districts of Kara- 
hdta-Kuiidi'* and Mairinja and U) have harassed Konkan, He ha»i 
three brothers named GAvala, Kirtiraja,and Chandraditya, of whom I 
the first at least appears t«j have succeeded him. Then folh)We<l 
Mirasiriiha the son of Gomka. whose grant fir-st published hyi 
Watheii is dated S'aka 980. He is represented to have 
temples ; uiid to havi.' been reigning at hiscapittil, the fort of Khili- , 
giji, wliich jjroliHbly was another name of Panhtilain the Kolhapur i 
districts, ilirasiiiiha was succeeded by his son Giivala and he by j 
his brother Bhoja 1. Blioja'stwo brothers Ballalaand Gaydarivlityaj 
governed the principality after him in succession. 

An inscription at Kolhimur mentions another brother uamedl 
Gangailevaand the order in which the brothersare spoken of is Gilval^l 

1 From S^nnnphnlla the Hrst chief to Ua{\a the last thero nre ten geaenitUn 
Somehow ench suoocedin^ chief in this line happens to be the son of the prect*djtig. 
Tlumyh lit a lii:e of princes florne of whom hear to others the relation of bn>thrr or 1 
uncle, tbc HVtira^'c duration of each reign is fnnin 19 to 21 year« ; the nrcrage dcratioai 
of a generjition is always nmL'h l<'nger, and varies frt)m 26 to 28 yeara. One caul 
verify fhiu l»y biking any lino of princea or chiefa in the world. Itntta «rad on the 
throne ill S'akii ^'.iO, iind mmmmug him U) have began to reign about that time, nine 
genei-atiotm or about 27 x 1) yeftra must have pisMd away frcm the dat« of the foauds- 
tion of the family to S'aka 930. Subtracting 27 x 9 = 243 from 930, we have f^aka 667 
as tho apiipuximato date of S'aiiaphnlla. If we take the average to be 26. we shall 
havo am aa the ikto. In ©itltet case we are brought to tho rei-zn of Krishna 1. 
The dates of Kpshpa II. range from S'aka 797 to 833 and of Kpah^Mi 111. from j 
8'aUa 862 lo 881, ami therefore neither of these will do. Even if wb take the other j 
average of a reign in the present case and subtract lit x 9=171 from 930, we pet S'aka j 
759, wliieh will not take us to the reign of Krinhua II. whose earliest date is fe'aka 797. 
The KliMrepflUi.i family therefore was the oldest of the three, and was foacded in tho 
reign of Krishya I, 

B4l H'fi^trf read the name of the last chief in the grant as Rahu ; bnt the seoond^i 
syllable of the name is certainly not ^ the form of which in the grant itself t«-Hi 
different. It looks exactly like the f in tho word cmrinTT '''nd u r tTi rj r f^ which 
occur elsewhere in the gtant. 4<.HM?K^ ^\^f.'\\\'^ 

• See tho grant of Oagdardditya publiwlied by Paijibt BiiagvAnUl Indraji in Jour. 
H. B. R. A. a., Vol XllL, p. 2, of Mfiroaiiiiha in .lonr. K. A. S., Vol. IV., p. J80. 
and Arch. Burv. W. I., No. 10, p. 1()2, and of Bhoia II, in Trans, Lit. Hoc. Bom.. 
Vol. III. ' 

3 MAraniihha's grant. Knndi or K uhtt nil i wa» some part o£ the Belgaum di«trie(^ 
as stated before. MniijRja is Miraj, 

General Chapterg.] 


Cwjga, Ballala, Bhoja,andGay(]LarA,<litya.' But tlio grants of Gatvlu- Section XVI. 
' lit.ya and Bhoja II. ajrree in represent iiitjj Blioja as tljc elder and M 

Itala OS the younger brother, and in omitting Uaiiga. | 

Of all these brothers the youngeat Gaydaraditya seems to havn CandarAdity*. 
the most famous. He is tlie donor, as indicated ab<jve, in the 
it publivshed by Paydit Bhagvanl41 In«lraji,- an<l in othera re- 
leJ on stone at Kolhapur and in the districts. His dates are 
1032, 1040, 1U58.» He ruled over the country of Miriuja 
ig with the seven Khollas and over Konkan, wliich thus seems 
^•e been subjugated by the Kuliiapur iS'ilah^iras before 1032. 
Ay it was added to their doininions in the time of IJomka or 
after. From the grant of Bhoja II. it appears that tlie part of 
Konkan ruled over by the Dekkan S'ilaharas was the same as tliat 
which was in the possession of the family raenticmed in the Kharc- 
titruy grant/ whei-efure it follows that the S'iiahiiras of suuthern 
Konkan were uprooted by their kinsmen (d" the Kolhapur districts. 
Ga^^d&raditya fed a hundred thous*ind Brahmans at Prayaga. 'Jlds 
must be the place of that name which is situated near Kolhapur ; and 
not the modern Allahabad, He built a Jaina temple at Ajarciii. a 
Tillage in the Kolha,pur districts,* and crm.structed ahirge tank, called 
after him (jandaKumiidra or ** the sea of Gaada/' at Irukudi in the 
Miraj district, and on its margin placed idols of Isvara nr oiva, 
Buddha, and Arhat (Jina), for the maintenance of each of whieh 
he assigned a piece of land. Several otlier charities of his, in wldelt 
the Jainas also had their share, are mentioned, and his bountiful 
»ure as well as good and just government are extolled.'' He first 
ided at a place called Tiravadaand afterwards at Valavata, which 
been identified with the present Valavdem,^ 

' Gandartlditya was succeeded by his son Vijayilika, who was on vijwyArU. 
the throne in Saka 1065 and 1073.^ He restored the chiefs of the 
territory about Thina to their principality which they had lost, and 
replaced the princes of Goa on the throne andfortiiieil their posititm 
which had liccome shaky.^ He assisted Vijjana'* in his revolt 
against his masters, the Chiilukyas of Kalyi\na, and enabled him to 
acquire supreme sovereignty. This event, as we have seen, took 
place about 1079 S'aka. 

*-— '^- 'loa No. 4, Major Graham's Report. * In tor. cit. 

ill's plates, and InBoriptions Nos. 1, 2, and S, Miijijr (.Jruliain's Rijport. 
1 Bhagv&nUrs grant nnil No. 1 of Major CTrahata'sinBL'ripiiouti is tlic same, 
1. e. lo3'A thoagh in tho trausktion of the latter it is erroneouily given vla 1037, but 
the evdic years arc different. As to tbis see A|ipendix B> 

• tt>r tlic viliatre jjf ranted is Ivas'cli, which is near Jaitapur and Khirep.itaij. 

• Ind. Ant., Vol. X, p. 76, not..\" 
^ His grant in loc cit. ^ BhiigvanlAl's plates and Major GrahRui'a Ins, No. 2, 

' Ina. No». 4 iind 5, Major Gralmm's iii.'itort, ' (Jmnt of niioja II. in hn:. cif. 

• In the transcript of the ingcription in Vol, IV. Trans. I/n. Hoo. livui. wo have 
VtkslutiA for Vtjgsua. There is no qiiobtiou tliis luust lie a inistiike of the rt'twler of 
the inncnption or of the engravtr. For the Kalflohnri usurper at KalykiUk is called 
both VjjjiilA or Vijjaiift in his inscription*, and there was itune who about the dale of 
Vijayirka obtained tlio position of a ihakravartiu or iiaranioimt sjvcrcign, as staled iu 
tb« Uucriptioo. 

Section XVI 
Bhoja II. 

uAto of the 
found ati 01) of 
the Kolhftpnr 
I branch. 

B«ligion of 
the KolMpur 

After Vijayarka, his son Bhoja II. became Mah&mandale^vara 
and reigjned in the fort of Panhala. llis dates are Saka llOl, 1109, 
1112, 1113, 1114, and 1127.1 He granted the viUage of Kaieli in 
Kifnkan nt'ar Khtlropatan on tlie application of his son Gandar&ditya 
for feeding Er^hmans regularly-; and gave lands for Hindu and 
Jaina temples in other places also. Two of the grantees in one 
case at Kolhapnr are called Karabdtakas, which shows that the caste 
of Karhade Brahmans had come to he recognized in those days; 
and two others bore the family name of Gkaisusa, which is now founi " 
among Chitpavan Brahmans.^ In the reign nf Bhoja II. a Jaina PaudiL 
of the iianie uf Sonitulcva composed in Saka 1127 a commentary' 
entitled S'ahddrnavackinulrikd^ on PojyapAda's Sanskrit GrammarJ 
The Kolbapur chiefs enjoyed a sort of semi-independence. Vijjana, 
the new sovereign at Kaljina, however, endeavoured probably to 
estaWish his authority over Bhoja. But that chief was not content 
to be his feudatory, and to reduce him to subjection Vijjana marched^ 
against Kolhapur a little before his assassination in S'aka 10S9.' 
On the establishment of the power of the Devagiri Yaiavas, Bhoja 
seems similarly to have assumed independence; but Singhana 
subdued him completely, and annexed the principality to the Yaia^a 

The number of generations from Jatiga, the founder of the 
dynasty, to Gandaraditya is seven. The latest date of the latter is 
S aka 1058 and the earliest of his successor Vijayarka is lOCo ; so 
that if we suppose Goi.idaraditya to have died in 1060 and allow 
about 27 years to each generation, we shall arrive at S'aka 871 aa 
the approximate date of the foundation of the family. At that time 
the reiguing Rashtrakuta sovereign was Krishna 111., the uncle of 
Kakkala the last prince. 

One of the many titles used by the S'ilabaras was Sriman-Mahd^ 
lakihmt-Iabdha'vara'prasd'lfi, i. e, "one who has obtained the favour 
of a boon from the glonuus I^lahalakshmi." Mabalakshmi was thus 
their tutelary deity, and they were clearly tbo followers of tho 
Puiar.iic and Vedic religion ; but they patronized both Brahmansand 
Jainas alike ; and their impartiality is strikingly displayed by the 
fact noticed above of Gsiidaradity's having placed an idol of 
Buddha, whose religion had well uigh become extinct, along with 
those of the gods worshipped by the other two sects, on the margin 
of the tank dug by him. 

Thero are at the present day many MaiaUia families of the name 
of SeUra reduced to poverty, and the name Selarav&di of a station 





* Major Graham'ii Ins. No«, 6, 7, 8, the grant, and Ind. Ant., Vol. X., p. 76, note. 

' Tliere are, however, some iniBtoWos here in the transcript of the grant and the 
■enso is not cloar, thnngh it appears pretty rert&io tbat it was the vitla},^) that wag 
granted and not a field in it or anything else, from the fact that tbo boandariea of 
the vilht^G are given. 

" lua. No. 8, Major Graliam's Report. 

* Inil- Ant., Viil. X., p 76, uoto. Tlw nianosfripthpremcutiuncd i» in the Dekkan 
i'ollffre tihrary and I kavo seen in it the colophon given in the note. 

* VijaUraya Charitraiu WUgon's Mackenuc USS , p, 320. * Sec. XV. 


Oeneral Chsptera.] 


on the railway from Kha^d&li to Poona is also, I believe, to be Section XVL 
traced to the family name of the sovereigns of Tagara. 

Otntalogy of the S'ilAhdnu o/Kolhdpur, 
Jatiffa I. 



Jatiga II. 

I I I J 

Gomka. Gdvala I. KlrtiHija. Chandrftditja. 

M&rasimha, S aka 9S0 or A.D. 1058. 

GAvaU XL Bhoja I. BalU^a. Gandaraditya, S'aka 1032. 1040, 1058, or 

I A.D. 1110, 1118, 1136. 

Vijay&rka, B'aka 1065, 1073, or a,v, 

I 1143. 1151. 

Bhoja II, S'aka 1101. 1109, 1112, 1113, 
1114, 1127. or A.D. 1179, 
1187, 1190, 1191, 1192, 

[Bombay Qazottooi 



Note on th^ Oupta Eta. 

Appendix A. Ik order to render the chronologit« of the diflerent dyna&tifs that ralod] 

over wt'stera and northern India in the early centuries of Uie Chrtstiao 

era mutually consistent, it is necessary to discuss the initial date of the 
Gupta era. Albiruni, who accompanied Mahuiud of Ghizui in his invasion 
of Gujarat in the early part of the eleventh century, states that that er» J 
was posterior to the S'aka by 241 years, and that it was the epoch of the 
extermination of the Guptas. He mentions another jra named after 
Balaha,^ the initial date o( which was the same as that of tiie Guptas. 

Now in some of the inscriptions of the Gupta kings and their dependent 
chiefs the dates are reft^rred to Gnptakdla or the Gupta era, whereforeJ 
Albiruui's statement that it was the epoch of their extermination cannot] 
be true. This error is regarded as throwing discredit on his other] 
statement, viz., that the era was posterior to tlie S'aka by 24 1 years, Bui 
it has nothing whatever to do with it, Albiruni must have derived his 
knowledge uf the initial date? from contemporary evidence, since the eracjf 
the Guptas was, as statf^d by him, one of those ordinarily usjhI in tlie 
country in his time, and as his statements regarding the initial dates of Uie 
Vikrama and the S'aka eras are true, so must that with reference to the 
Gupta era l)e true. On the other hand, his information as regards the 
event which the Gupta era memorialized must have been based upon tiio 
tradition current among the Hindu astronomers of the day, who were hi4 
informants. Such traditions are often erroneous, as has been proved in 
many a case. Albiruni was also informed that the S'aka era was the epoch 
of the dofeAt of the S'aka king by VikramAditya. This was the tradition 
OS to its origin among Indian astronomers, though it has now given place 
to another. For Sodhala in his commentary on Bhiiskar&ch^rya's Karana- 
kutfihala, a manuscript of which more than four hundred years old exists 
in the collection made by mt' for Government during 1882-83, t4?lls us that 
"the epoch when Vikram&ditya killed Mlechchhas of the name of oakas 
is ordinarily known as the S'aka era." But we know that in Maftgalis'a's 
inscription at BiidamI it is spoken of as the era of the ''coronation of the 
S'aka king " ; that Ravikirti in the inscription at Ai hole describes it as the 
era of the Saka kings and that it is similarly represented in many other 
places. Albiruui's error therefore as regards the origin of the Gupta era 
no more invalidates his statement as to its initial date than hia error about 
the origin of the S'aka era does his statement about the initial date of that 
era . The only reasonaVde course for us under the circumstances is to reject 
the statement as to the era being an epoch of the extermination of the, 
Guptas and accept that about the initial date of the era. But 8orott|| 
antiquarians reject both these statements and accept what simply hangs 
on them and what must fall with tliera, ri's., that the Guptas were 
exterminated in ^aka 242, and make elal>orato endeavours to 6nd an 
earlier initial date for the era. If the inscriptions show that the era was 
not posthumous but contemporaneous, we should rather Wlieve that tlio 
Guptas rose to povv'er in ^aka 242, assigning its due value to tlie state- 
ment of Albiruni, which must have been based on contemporary evidence, 
that the era began in that year. But if instead of that we declare that 
they ceased to reign in Saka 242, we in effect reject contemporary evidence 
and accept a mere tradition which in so far as it represents the era to be 
posthunious has been proved to be erroneous. 

Again, Albiruui's statement that the initial date of the Gupta era and of 
the Valabhi era was the same seems to somu not *'at all probable." To 

seller al Chapters.] 



iy mind Uie ijuprobabllity is not so groat ( 
learlv ia contemporary evidence. We all kr 

as to rentier valueless what 
rly ia contemporary evidence. We all know that the date occurring in 
ikiit of one of the sons of the fouudfr of the dynasty is 207, and wo 
large number of gjante of suhsequt^nt kings with dates posterior to 
id in liarmony with it. So that it is clcr-ir that these dates cannot 
PtO fto era dating from the foundation of the dynasty. Such a long 
a* 207 years cannot be considered to have elapsed between tho 
who founded the dynasty and liia sou, even supposing him to have 
posthumous son. The daies. therefore, are understood to refer to 
fupta era. . What, then, could have been the Valal»hi era, if it 
Fmever u^^ed by the Valabhl prinoe.s during the 275 years or thereabouts 
tlhe t?xistencc of their dynasty ? An era cannot receive the name of a 
wn line of princes unless used by those princes, at least on a few 
siotis., and enforced. The era used by the Valabhl princes must be 
Valabhi era. One certainly would expect that it should be so, 
• only supposition, therefore, on which tlie whole becomes intelligible 
the era introduced by the Valabhis in SurAshtra and used by them 
"Jed the Valabhi era by their subjects, and not one dating from the 
lation of the dynasty ; for such a one, we see, was not used by the 
}ih\ princes themselves. The era introduced and used by the Valabhis 
I that of the Guptas, whose dependents they were in the beginning, 
rvd h*"noe Albiruni'a statement that the itiitinl date of the Gupbi and 
eras wits the same is true. From ^ an inscription at SomanAth 
-d by Colonel Tod, we gather that 6aka 242 was the first year 
: iht? Valabhi era. Hence, therefore, the initial date of the Gupta era 
i 242 S aka, as stated by Albiruni. 

The question in this way is, I think, plain enough. Still since astro- 
inoTii * ' Illations have been resorted to to pro%'0 the incorrectnesii 
I of ^ ! i\«-n by Albiruni and to arrive at an earlier one so as to place 

[thv cximetiun of the Gupta dynasty in S aka 242, it is necessary to go into 
Itbe question further. The following tests may be used and have been used 
I to detcm»ine the correctness of a proposed initial date : — 

I. The <1ste of Badhii C.upta^ pillar mHeriplinii at Eran, which is 
'Dnirwlay, the 12th of isharlha, in the Gupta year 165. 

R&ja Hastin's inscription datod 156 <iupta, the jeoir of the 12- 
Ycar cycle of Jupitt-r Ikmii^ MahuvniiSaka. 

Raja Hastirra inscriotiuti datcil 173 Gupta, the year of the 12- 
year cycle boiiip &iah;l8rvayuja. 

Ilajii Ha!*tiri'r» iii«ori|>tion dated 191 Gupta, the year of the 12- 
year cyclt' beinjf -MaliiichaUra, 

R4]A 8ftmkflht>bha's iuflcription datwl 209 Qupta. the y<>ar of the 
12-year cycle being Mahd-vayuja, 

An eclipse of the «un mentioned in the Morri copper- pbtv grant 
dated 5th PhAlguna ijudi 586 of the Gapta era. 

U>r*» applying these tests to the initial date given by Albiruni, it must 
I prL-minod that according to the Arabic author the Gupta era was 241 
lis po8torior to the i^aka. To convert a 8aka date into a Valabhi date, 
which is the same thing, into o Gupt^ date, he tells ua to deduct from it 
the cube of G and the scjuare of 5, that is, 241. And proceeding to give 
actual instances, he says 953 Saka corresponds to 712 Valabhi or Gupta. 
W r have thus to add 241 to a Gupta date to arrive at the corresponding 
S'oka rlate. Again, as I shall show in Appendi-x B, in inscriptions the 
numerical date indicates, in a large number of instances, the number of years 
of an era that have elapsed, that is, the past year and in al>ont a third of 
the instances, the current year. The year of the cycle, however, whenever 
it occurs, is as a rule the current year, though in rare eases that also is 
the [lastycar. If, therefore, a past Gn[)ta year ia to be converted into 



Appendix A. 

[Bombay Gacett 



Appendix A the carront ^akajear, we shall have to add 242 to the former; while j 
both are current or both past, the difference between them is only 241. f 

Now, as to tho first of the above testa, Gupta 1G5 + 241 = 406 S'aka. 
Alijiruni is correct, the l2th Ash&dha Sadi of this year should be 
Thursday. I asked uiy friend Professor Kera Lakshman Chliatre 
make the calculation for me, and he tells me that it u7i/» a TharsdaJ 
Since our astronomical methods are bas«?d on the past S'aka year, as 
even our present S'aka jear 1805 really represents, as I shall show in ' 
next Appendix, the years that have elapsed, the current year being 
1806, Gupta 165 was a past year, as well as S'aka 406. Hence only 21 
Las to he added. S aka 406 corresponds to 484 a.D- General Cnnnini 
ham takes tho Gupta 165 to correspond to 483 a.d., adding 240 + 78- 3l| 
to it, and of course arrives at tho result that " the 12ih day of Aahidk 
Sudi was a Friday instead of a Thursday." If, however, he had addfi 
241+78=319 and taken 4S4 a.d. to correspond toGapta 165, ho wou' 
have arrived at tho correct result. 

Then as to the dates in years of the 12-year cycle, General Canningham 
himself has placed before us the means of verifying them. In the tables 
pubUshed by him in Volume X. of the Archaeological Reports, the cyclic 
year con*esponding to the current Christian year is given, and if we 
subtract 78 from the number representing the year, we shall arrive at the 
current S'nka your. Now, if we take tho Gupta 6gured dates to 
represent the years that had elapsed before the cyclic year commenced, 
(and this way of marking tho dates is, as remarked above, the one we 
QBualiy find), then 173 Gupta^tho third date iu the above, correeponda to 
414 S'aka past and 415 curTent, 241 beiug added in the first esse, and 
242 in the second. If we add 78 to 415 we shall get the current Christian 
year, which is 493. Now in General Cunningham's tables wo do find the 
year Mahdi'vai/uja given as corresponding to 493 a.d. In the same way, 
101 Gnpta past + 242 = 433 S'aka currtaU, + 78-511 a.d. currrtU. In 
the tables we find 511 put down under Mah&chailra. Similarly 209 
Gupta JJ/7.X/; + 242 = 451 S'aka current, + 78 = 529 a.d. current which 
was Mahde vatjuja. 

Now, as to the first of the dates in tho 12-year cycle, 156 Gupta + 242 + 78 
is equal to 476 a.d., which however is Mahfichaitra instead of Mahivais'Akha- 
Hero there is a discrepancy of one year ; but saoh discrepancies do sorae- 
tiraea occur even in baka dates and tho years of the 60-yefirs' cycle given 
along with thera, and some of them will bo noticed iu tho note forming 
the next Appendix. Tbcy are probably due to the fact that the frequent 
nso of the past or expired year and also of the current year led sometimes 
the past year to be mistaken for tho current year, just as we now mistake 
the year 1805 S'aka for the current year, though it really is the completed 
or past year. Thus tho completed year 157 must, in the case before us, 
have come to be mistaken by the writer of the inscription for the current 
year, and he tbong-ht 156 to ho tho past year and thus gave that instead 
of 157. Now 157 Gupta + 242 + 78-477 a.d., vrhich is Mnhdoaisdkha, 
according to the tables.* 

• Tlioii|rli by imng General Cnnnmghiim'ft tabic, I arrive at the desired result in three 
ea«e«, rtill I now find that hu current Christian year is. derived by adding 78 to the past 
S'aka, while I have added 79 ; i.e., the cyclic year given in the dates is tmo not of tho 
Oupta yeor in tho date as a past year but of the Gupta year + 1 as a past year. 
the third date 173 <iupta is a cnrrection of General Cunningham's, the actual d 

the insr.rifition being 163. I have, however, allowed the paragraphs to remain, aiT . 

bv no meatu quite satisfied that the quiegtion of these cyclic dates is settled bovond 
diAputo (1894). 



I The eoUpce mentioned in the Morvi plate occurred, according to my 
kiend Profeasor Keru Lakshmau, on the 30th of Vftisakha, »^aka 827, The 
PoptA year given in the plate is 585. If 827 is in the astronomical 
'ion the current year, it must correapond to 585 Gupta />«»/; for 
_ 12 = 827. It is by no means necessary to suppose that the eclipsrt 
iMBBrrtH] on the new«moon day inmediately previous to the 5tli of 
^fiUguna Sudi mentioned in the grant. For it is perfectly possible that 
IIms nciUAl religious ceremony with reference to the grant was made in 
Vaiilftkba and the deed executed in Ph&lguna.* 

I luive thus shown that Albtruni's initial date for the Gupta era stands 
iS these teets. It may even be said that it stands them better than 167 
UOw *3id 190 A.D. proposed by General Cunningham and Sir E. ClJve 
Bav' actively. But I am loath to decide such questions simply on 

Mir -'. grounds; for there are se^'cral very confusing elementa 

ATolv^U. and a modem astronomer cannot know them all and make 
lllowanc« for them. 

It now remains to notice the last point relied on by the opponents of 

Albtraoi. Tbe date on a copper- plate grant by the lagt S'tUditya of 

jVaUbhi hif-herto known is 447. This SiliUlitya is also styled Dhrubhata 

tbe grant and has been identified with the Tn-lu-va-po-tou or Dhrnva- 

t* of Hwan Thaang who visited Valabbi in 640 a. d. The date 447 

d aa referring to the Gupta era, and, 319 being added it, 

to 766 A.D. It has therefore been argued that an earlier 

late must be assigned to the Gupta era so as to bring thw 

n or Dhrubhata nearer to the date of Hwan Thsang's visit. But 

te^ ation of the last SUadityawith Hwau Thaaog's Dhrnvabhaia 

|^)r 1. In the Si-yU'ki the Chinese writer does not speak of a 

irfa^ bat of kitigs, and says they wore nephews of S ilAditya of M&lvft and 

the younger of them named Dhruvabhata was son-in-law to the son of 

Uarsharardhana. If they wore nephews of the king of MftlvA they were 

brothers and both of them kings. Now, the predecessor of the last 

SSlidiiya of Valabhi was his father, and among the kings of Valabh} 

wo do not find brothers reigning in succession at this period. There 

were t'wo brothers who occupied the throne before this period, one of 

theai b«tng named Dharasena and the other Dhravasena. They were 

the sons of Kharagraha, and tbe younger of them was the father and 

pn>dece8sor of Dharasena IV. This younger brother or Dhruvasona 

> miist have been Hwan Thsang's Dhruvabhata. Nothing important is 

iarolved in the suffix Bhata. It was a mere title or honoritic tormina* 

tion 10 Pant and R&v are among us the Mar&th&s. 8ena, Sithha, and 

Bbftt» were the Valabhi honorific endings and they could bo used 

Comiacnonsly. The king spoken of in the plates as Dhruvasena may 
f« boea called Dhruvabhata by ordinary people, from whom Hwan 
Thsaog mnat have got the name. Now, a copper-plate grant of 
Dbrovasona bears the date 310, and the earliest date of his successor 
BhvnseTiA IV. is 326. The first corrospondg to 629 a. d. (310 + 241 + 
78-629), and the second to 645 (326 + 241 + 78=045). It is quite 
possible, therefore, that Dhravasena was on the throne in 040 a.d. at the 
tUna when Hwan Thsang visited Valabhi. 

^* Tbera ws» mi ecUpso aim in S'aka 828 on tbe new-moon day of KArttUm ; w> that 
i (85 pat( -I- 2 11 = 826 i^aka, ThU \a cvUlently the eclipse raentionod in the ^mknt 
t4 that tnctiiioiieil Ui tLe text. On the whole quegtioQ se« my paper on the «poch 
»a«CU «r*. Jour. B. a. U. A. S„ Vol, XVII, p. 80. 

Appendix A. 

[Bombay Qasettee 



Appendix A. Tbe initial date mentioned by Albiruni is thus consistent with eve 

thing with which it haa been thought to be not consistent. I have show: 
that tho statement of the Arabic writer is in itself entitled to oui 
confidence, being based, as it must have been, on contemporary evidence^ 
as his statements ulxiut tho S'aka and Vikrama eras were. I will noiTj 
show that the date mentioned by him is alone consistent with 
information we possess as regards the relations of the several dyna 
that ruled over Gojar&t and Kftthiftwid in the early centuries of 
Christian era, and Ihe dates proposed by General Cnnningham and Sir 
Olive Bayley are mc-t. We know that the Guptas sucoeeded the Satra; 
and the ValabbSs were at first dependents of tho Guptas and aft«r 
attained independence. Chandragupta II. must have been the Qupta 
prince who overthrew the Satraps, since he is the first prince of that 
dynasty whose silver coins are a close imitation of those of tbe Satraps. 
The latest date of that moQarcfa is 93. This corresponds to 260 a.d. and 
283 A.D. on the sapposition that the Gupta era toolc its start in 1C7 a-d 
and 190 a.d. respectively. Now, the latest date of the Satrap dynasty i 
804. If the era to which it refers is the S'aka, it corresponds to 382 i.D, 
that is, we sbnll have to suppose one of the princes of the dynasty to have' 
reigned about a hundred years after the dynasty had been put an end to 
by Chandragupta IT. The S'aka era will therefore not do. Supposing 
the Satrap dates refer to the Vikrama era, 304 corresponds to 124JB a. p., 
which of course is consistent with Chandragupta's date 260 a.d. or 283 
A.D. If then the Satrap dates refer to the era of Vikrama, Rudrad&inan's 
72 must correspond to 16 a.d. Rudradfiman's grandfather Chashtana will 
have to be placed about D,c. 4. But Ptolemy, writing after 150 a.d., telU 
us that Ujjayini was ruled over about the time when he wrote by 
Tiastenes, who has been very reasonably identified with Cha&h^aniL 
Ptolemy's information cannot certainly be 150 years old» It has, however, 
been argued that Ptolemy docs not state that Tiastenes reigned about the 
time when he lived, and that he and Siro Polemios were contemporaries. 
For, he gives the information in the form of two short notes, *' Ozone, the 
royal residence of Tiastenes," and *' Baithnna, the royal residence of Sin) 
Polemios." Such notes it is possible that one should write even if the 
princes reigned several hundred years before him, as a modem geographer 
may mention Berlin as " the capital of iTederiok the Great," or Ghizni as 
"the capital of Mahmud." As to this I have to observe that the analogy 
does not hold good. A modern geographer and liia readers are very well 
acquainted with past history, while neither Ptolemy nor those for whom he 
wrote could have known the past history of India. A modern geographer 
knows which of the princes that ruled over a certain country in past times 
was the abfest or most powerful, and selects him out of a number and 
mentions bis name in connection with a certain place. It is extremely 
improbable or almost impossible that Ptolemy should have known many 
Indian princes who reigned before he lived, along with their achievements, 
and should have chosen the ablest of them for being mentioned. And^ as a 
matter of fact, we know that one at least of the rulers mentioned by him 
could be a person of no importance. For Baleocuros who according to 
him held power in Hippocura was, as we have seen, but a Viceroy or 
dependent of PuJum&yi and Gotimlputra Yajiia^n, since as Vi}iv4yakxiia 
his name occurs along with those of the two princes on the Kolhftpur coins. 
Again, Ptolemy must Iiave derived his information from merchants 
carrying on trade with India and these from the natives of the country. 
And we know that natives of India care very little for past history and 



rget their kings. Hence the information derived by tlie merchants 

tliave reference to princes who reigned long l.efore the time 

y. It is possible that Indians may remember a celebrated prince 

-ury or two. But, as stated above, one of the rulers mentioned by 

was but a dependent sovereign and could not have been a man of 

e only other supposition that our opponents may resort to, is that 

statements were based on those of previous geographers whose 

the princes mentioned by him were. No ground whatever 

been adduced in support of such a supposition. In the Periplus 

written before Ptolemy, Paithana and Ozeno are mentioned, but 

»nd Tiastenes are not. On the contrary, the author of that work 

Ozene was " formerly the capital wherein the king resided." If 

lived before him, and Ptolemy's mention of the former was due 

kving been a prince of note like Frederick the Great and IMahraud 

li in modem times, we should expect the author of the Periplus to 

ticed him, especially when he does allude to Uie kings of Ozene. 

I, Polemios and Baleocuros must thus have reigned aWut the 

•tolemy. The last two were^ we know, cod temporaries, and so also 

third have been. 

& manner the Vikrama era will not do for the Satrap dates. 
no trace whatever has hitherto l>een discovered of the use of that 
c early centuries of Christ. Since, then, the use of no other era 
[ne has been well authenticated, the Satraps must be supposed to 
ployed the S'aka era. The circumstances of the country at that 
ider,'as I have shown, the establishment of this era by the S'akaa 
d over the country in every way probable. The latest Satrap date 
I correspond to 382 a.d., and Cliaodragupta, the conqueror of the 
can be rendered posterior to this only by taking 24-2 S'aka current 
20 A.D. as the first airrent year of the Gupta era ; for his \iS jiast will 
fespond to 412-4K1 a.d. And in this way Rudradfiman's 7"i will 
iid to 150 A.D.; and Chash^ana's date will be about 130 a.d., i.e. 
to the date of Ptolemy's geography by about 25 years. 

then, the evidence in favour of Albiruni*a initial date for the 
appears to me to be simply overwhelming. 

Appendix A. 

Appendix B. 

Note on the S'aka daiu and the year§ of thf Bdrha$patya 
cytle, occurring in the InscriptioM. 

There bpc cert*Ln difficulties with reference to the S'aka dhivs and 
cyclic years or Sitmvat$aras occurring in the inscription* whi«-h rt-quire i 
\tG cleared up. The current S'aka year (a.d. 1881^-84) in the Bombay^ 
Presidency is 1805, and the year of the sixty year** cycle, SuUi^Huu. In the 
southern provijiccB and the Madras Presidency the current S'aka year is 
180G, the cyclic year l^eing the same. The tirst question, then, is. **Do the 
dates in the inscriptions conform to the Bombay reckoning or tlie Madras 
reckoning?" and the next, " What is the cause of Uiis difference of a 
year?"* We have also to consider whether the S'aka dates in the inscrip 
tions represent the number of years thiit have expired l>efore the ev. ut 
recorded in them or the current year iu which the event took place. 

Mr. Robert Sewell of the Madras Civil Service gives in the first column 
of the Chronological Tables compiled by him the number of the S'aka 
years that have expired before the beginning of the cyclic year set against 
it in the same line in the third column. The current S'aka year corro«pond- 
ing to that cyclic year is the one given in the next line in the first cofunin. 
Thus against S'aka 856, the date of the Saftgali grant of Govind IV. of the 
RAshtrakifita dynasty, we have in the third column the cyclic year Viji'V'i 
which shows that 855 years of the S'aka era had expired l>efore the Vijuyn 
year began, while the current S'aka year corresponding to Vijaya was tiiai 
given in the next line, viz. 856. Mr. Sewell follows the Madras reckoning. 
If we interpret the tables according to the Bombay mode, tlie S'aka year 
appearing in the first column wiU be the current year corresponding to 
the cyclic year in the same line in the third column, while the number in 
the line immediati^Iy above will represent the years that have expired 
before the beginning of that cyclic year. Thus agidnst 1805. the cum^nt 
S'aka year on this side of the country, we have m the third cohinm the 
current cyclic year Suhhttnu, while 1804 in the line above sliows the 
nunkber of years that have expired. By comparing the S'aka dates and 
cyclic years occurring iu the inscriptions with those in the tables we sliall 
\te able to detcnnine the points raised alH3ve, 

In tbe analysis of P4ii, Sanskrit, and okl K&narese inscriptions pub- 
lished by Dr. lleet and Dr. Burgess there are 97 cases in which the S'aka 
date as well iis the cyclic year are distinctly given. On comparing 
these with the tables I observe that in 58 out of these the given S'aka 
date occurs in tlie same line with the cyclic year mentioned iu the inscrip- 
tion, These are :■ — 

• It will be obvious to any careful reader that the manner in which the qnestioa 
here prnpoBcd foi- solution is statod, ia based upon the ordinary view that :?aka 1S05 
was thw currtmt year in 1883-84. I have no right to asaume in th« Ixr^tiining of my 
iiujiiiry that the ordiuury view la niiHtaken, And it would be nnscientitic ti:> do «o. 
But having atated the qaustion in that manner, I come at the end i»f my imjairy 
to the conclusion the ordinary vi«« ia incorrect, and that 1805 H'aka was no* 
current iu 1883-84 A.U. but past, and that the Madras way of undemtandiug the 
matter alone is correct. In the previous note also I have stated that " wc urtr 
mistake the year 1805 S'aka for the furrmt year " (in 1883-84) ; so that ih«re u do 
poMihility m hatever of aAjhwly misunderalanding my meaning. 




18, 20, 21, 23, 24, 25, 28, 29, 35, 3rt, 37. 38, 52, 70, 87, 88, 90, 
•, 101,102, 109, 114, 123, 12.^, 12C, 127, 128, 129,131, 134, 136. 
149, 150, ir.4, 155, 156. 157, 158, 159, 160, IGl, 183,189,201, 

*, 219, 229, 230 (first part), 240, 241, 243, 283, 286. 

in inscription No. 20, the date given is 1200, and the cyclic year 
vdftdiiyn, lx)th of which occur in the same line set against each 
,^e tallies. 

'8 the S'ftka dat»* given in the inscription occurs in the tables 
below that in which the given cyclic year occurs. These are ; — 

19. 22, 2G, 33, 34, 47, 72. 89, 91, 95, 96 (first part), 96 (second 
100. no, 111, 112, 118 (first part), 118 (second part), 146, 151 
7, 230 (second part), 231, 234, 236, 237, 2«l. 

fo. 19, for instance, the Suka date* is 1184 and the cyclic year 
fi. In the tallies, Durviali occurs in the upper line set against 
uid 1184 is in the line below, and Dundubhi is the year marked 

on the supposition that the inscriptions conform to the Madraa 
ng, in the first 58 cases the S'aka date represents the nuniher of 
HU-8 that had expired before the current cyclic year of the inscription 
28 it shows the current year of that era. If we siippos*.* the Bombay 
ig to have Ijeen in use, the dates in the first 58 cases wiU represent 
rent year and those in the next 28, the future year and not the p<ist. 
kce it is almost absurd to suppose tliat the iiiiuiediately next year 
be stated in the inscriptions, it follows that tlie Madras mode of 
ing was the one in use. The oljjection, however, may be obviated 
>osing that these 28 cases conform to the Madras reckoning mid 
ft current year, while the first 58 follow the Bombay mode. But 
position is not reasonable or probable, since these groups are not 
I to purticulir proviiieeg, and often one of the former exists in the 
iistrict or even place with one of the latter. We tlius see that 
in the majority of cas<.'S the inscriptions give the pust S'uka ycmr, 
i a large number in which the current year is given and not the 

re also coniparetl other dates with the tables, and the result I give 

Appendix B. 

grant of Govinda IIL 

pur gr&iit of do. 
\ II or Ak^lavarsha, comple- 
f the Jaina Piininji 
n a Jaina temple by Cbl 

IV./ai&galt griilit 

la, Kar^ grant ... 

*• aooeuion 

my*, KhArepa^an platct of 
liihha Jagadekamalla, Miraj 

•iihbA {»illb&ra of EoUiapur, 

[Bombay Gazetteoi 



Appendix B. 

GV7(^Jir4ditya glUh^ra of EolhJlpur, 

loii. No. i. 

Do, do, grant traaa- 

lated by Pnt^dit Bbagv^aLU .., 

Do. KolhApur Ina. No. 2 ... 

Vijay;\rka do. do. No. 4 ... 

Souie^vara in. Bbdlokamallii, Abbi*j 

Laahita Chiati&mu:^ 
BhojxuIeFa II., KolbApur Ins. No. 6... I 
Do do. „ No. 8... 

Do, Dr. Taylor's grant... 

Do. Eolb&pur Ina. No. 8. 

6i£ghaaa Y&dava. KheddLpur Ins.... 
K&iuvadeva Ch&lukya ... 
Mah&deva Yftdava, Pandh.arpur Ins. 
BAmachandra Yadava, Tkiiaa 
J>Q, do. do« 

S'tikm d»t« CtcUc yMTt 

1032 Vikpti 















Wh«l the 8-«ka d 

Teart elapsed. 

Current year. 
Yt:ar« elapsed. 
Current year. 

Years elapsed. 
Current year. 
Years eUpscd. 

Current year- 
Yeara elapsed. 


Current year. 

Out of these 2i dates, eight give the current year and the rf*st tho ye 
that had expired, the propartion being the same as in the other case, vis-\ 
1 to 2. Ill all cases in which the cyclic ye<ir is given it is possible tof 
determine whether the date represents the current or past year, but not 
in others. Tho inscriptioiia of the early Ch&Jukyas do not give it, and 
hence the exact date remains doubtful. 

Now the Bombay mode of reckoning, which is one year behind that 
prevalent in Madras, is, I believe, due to a mistake. We have seen it was 
more usual in recording a date to mark the years that had expired than tho 
current year. A word expressive of that sense such as (jateshu, '* having 
elapsed," was used after the number, and another such as jn-avattamdne, 
" being current," was used in connection with the name of the cyclic year. 
These words were, for brevity's sake, af terwartls dropped ; and in the course 
of time the sense, to express which they were used, was also forgotten, and 
the number c^me to be regarded aa denoting the current year. So that 
what we do on this side of tho country is that we use the pait or 
expired year without knowing that it ia the past year. And there are 
*in the inscriptions instances of mistaken due to the circumstance that 
the real past year came to be regarded as the current year. Thus in 
No. 86 of the, Sanskrit, and old K&narese inscriptions, S'aka 
911 is given along with the cyclic year Vikriti. Now, according to the 
tables, the number of years that had expired before Vikriti was 912 and the 
current year was 913- Tliis discrepancy is to be explained by the sup- 
position that S'aka ^12 which represented the years that had expired came 
to bethought of as the current year, just as we, on this side of the country, 
consider 1805 as the current year now, though it indicates the past year, 
and the writer of the inscription -wishing to give the years that had 
expired before his current year, put them as 911. The same is the case 
with Nos. 27, 67, 115, 130, 224, and 284, the S'aka dates in which are 
1444, 1084, 1430, 1453, 1114, and 1128, respectiTely, and are two years 
behind the current year as determined by the cyclic years given along with 
them. In some cases the S'aka dates are in advance of the SamctiUara 
or cyclic year by one year. Thus in the Vani-Dindori grant of Govinda 
III. the S'aka date is 730 and the Sadivatsara Vifaya, and in the K&nheri 
inscription of Amoghavarsha we have B'aka 775 and the Prajdpati 


Now tbe S'aka years immediately preceding Yjaya and Prajftpati Appendix' B* 
728 and 773, while the current years were 729 and 774 respectively. ""^ 

Hdi difference might be accounted for on the supposition that the current 
ftn 729 and 774 were from the usual custom understood to be past 
jHnud the writers of the documents desirous of giving the current 
wnadded 1 and put them down as 730 and 775. The date in No. 79 of 
niii Sanskrit) and old K&narese inscriptions is three years behind the 
■mnt SadiTatsaia, and that in No. 228, four years ; No. 221 has 1113 
iv 1121 ; and No. 246, 1492 for 1485. These must be considered to be 
I utikaL 

\ Hm 8'aka dates given in the preceding pages represent in most cases 
Ae jesrs Hhat had expired before the particular occurrences mentioned. 
Au " in 865 " means afior 866 years of the S'aka era had expired. 

[Bombay Oasottc 




Introd action to HemAdri's Vratakhanda. 
I Appendix O. In the critical notes D. rtipresents the MS. ia the Dekkan Col- 

lege Library, No. 234 of A, I8S1-82 ; D 2. another recently added taj 
the collection ; S. the MS. beloDgins to the old Sanskrit College, NoJ 
657; Kh. the MS. belonging to KhSsgivAle, andG.the MS. prucur 
by GangMhar JS^aatri D£t&r. See Section XIV., first page, note i. 

ffF^^^^: 11^ It 

* Thoso two Rtnnzas exist only in a mTitilat«l form in S. and D 2, b«t tliey ocrnr 

fully in D. and Kh. which contain the shorter Pra^asti. In C, which contains both tlie 

Pralafltis mixed together, they occur at tho bead of the shoHer one, so that they appear 

to belong to the latter rather than to tho other. 

^ n^ for )^ D. Kh. "K Z{i for ^: D. Kli. 

fl 1 

B^j^prasasti I, 

arfer iTW s^^trw^ wmi. 4tm^' wf^^ i 
'rWr'jTOT^ ^^^^w^mw^PRc^ ii -^ n 

'r^^TRr^nf^^li^: II 3 II 

^ ^mr^ "^m^ W^' 

6 , 

II ^ II 

for I^^^G. '^X^\^ f^ ^y^o g, D2. 1 3H S» D2. 5T% a. for 3ff^. " 

Appendix G. 

r-T^wr <i^i"^ tr^Tw 

T-M^ll^d^"^T^- I 


cHT- f^^ KRT 5^fm: ^J^TTT^ II {'^ II 

anjTT W^ W^ 'J^ ^4liH*i, n t^ II 

mm'\\m\<i,^m<M^*\\<\%im ^ w^' li ^i ii 

^ ^: S.D2. ^G. -^ ^rrf^ S. f^^ 0. 3 3^: S.O, V 1^,; S.O. 

% ocilj^^o O. B. ^o Bo botli MSS„ also D 2, But there muat be & mutate. The name 
of 64ra'i ■on ^fi\ ia disgujjed m^j^. Pcrlmp* the reading is griJ^Wt* U M 5Uft' 
^ 3^02, 

fBombay Gazette 



Appendix C. 


f^^T^ w^n^ '^f^ ^wr- II l'^ II 

^^?T|i?:?TKg ' 

<l l ^1^^ l ^< i- II M H 

^ Oct ^«R^'«^ ^I'^iRT ^a«K^Mr5- II "^"^ H 
afsiFTF ^rft <r^mt?r^ ^ti^?J5€ sinft- il "^3 II 

cTW' ^ Tpn f^WI ^T^sffW R«f?lMd<M<l*i: II '<'^ II 

n ^ 

{ ^ for T^ D 2. "^l ^Rt^j-Jti'^: ^. ; G. totalljr incorrect and Uiene is a Ucuat, 
D 2. has Spsj: for ^^ of S^« 3» The Puriuic genealogy ends here, PubAhm, howcTcr, 
ig there caUcd tfucMru. V ^py^ ^ 3. ^ ^^^^d^i » 2, ^ ^ ^[^: S. ^^ r |^ : 
' G, ■« Thifl IB the reading of S., D 2 and G. prohablj for Mlf^^Tff' ^ot ttk» nama 
according to Pagdit Bhaffi,-lnlari grant wus >f|f^«JW|« ^ B, and G. have a invn^ Mid 
UTtinteUigiblo reading here, ^ ^[^ K ^\^ 0, tor ^\^> f^o The vilargft ii dropped in 

S.anda U^I>2. 

i Chapters.] 



'iC^ ^?W»^ ^ ^ ?r¥i irm^ f^ 5mf^ If 3«> II 
^^r^W'iftwr^?;^^^ i^ II ^ II 

sj^nf^^ tI^^^^iO^: ^WMtiM^H II 3*^ N 
3T>T ^T^Wr^= MI^^IHW ¥^^'^i; II 3'^ II 

^^' Mc^"*-*^ ^ ?m ^ salts' sj^Fj; J 

^ ^ IT5R%^ f^Tl^f ^^Tf^ 5Tf&^^ 

Appendix C. 

^ 8. O. h»w ^f^: ^nTT° '< ^^^ D 2, 3 ?^ for ^^TT ^". «• V Here S 
ds, and the following Ib bated on O, nnd D 2, of which the f urmer Is, as I have already 
Mrrod, ttn extrameljr inoorwot nanTWcript. H o ^-^^cj G. q fTf| fWt <5.^ Tkij word 
1 6, OHMt be loue OMUke aa it has no significance her.'. D 2, h(ui ^?TF| which also 
ft nM«k«. ^ ^^'. for qr^: O. ««. G. has 5f^o ^o ^I^^is ^f^^^ inO. 
t aHflft D 2. ^-^ 5^ D 2. ^3 o^RoD 2, <Y ^ D 2. for ^■. \^tl^^^^ tot 
t^ 0. \{ Cs3H forf^ G. ? 4»G. has ^IQ »nd D 2, ^ for 0^(5, 

^TCR^ ^I^JR^= f.H15'iHtf?f: II Vi If 
inF^TRf^.^ f^^f^ ^"^':l^- {1?TF#- 

«^' ^^fWf^^cT^^ WH^ WfiB' II ^^ II 

< In the MSS. we liavo MyK.m^ll^(T*'- '^ 0- ^a» f^^il^' 'of ^M'^*I^M- 3 ^t" 
T^jn^rfFT-^ -* ^f ?lf|^ ill G. *^ ( j fit^ oaght to be ^T^, nnless the wu of RadraderA 
i« meant. ^ ^ntrf- f^r ^[T^' D. 2. "^ Tliis Hue i« tlius written in O. tTlH^l/^'ll^'^*'* 
^i5RTW^; nl»o in D 2. except ^ for last ^. «? HfTlftT 0. ^ f^P^tdt ^^^ ^** 
iJifo^ for qri^ 0. ^^ TO?^' 0. {7. \sfjn G. 

'^General Chapters] 



^^- ^ ft ^^' '^ q^ II y<^ II 


^ ^^'rm ^^"rR wtr^^^rrf^ ^Jffn: ^^5^ II v'^ I 


RAiaprasasti IT. 

^i^ ^rkT{v^^HfiKmmw\^ ^ 5^R- II 3 II 

Appendix C- 

• ^ This qT]" Ifl omitted in the MSS. since it is foUowod by anotber JfffJ^ and 
copyidtA mistook tbc one for the other. Tbfj compound is to be dissolred aa 

D 2. 3 j^q-^f^f^: whicb ia also tbe reading of D. 2, as an epilbet of MahAdova, 
involTM censoro instead of proiflo. • The correct form of the word te, probably 

ly^Tpi^fTr^T^. in which ca*e it would be am epithet of Bhojadeva, 4 After thi« follow 
1 14andlQof thonext Pras'ttsliinD2. 

[Bombay Gazetteer 

ippendlx 0. 



9TiT^^=^M MMh ^mw^mK^t^S^is^i^s^^- II ^ II 
^m wm ^m ^i#¥V^?TPTf^ <r?5^^^5^^ II ^ II 

*dHdT(t 'TICR^^ STFIT J^Tfcflf^ ^TRf^*l II ^ II 

^tr^ ^- ^fJT!^ ^:Rplt TiTTF^iHt 11 ^° II 

*r| ^T^^PM fis^T^T^: fq^h^^^T^T^ II {I II 

jJHhr^^'^: ^ ft JT|^- t4 ^4% II ^3 N 
f?^ ^?^ crar^NtSt^t: 5Fvir f?n?cTT ^q^ II ^J li 
^^^m f^n m^- ^^f M ^rrwf^ It V^ II 

General Chapters ] 


f^ f^M'^ qtn#^ ^^ ^[^i^^ m^' II ?.^ If 

^^TTffT- g^n^l ^Rii^itm' ^W^f^- II ^ II 

mj^^mw^mm-^ ^ H^P^i-i'li ^^ li '<° ii 
arM^ifl ImiRiIhi t%4^'=i^: II "^^^ II 


Appendix O. 

^^Tfj^Sq-; Kh. The middle letter of the name iu G, looks somewliat lilke J, but there U 
little queetioa that the copyist had ^ hefore him and made it appear like J by prodacing 
the nether curve and making its end touch the knot of ^. >f ^^'^\% I>. ^ tlW ^ 2. 
{ 9f^ f or «f7^ D 2. 











Of H. M.*» Indian Civil Services 

Member of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland; 

Member of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society; 

Member of the Asiatic Society of Bengal; • 

Corresponding Member of the Royal Society of Science, Gottingen; 

Fellow of the University of Bombay, 





Introductory • 1 


I. Tlie Early Dynasties 277 

TheNalaa 283 

The Mauryas • ... 282 

The Kadambas * 285 

The S«ndrakaa 292 

The Katachchnris or Kalachuris 293 

The Western GaftgaB . 297 

The AJapas ... 309 

The L&tas 309 

TheMAlavas 311 

The Gurjaras ... ' 312 

ThePallavas 316 

Some detached names 333 

II. The Western Chalukyas of Bad&mi 335 

III. The RAshtrakAtas of Maikhed ... 382 

IV. The Western Ch&lnky as of Kaly&ni 426 

V. The Kalachuryas of Kaly&ni ... 468 

VI. The Hoysa^as of DOrasamudra ,. ,„ 490 

VII. Tftdavas of D6vagiri 511 

VIII. The Great Feudatory Families 535 

The 'Sil&haras of the Southern KoAkan ,„ 535 

The 'Sil&h&ras of the Northern KoAkan ... 538 

The 'SiUharaa of Kar&d 544 

The Rattas of Saundatti ..., 649 

The Kadambas of Hangal 558 

The Kadambas of Goa... 664 

The Sindas of Telburga 672 

The Guttas of Guttal 678 


No atithcfntic work of a definite historical character, written by the 
ancient inhabitants of Western India, has ever yet come to light. 
But, in the inscriptions on copper-plates and stone-tablets, on monu- 
mental stones, the pedestals of idols, the walls and jiillars of temples, 
and rocks, there have come down to ns, particnlarly in the Kanarese 
country, a larg;e number of original historical records of the most 
important kind. And in these records, wbich^ chiefly cn^aved for the 
porpoee of registering some grant to a priest, temple, or religious 
commuivty, or of commemorating the death of some hero in Iwtttle, 
vsa&lly name the reigning king, with more or less information about 
his ancestors and predecessors, and arc generally dated in his regnal 
year or in one or other of the HindCli eras, there exist abundant 
materials for compiling a detailed and connected history of the greater 
part of the Bombay Presidency and of the nei^ibouring territories 
if Madras, Mysore, and Haidarabad, from about the middle of the 
«Lxth to the end of the sixteenth century A. D., and, at the same 
time, for illustrating the development of tho modern forms of the 
•Iphabot*, and, in the Kanarese country, of the vernacular language,^ 

' In defining the limiti of the Kanareso langaage, Sir Walter Elliot said (J(mr» R, A$, 
Soc., F. 8., Vol. IV, p. 3; VLXiAMadr(i» Jour, of LlU and Scknct, Vol, VII. p, 195) 
lliat " the boundary of the Kanareso tongue on the west and intrth may he dcsignatod 
** hv ft line drawn from SadAshivagacJ " (KArwar), " on theMalabar coaot/to the westward 
*'of DhArwftr, Bejgaam, and Hukkt-ri^ through KAgal and Kurandwftd, paasing lK>twecii 
"'Keligaon' and' Pandegaon, ' through Brahmflpuri on the fihfma, and ShijlApiir, 
•' and thence ea«t, to the n«ighlxniirhood of Bidar," This, however, wrongly exclude 
K6Uu^pur.— Btdar, in the Nizdm'tt Dominions, is about fifty mileH cast of KolyllTji, and 
slx)at sixty milea to the north by cast of Mfllkhed. As regards Shdl/ipup, which now 
oouQtB officially as a Mard^ht district, Kannrese is stiU, to a great extent, the vor* 
natfular in the south-east corner of it. And there are Kanarese inscriptions of the 
Wfistern ChAluky*, Ea}achurya, and Dcvagiri-YAdava kings, of the twelfth and tliir- 
te«tith centuries, and some lati-r ones, at Sh^lApuv itself, and at Eddal and M6h6j in 
that district, and at Karajgi, Kiidal, and Ta4lwa| in th« Akalk^t State, — In official 
langoAgo, three out of the four recognised KanarCBe districts of this Prerit^ncy, 
VJi. the Belganm, Bijlipur, and DhArwir Collectorates are, ti^gcther with the K6Uidpur, 
Miraj, and other Native States, always called the '* Southern MarftthA Cotintry." A 
more misleading appellation, however it originated, could not well have been devised. 
It is true that, in one of the earliest inscriptions, of Pulike^in II., this part of the 
coautry is included in what was known then, and even many centuries before his 
time, as Mah&raahtra. But tliis term, meaniiig literally *' the great country," does not 
inherently imply any of the nvcial and lingnistic peculiarities which are now natorally 
Attached to the terms MarAtha. and MarAtht, derived from it. In the whole area of 
the so-called iSouthena Marftthfi. Country, not a aingle Mariltht inscription has been 
discovered, of a greater age than two or three contories. With the exception that 
two PrlkYit recoros have been obtained at Baoawftsi in North Kanara and * Malavali ' 
In Mysore, and that a few PrAkfit words occor here and there in other records, the 
inscriptions are all either in pure Sanskrit or pure Kanarese, or in the two languages 
«ombim.d. This fact speaks of itself, as to what the veniacnlsr of the country wss 
in early times. In the present day, the people and the language of the British dis- 
tricts are essentially Kanarese; and the Kanarese people and language have been 
displaced, to a certain extent, by the MarAthf people and language in the Native 
States, oely becauae those iStates were established bj the aggreaaioiu of MarA^hAs from 


[Bombsy Gazetteer 

ftnd the decay of old and the growth of new forms of religion, the 
origin of many of the different land-tenures and territorial dirisions 
tltat now exist, and many other subjects c^ political, historical, and 
antiquarian interest and importance. The title which I havT given 
to my book may, indeed, seem rather to limit the results of th& 
researches into these records to the southernmost parts of the Presi- 
dency. But I am not prepared to deal now with the history of K^thiawad 
and northern Gujar&t. For the rest of the Presidency, the d\Tiastiea 
which possessed it, one after the other, all bad their chief seats of 
government in, or close to the borders of, the Kanarese country, and 
were identified specially with the Kanarese pronnees ae the most 
important parte of their dominions. And the title that I have selected 
will serve the purpose as well as any other, until we come hereafter to 
deal with the ancient history of India on a more comprehensive plan 
than has ever yet been aimed at. 

The first eystematic coiluction of copies of these inscriptions was 
made hy Sir Walter Elliot, K. C.S.I, who, when in the Madras Ci\Ti 
Service, was employed for a long time in the Kanarese districts. Besides 
a large number of facsimile impressions of copptsr- plate grants, he compiled 
manuscript copies of no less than five hundred and ninety-five stone- 
tablet inscriptions from the Kan&resc country alone and in the Sanskrit 
and Kanarese languages, in addition to a large number of others from 
the Telngu country and in the Telugu language. The results of his 
labours were published in bis paper on Uindu I^isCriptiofis, which 
appeared first in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, First Series, 
■Vol. IV. p. 1 ff., and was afterwards reprinted, witli corrections and 
additions, in the Madras Journal ofLiieraiiire and Sciencey Vol. VII, 
p. 193 ff. One copy of his collection of inscriptions from the Kanareso 
country, in two volumes entitled Carmitaka'Desa Inscriptions ^ wa» 
presented to the bbrary of the Edinburgh University ; and another copy 
of it was given to the Royal Asiatic Society, London.'' And his collec- 
tion of original copper-plate charters was presented, on his death, to th© 
British Museum. Tlie voluminous contents of the manuscript com- 
pilations made by him liave as yet only very partially been made public. 

In 1865, the Mysore Government published a photographic collec- 
tion of one hundred and fifty inscriptions on stone-tablets and copper- 
plates at Chitaldurg, Ba)ag^ihve, Harihar, and other places in Mysore, 
from negatives taken by Major Dixon, H. M.'s 22nd Regiment, 
M.N.I, And, in 1866, Sir Theodore Hope, K.C.S.L, then in the 
Bombay Civil Service^ eilited for, and at the cost of, the Committee 
of Architectural Antiquities of Western India, under the title of /n- 
8cription8 iti Dharwar and Mysore ^ a series of sixty -four photographic 

the north, whose local iaJftdcnoe proved to be greatei* th&n that of the native rnlers 
whom they dispossessed. Even in those Native States, and in Marfttht offiuial corre* 
spondence, the Political Agent at KGlhftpur is, to the present day, always oddrefised j 
as the Political Agent, not of the " Dftkahina-Maharftshtiii " or '' Houthern Marft^ 
Country," hut of the " Kunivtra IlilchA and the Kaniatiika Print." 

1 My references are to the copy iKelonging to the library of the Edinburgh Uiu- 
veraity, Bnt probably the paging will be found to be the rame in the copy that is io 
the Royal Asiatic Society's library, — I believe that there were also two other copie* 
of this collection ; bnt, what became of them, I do not know. 

General Chapter^,] 


copies o£ inscriptions in the Belgamn, DhfiLrwair, Bijipur, and North 
Kanara Districts of the Bombay Presidency, and in the neighbouring 
parts of the Madras Presidency and Mysore, from negatives taken by 
Dr. Pigou, Bo. M. S., and Col. Biggs, R.A.; ^ and a few other inscrip- 
tions, from negatives taken by the same gentlemen, were inserted by 
him in another work, entitled Architecture in Dharwar and Jif;)/sor«, 
edited by bira at the same time. These collections being out of print, 
and difficult to obtain, and the negatives being available at the India 
Office, the contents of them were re-arranged by myself and compiled, 
with additions, into one volume, which was published by the India 
Office in 1878, under tlie title of Pdii, Sanskrit, and Old-Canarese 
Jnscriptiofts, from the Bornhay Presidency and parts of the Madras 
Presidency and Mysore, ^ And, in 1879, Mr. Rice, CLE,, publi&hed, 
under tlie title of Mytfc/re hiscnptio7is, translations of all the inscrip- 
tions included in Major Dixon's collection, and of some others collected 
by himself* 

Meanwiiile, a few detached inscriptions had been publislied by Sir 
"Walter Elhot, in the Madras Journal of Literature and Scietirej—' 
by Mr, Wathen and Professor Dowson, in the early volumes of the 
Journal of the. Royal Asiatic Sociefif, — by Bal Gangadliar Shastri and 
General Sir George LcGrand Jacob, in the early volumes of the Jour- 
nal nf the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, — and by 
Dr. Taylor, in the Transactions of the Literary Society of Bombay. ^ 

These publications, however, were desultory, and few and far between j 
and it was not till the Indian Antiquary w^s started by Dr. Burgess, 
C.I.E., in 1872, tliat any repl impetus was given to the study of the 
epigraphy of Western India. His journal gradually attracted many 
competent writers, interested in the whole range of Indian epigraphy. 
And it undoubtedly also did much towards arousing the official interest 
which is 80 necessary for the successful prosecution of antiquarian 
researches in such a country as India, where official action must do 
what would elsewhere be accomplished by private enterprise, and which, 
previously wanting, soon afterwards began to be displayed, 

In January, 1883, through the influence, at Simla, of General Sir 
Alexander Cunningham, K.C.I.E., and Mr. Gibbs, C.S.I,, I was ap- 
pointed to the specially created post of Epigraphist to the Goverament 
of India, with the primary duty of preparing the volume that wag 
to contain the inscriptions of the Early Gupta kings. I held that ap- 
pointment up to June, 1886, when it was abolished. And the l»ook in 
question, entitled Gupta Inacriptions, and numbered as Volume III. 

1 Only ten copies of thia work were publiahefl. Of these ten copies, one was 
presented to each of the following, — the Rovftl Aaiatic Society ; the Woci^t^ Aeiatique 
at Paris ; the German Uriental Society, Leipzig ; the India Office Librarj' ; and 
Mr. Thomas, F. R, H, : and the remaining five were sent to Bombay for diatribution. 

' The funds available, liowcper, permitted of the publication of only nine copies of 
this work. They were distributed to the India Office, the British Museum, the 
Roval Asiatic Society, the Bombay Secretariat, the Bombay Branch of the Royal 
Asiatic Society, Mr. Ciibba, Dr. Burcesa, myself, and, 1 think, the Bodleian Library. 

' I am speaking, of courfle, only of anch publications aa bear on the histoiy of lliat 
part of the country which is the subject of the preaent account. Many other inacriptions 
were pablished by other scholars in the same Journals, oud in the Aitiatic Jitaurchtt 
and the Journal oftht A&lutic Socidtj of Btngtil, 

LBombay aasetteer 

in the*Corpu9 Inseriptioimm Intlicarum, was finished in 1888. My 
work was fortunatelv rendered complete and successful by two things, 
In consequence of information given by Mr. iVrthur Soli van, Man- 
das6r was visited,— fiLrst in March, 1884 ; and there my copyists then 
discovered the all-important inscription wliich supplied t^hat had al- 
ways been felt to be a most urgent desideratum, viz. a date, for any 
one of the Early Gupt^i kin^^B, recorded in a standard ei-a, capaUe 
of identification, other than the era that was habitiially used by the 
Early Guptas themselves. It furnished the date of the Malava year, 
i.e. the Vikrama year, 493 expired, correfiponding to A, D. 436-37 
current, for Kumaragupta I. ; and thus, with also a revised translation, 
given to me by Profeesor Wright, of a well-known passage in Alb^runi's 
writings, I was enabled to prove, for the first time, what had often been 
asserted but had never been proved before, — viz, that the Early 
Gupta kings rose to power in the fourth century A. D., and that 
the dates of their records nm, not from A. D. 77-79, 166-67, or 
190-91, but from A. D. 319-20 or very closely thereabouts. And, 
at the end of 1886, Mr. Shankar Balkrishna Diksliit came to the 
front, — shewed how, with the use of certain Hind{i Tables, Hindu dates 
may be converted into their exact English equivalents,^ — and made the 
necessary calculations, some of them exti-emely laborious, for the Early 
Gupta dates, as the result of which, the given unqualified years being 
applied as current years, the exact epoch, or year 0, of the Gupta 
era is shewn to be A. D. 319-20, and the first current year, A. D. 

During my tenure of the above-mentioned appointment, and for a 
year or so Wfore it, I had from the Bombay Government an annual 
grant for the collection of impressions of inscriptions in the Bombay 
Presidency, Two hundred and twenty-villages, in the Belgaum and 
Pharwar Diatiicts and in the Native States of the Southern Marathi 
Country, were visited by the men employed by me. Impressions were 
made of nearly a thousand inscriptions. And the impressions have now 
been deposited in the office of Mr. Gousens, Supeiintendent of the 
Bomljay ArchiEological Survey, where thoy are available to Einyone who 
will take them in hand for publication or study. 

I Sg« his pap«r entitled " a Method of calculating the Week-dnye of Hitidd 
TithiB aud the correapon<iing English Dates," Jnd. Anf. Vol. XVI. p. 113 ff., and 
Oupttr Irmcripdons, Appendbc III. j and, for certain corrected data, hia note en- 
titled "a Table for the Abdapa, Tithi 'Boddhi, and Tithi-Kfiadrn," Ind. Ant. 
Vol. XVII, p. 26B if.— Another interesting paper by him ie that on "the Twelve- 
Year Cycle of Jupiter," Jnd. Ant. Vol. XvII. pp. Iff., 312 ff., aud Ovptu Iiucrip' 
tions, Appendii ill. — On the line of stady thus Btarted, further Ucht baa now been 
thrown, by ProfeuBor Jacobi, in his papers entitled •' Method* and Tablea for verify- 
ing Hindfl Dates, Tithis, Eclipses, NakshatraSj Ac," fnd. AiU. Vol. XVIL p. 145 ff., 
'• the Computation of Hindi! Datea in InacriptionB, &c." Epi'jraphia Indica, Vol. I. 
p. 403 ff., and " Tables for calculating Hindfl Date* in True Local Time," id. Vol, IJ. 
p. 487 ff. i by Professor Kielhom, in his papers on '* the 8ixty-Ycar Cycle of Jnpi- 
ter,'* Ind. Ant. Vol. XVII I. pp. 193 fl., aSO ff , j and by Dr. Schram, through the 
production of an English %'eraaon of his "Tables for the Approximate Conversion 
of Hindi Dates," Ind. Ant, Vol. XVIIL p. 290 flf. 

' Ssee Qnpta Inscriptions, Introduction, p. 69 ff. i and, lor a final claaaification of 
the dates, with an explanation of the difference between the Gupta and Valabhi 
varieties of the era, see ind. Ant, Vol. XX. p. 376 Iff. 

General Chapters,] 



la November, 1886, Br. Hultzsch was appointed Epigrapkist to 
•the Government of Madras. This ix)st he stUl holds. And be has 
already iesned one volume, and the firet two pai-ts of another, of South- 
Indian Inscriptions, which furnish a great deal of new and valna- 
bio information about the Pallavas, the Eastern Chalukya kings, and 
their ChOla contemporaries, mth incidental references to the history 
of Western India. 

And, at some time" in 1888 or 1889, Dr. Burgess^ while, in success- 
ion to General Sir Alexander Cimninghamj he still held the post of 
Director-General of the Archit-ological Survey of India, started, for the 
Government of India, an ofRcial journal entitled Epigrapkia Indica, 
intended specially for the publication of inscriptions. Of this work, 
Vols. I. and II. have been issued by Dr. Burgess, And subsequent 
issuer are being brought out by Dr. Hultzsch, in connection with 
the Indian Antiquary^ which, conducted by Dr. Burgess to the end 
of Vol. XIII., was continued tbrough Vols, XIV. to XX. by myself 
and Major Temple, C.I.E., and is still going on under Major Temple's 

The publications noted above, the later volumes of the Journal of 
the Bombay Branch of the Roifal Asiatic Sodett/j Dr. Burgess* 
Arch oeolog leal Reports of Western India^ two' more books by Mr, Rice 
entitled Inscriptions at 'Snimna-Bclgola and Inter iptions in the Mysore 
District, Part I., and the materials collected in the Bombay Presi- 
dency, have now made available a great deal of additi<7nal information, 
which it has been my aim to utribse. The constant pressure of official 
duties has prevented my including all the details that could be suppUed 
from the unpublished materials now on hand. As far vl& is practicable, 
however, I have worked them in. And I am able to put forth this 
eeoond version, of a work which was tlrst issued thirteeu years ago 
nnder much less favourable conditions and has now Ijeeu rewritten 
practically throughout, with the satisfactory knowledge that it con- 
tains many substantial improvements, and will add very largely to our 
knowledge of the ancient history of that part of the country with 
which it deals. 


«W2— a 



%o earliest epip^rapbic records tint bear in any way upon Soiitliern Cnapter I. 
lTi<Ha, are the inscriptions, beIonjL»'ingf to the first half of the tliird Tlio Early 

fcntary B. C, of the threat Buddhist kin<r As6k», the grandson o£ I>y*i»stieB. 

thcMaTirya king Ghaudrag^ipta of PiVlalipuira who was knouTi to the 
Orwk historians as Sandro<;ottog. AsokJi^s dorniniions proper seem not 
toliave extended south of the Narmad;\ (vaf'jo Ntrbudda). But, in all 
wirwtiuns, he exercised an aetivu suzerainty over provinees which lay 
« tlie borders of his klng-dom. And, among" the triijcs mentioned in 
tHsfonnt^ction, we find/ in the sontli, the Pi^tenikas or inhabitants of 
Putisiithana, which is the modern PaiUian, on the Godavarj, in the 
^iKtm's Dominions ; the Bhojas, nearer to the Narniadij, or towards 
^ooast of the Korikao ; the Ristikas or Hastikas, who are suppotcd by 
some to be the Mahariishtris or Maratlias of the Dekkan ; and the 
AniUiras, who were the inliabitants oE a tract of country wh'ch em- 
kfaced the rej^ion towards the east coast lying* Ijetwecn the rivers 
Krintiin and Godavari, and part of vvhicli, undor the name of the land 
•*' Yedtri, came, in the early part of the seventh century A. D,, into 
"6 battdfl of the easteni branch of the Chalukya dynasty. Ainmig 
A^Aka's independent neighbours there are mentirmed,'* for Southern 
Indin, two kings named Satiyaputa and Keralaputa, probably towards 
■RWwt coast, — the Piadyas, whose country was the triang-le at the 
PPtt of the peninsula, including the present Miulura and Tinnevelly 
*^rict8 of the Madras Presidency, and [lertiaps the Travancore State, — 
*^ the ChodaSj i, e. Cholas, whose territory lay on the east coast, from 
■^northern boundary of the Pandya kingdom up to the river PA^.aru, 
It is probably to the first or second century of the Christian era, that 
'Je must refer the earliest two inscriptions tliat have as yet !jeen 
Jtind in the country with which we are dealing ; viz., one in a Pnikrit 
'■"ilect, engraveii on tlie two edges of a large slate slab, on which there 
" sculptured a five-hooded cobra, in the court of the great temple at 
"awaei in North Kanara,^ and me, partly in Prakrit and jiartly in 
*«krit, on a pillar at ' ]\ralavalh in the Shikdrpur tAluka, Mysore.* 
■y are of the time of a king named Haritiputi-a-Satakari^i/ of tlio 

,/»W. Ant. Vol. XX pp. 340, 247, 248. 

*N//. pp. 240, 249. 

^'^^fie-TanpU- /n»crtptioM (No. 10 of the brocburoa of the ArchfBological Survey of 
**<«TJ India), p. 100 ; and fml. Ant. Vol. XIV. p. Sni. 

* tjuiiie from nn iok-iniproK^ioa which Mr. Rice was kind enough to send mo. 

^h« sivornl pnrt of tliis apiK'llution ii* a dyimalie nfttiic. The first part Is ft pcrional 

*% a niPtruiiyinic, meaning literally- ' the aon of n woman Inrl-mginj? to the ffttnily of 

*tArUa» ; ' aiDd it is&nalogou!) to the G6tamiputra or GaaLaiiiipiitrtt, aud the Vuti4h|hi* 
• 972— 3S 

Chapter I. 

The Early 


TBombay Gazetteer 

Viuhukafladutu or Vinhiipaduchutii family, in respect of who! 

'Malavalli* record further tells us that he belonged to the Mai 

gotra or clan/ and prokibly aliK) tliat he was one of the kings of A'aiji 
yantij i.e. of BaDa\vasi.^ The Banaw4si record h dated in the twelfi 

patra, of the Andhrabbritya Icings, and (eee Ind. A»U Vol. XXI. p. 22?) to t1i» Vt 
pntra, Guuptljmtra. and GArgtputra of oue of the Bharaut ini»rri|>lioiiB. Tliu « 
tnctronyinic, or ii closely BituiUroiio, nppears also in an early insfription in the Hlw» i 
KfiwA Stnt* in Central Indin, which rerurds the construct ion of a cnve by Uaritjj 
or Haritiputra-Kiuuaka (Ind. A/»t.\o\, 1^. p. 1"21). Atid the wirly KnddishM 
and the Cli.iluk:>i'as, are reprt-scnted as HAritiputras. — As rcgnrds thf word lliriO 
is the name of a Brahanujiciil y6(ra or clan to which a royal family wa« affilcr 
(nee the next note), that gfilrn. must be a Inter iiffshoot frora the original IlaTita y6 
of Professor Max MiilkT's list [Sanshrit LUf.ntturf, p. 383). But then? was 
royal family of A iiginrea-Haritas, who were deacended from Ikahv^kn, son of J 
sou of the ISun (see Wilson's TroH'^ittion of the. y'mhnu'l^nidna. Hall's edition, Vfl 
pp. 230, 231, 259, *2S0, and Mviir'« Orujitial Sap»kri't TejrU, Vol. I. p. 2'Zb\. 

■ The word j/r5/ra denotes a sulKlivision or chin, based on original family descent, 
the Bruhman casU^ And Dr. Bubk-r t.lls uu {Iml. Ant. Vol. Xll, p. 240) Ih 
Bcoordinjc to the compilations on ij<Ura-N, it was the practice of royal families to 
affiliated to the Vedic ijolran of thtir domestic priests. — In the present case, the g^r 
name seems, as in similar instances (sec, e. g., the preoetling note; other eases x 
pridiably the Kaiyapa and Kanijtiinya i(6traA of epigraphic rceonis, which seem t« I 
offshoots from the original Kafiyapa and Kuudina gdiraa), to represent a later ol 
ahoot from the original MAn iva tjAtra (AVin«/l:r>it Littrature, p« 370), Bnt the wnnl ) 
also a patronymic, meaning ' descended from Mann,' And Dr. Bamell, — who attribub 
the origin of the MditarU'd/tarma'^iAHtra or law-book of the M^naras, popularly kn 
as the Ordinances of Maim, to tho periml of the Western Chalukyakin^^ of l^Addq' 
also, with further the Kjidamba-*, arc rtprprteuted ag lielonging to the MauaTya ( 
— seciiis to have held {Ofd'tHUitce^^ of Mann, lutrtMi. p. xrv., and note 4) that t ' 
had then Iji^gun to call thcm«>lvc9 Mauavyas, in connection with the tr 
which, ill detail, gee Muir's Oriijinnl iSanekrit. T<^f«,yo\. I. pjx 161 to 1':;-^ 
whole Hindfl race was ilescended from Maiiu, the son of the Snn. — A WcTSleru Lb.Aiu&ya 
record, apparently of the timo u£ Jayasiihha II. and dated in A.D. 1025-26 (at KaU/in 
in the Bankapur laluka, DhArwar JDistrict ; Carth.'lJ4*a Inscrx. Vol. J, p. 48), would 
account for the f/(J<rti-iiauie by the existence of a person named Manavya : it fays that 
the mind-born son of the god Brahman was hiimyaiiibhuvra-Matia ; hi^i son wa» M4uavj», 
from whom came all those who belonged to the MAnavya [jt'ttra ; Miliiavy-a's son WM 
Harita ; his son was Pancha^ikhv-Hdriti j and his son was Chalukya, from whfnn sprang 
tlie race of the Chilukyas, But this is simply one of various invention* — luthers in 
the present passage are the perwma Hariti and Chilukya) — demised, in a later period, 
to aci'ount for appfllatienM the origin of which had been forgotten in the lapse of time. 

" lat, 14' 33', long. 75° 6' (Indian Atlas, sheet No, 4*2, where it U 
entered as * Bannawasai '), ii* a place of very considerable antiquity. It i» th* 
Vanivftsi to wMch, as reconled in the Afnhdvamita, the Buddhist tcseher Bakshita 
was deputed, in the third century B. C, shortly after the great council held at PiiitAli* 
putrn in the eighteenth year of A^fika {I/td,'Ant. Vol. 111. p. 273), And it w** Mm 
mentioned, in the st'cond century A, D. , by the geographer Ptolemy, in whose map uf 
India (id. Vol. XIII. p. 32J»), under the name of Bananasi, it is enterenl ((|uil« 
wrongly) to the east by south from Barygaza, i. e. Broach in Gujarat. In inscription*, 
the earliest mention fif it, under the name of VanavAst, ia in the Aiho}e inscrij»tion nf 
A, D, 634-35 (*'/. Vol. VIII. p. 244). In later records, the name is usoally writtra 
as Banavi^si in i^anskrit passages, and as Banavase and Banav^se in Kanarese {t»*.sAi^ ; 
the latter two forms being specially U9«l, and generally »o, when mention is matic uf tlo 
province, which was held to consist of twelve ihonsaml cities, towns, and villogv*, 'lint 
form VanavAsa also occurs (c. j/,, P, S. and O.-C. /mat. No. 178, 1. 33, and I'tim- 
mdukadevacharita, v. "23, and xiv. 4). Mr. Kittel has cxpivseed the opinion th«t the 
etymology is bann, = vana^ ' a forest, a wooil,' + the Kamirese Itan or hoMf, ' a spritif/ 
and that Vanav&st is only a baiiskptised form (i^7^/al^arma'* KntiarfJte troMnitt 
Introd. p. xxxL note 2). But the occurrence of the form Banava««e, with the longdui 
th© penultimate syllable, seems to be oi>po»ed to this, and to point to the Sanakrit ma* 
vd^a, ' the residence or settlenient in the forest,' Iwing the original name. And tli«^_. 
anj^ traditions to the effect thnt the pro\'ince of Vanavast is the part of the cctuntry i ~ 
which the PAndftvas spent the twelve years of their banishment to the £ore«t«, a* ivU" 

m the first day in the seventh fortnight o£ tlie cold season.* 
ence n-^'ms to be made to the 'Saka or any other era ; nor is 
' at present eajialjlo of idenititiea.ti<>n. But the record is un- 
of very early date : Pandit Bhagwaiilal Indraji, who first 
ith it, allotted it to the second century A, D. ; and Dr. Biihler, 
litcd it, to a slightly earlier time. And the title of 8atakarni, 
ociated particularly with the Andhrahhritya dynasty, suggests 
Haritiputra may possibly be a member of that line of 

Chapter I. 

The Early 

n- Par van or third book of the MnhfJbM rata ^ Tliufl, on inscription of 

at Ba!i^rA.iiive, tightfen milfs to the sooth-oast uf ^nan'Asi, says that, 

! ceU-brjitJoii of the rdjuaiiya-sncri&cc, " the five P&Qdnvas camc U) Bajji^vo 

itoltlii^hocl there five li'iijaH" {P. S, andO.-C. hutcrft. Jfo, liiS, aud Mi/aore 

i^^/Wi, p, 140), And the town of H^ingal, nixtft-n mihts to the north-east of 

ia, i» rallt*! in inscriptionfl hy iittiiu-s wiiich n'prewnt it ft.^ tlio city or fort of 

{MX more fully in ohapter VIII. Ix-low) ; and Vinita waa tlie kinfi at whose court 

iid»vns sjicnt tlio thirteenth yciir of their exile, a<i related in the i'irdta-Parvan 

nk bo<jk of the MiUniblulraid. — As regani« the identification o£ VftiJHyantt with 

"^tlicre i'* perhaps no absolute proof ; bnt it is* sufRcientiy estahlishwl hy t*vo 

I the fimt plAce, one of the namea of BAnawAsi mis tbc very similar one of 

I ijc<:urrt in many records, and notably in an inscription at Banawivsi itself, 

bple of Madhuke-vani, wliich recnnls the stone cot of the pixl Mudhu* 

; presented " at the town of Juyanti " {Iiul. Ant. Vol. IV. p. 207, No. 8) ; and 

Igwl, which was the family-deity of the Kddnmbas of Hangai, is alway* 

"bpir n*oopds " Madhukcsvara of Jayant! " (ij^ecbapter VIII, below). And 

y, » Western Chalukya record of A. D» <JiJ2, mentions "the diHtrict named 

", in the north-east quarter in the vicinity of the fainoos town of Vaijayatitt" 

t. Vol. XIX. p. 162); other recoals state that the district in qnestu)n was 

^uvAsi pr\>vince (e. ;/., id. Vol. Til. p, 3lII>)> and shew that it included 

IJwIjwkt, Billftr, Qejjihalli, Ky,^isanOr, and Yejawatti, all within a seven- 

dliuuf Hjingal ; and it is obvious thiit BunawdM, the capital of the province, 

l«ni with reference to which, uuder the name of Vfiijayantt, the ponition of 

"* t is <Vfln«l in the reconl nf A. D. (p(*'2. And thuH it can hanlly be ques- 

Vftijivvivnti, as well as J ay ant t, — the latter of which names seems to b© 

Inn of the former, — was a name of Bumkwasi, — Dr. Biihler, 

i.e St. Petershnrjf Dictionary to the effect that Vaijnyant! occarsj 

J., .owl Jain bixiks, as the name nf a town on the coa^t of the Kunkaij, 

gtrwtid that it is the sea-port Byzanteion of the Greeks (Cavf-Tetnplc 

, p. 28, note 2), And, of coarse, the similarity of the namcB is very tempt- 

it, U' this identification i» to he accepted > then there must have occorre<l some 

» "i'ttilar t*i that which led Albf^linf to speak of BanawAsi, hy thia name itaelf, 

ii,i {AlUrdiii'H fit'/ia, Tranelndon, Vol. II. p. 2l}2). 

-■.ma, each including eight f<irtmghts, were, yrfM/Jirt, ' the hot 

the rain»,* and hemanla , ' the cold Reason,* Other itistanoet, 

of tliis ]iriiuitive division of the year in tltf reconls with which we are now 

I art: furnished by the grants of the early Kadamba kings (pa{»c» 2i^8, 239^ 

I hy the (JTant of the FtiUava king 'Bivaskandavamiiin (page 320 below). In 

pdft, the system ia fopud iiithe inscriptiong in the Na^ik caves {y4rc/<^c('/. 5Hr p. 

, Vol, IV. p. 107), and tfiose in tho Knnheri cavei* {id. Vol. V, pp. 75, 79), 

iDudia grant, of the VS.kfitaka i/rtA4;-4/(i Travaraseiia II. [Ej/hji-ajj/iia Indica, 

25**). — I'he piv*eat (k,'as>on9, each of four fortnights, are, vtutanta, * the 

fUhma, varthdhy iarad, 'the autumn,' fnh/u/ittti, and ifiiiru, 'the dewy 

' A ftignificnnt trace of the priniiiive division of the year into thn;e seaaona 

• to be found in the chdttirmdxija or four-monthly sacrifices, performed, at th* 

bg of each !!«)iBon, on the fuU-nioon dava of the months Pha%anB ^Feb. -March), 

|un«!-,Tuly), and Karttika (Oct. -Nov.). 

a/?connt of tho Andhrabhritya, RUavihana, or BiUvftbana kings, see . 

■ darkar'» Eariij floifo/y of tht Dekkun (1884), pp, II to 34. Soma 

lof them might suitably have been included in the preeent work, as their 

Tacnne of the more northern parts of the Bombay Presidency j but I havo 

> to study thdr records. 


[Bombay Gasettd < 


Chapter I. 

The EAi'ly 

Tlio first record, however, which gives us any broad insight into 1 
(Jondition o£ Soiithorn India, is the Gupta inscription on the Allaliab 
pillar, which aeterts tluit, about the middle of the fourth century A. D„ ' 
the Early Gupta king Samudragiipta captured, and then released again 
all the kin^ of the duhshiiuti>alha or region of the south, i.e. of the 
Dekkan, includin<r Mahendra of Kosala, Vyi^^hraraja of Mahakantira, 
Mantaraja of Kerala, MahOndra of Pi&htapura, Svamidatta of KoUura 
cm 'the hill, Daraana of Eraiidapalla, Vibliinigt)paof Kaiichi, Nilarajaof 
Avaniukta or A%'arankta, Hastivannan of Vengi, Ugraeena of Palakks 
or Palakka, Kuheia of Devarashtra, and Dhunaiiijaya of Kustlialapuia.** 
The statement that Saniudrajj;^upta conquered the above-mentione<f 
king:e, netnl not be accei>ted litemlly ; eqwcially, as it seems almc 
certain that the Gupta dominions were Ixmnded on the south by tt 
Narmada. Nor need we even take it aa a fact tliat he invaded thei] 
dominions. But the list has its value, in shewing the prindf 
and best known political divisions and reigning kings of Souther 
India at the time to w^iich it Ixjlongs. Some of tlie above -mentione 
territories nnd placeg have not yet been identified. But K66ala wa 
tlie country lying round Raypur «nd Sambalpur in the Centnd Pr 
.vinces and Cuttack in Orissa. Mahakantiii-a, the name of whicB 
means literally " the great forest/'' was j>erliaps the wooded hilly 
tcri-itory lying along the south of the Narmatla. Kerala was the 
country now known as the Malabar District of the Madras Presidency, 
on the west coast. lUshtapura was the modern Pittapuram, the chief 
town of a zamiudsiri or estate of the same name, twelve miles north 
by cast of Cocouada in the Gndavart District, Madras Presidency. 
Kanchi was the modern Conjee verara, in tlie Chingleput District, 
Madras. And Veugi- was a coiiotrv on the east coast, of which the 
original boundaries appear to liave been, towards the west, the Eastern 
Gljaute, and, on the north and south, tJie rivers Godftvari and Krishna; 
an indication of the position of its original capital is proliably pn?- 
served in the name of V^gi or Pedda-Vcgi, a village in the Ellore 
tiiluka of the Godavari District. 

Records from the eastern coast will probably enable us bereaft^ 
to piece together tlio history of Southern India for the nejct 
centuries after the date of tlie Gupta record. For the present, su 
consecutive knowledge as we have, commences from a1x)ut A. D. 5 J 
and is deri\eil primarily from the records of the first really 
d>Tiasty of Western India, that of the ^Vestern Chalukyas of Vatip 
which is the modern Badami, the chief town of the Badami taluka i 
the Bijapur District.^ And the first of their records to throw anjj 
furtlier geneml light on the subject of the tribal and dynastic div| 
fions of tlie country, is the pillar-inscription of king Mangalesa, fn 
Mahiikuta near Badami,'' which asserts that his elder brot 

' Oupta In»cripfio7M, pp. 12, 13, 

'See IniL Ant. Vol. X\. p. 93. 

'Lat. 15° 55', long. 7.^ 46'} Indian Atlas, sliet-t No. 41, — 'Biwlninw.* — Tur < 
kloiiliflcAtion of VAHpi with liadami. w,r Ltd. Ant. Vol. VIII. pp. 23S, tWB. T 
Sansltrit iiutnc apptiirs* MdiKtinio with the short «, aud sonu'timfs with tlw long I, in 
lapt sylUhlo. The inttrniodiHtc IVjilvTit fonn wan BOdAn. 

* Jml, Ant, Vol, XLX. 'p, 7. Tlio pillar now tianUe in Jtlw eowpottnd of l 
Government MuK^um at Bijupur. 

General Chapters.] 


Kirtivarman T.. who reigjncxl f»om A. D. 567-68 to 697-98, conquorotl • Chapter I, 
tho hostile kinj^ of \ iiii^, Afig-a, Kajiaga, Yattura, Magadba, The Early 

Wadraka, Kerala, Giifiga, Miighaka, Paiidya, Dramila, Chuliya (i. ^, Dynastiea. 

Chtila), Aluka and Yaijiiyanti. Most of these names denote countries, 
and arc well known ; and some of the terntories will Ijo recognised 
ma lying far away to the north and east : thus, Yang^ and Afij^^a were 
eastern and western ; Mayadiia was Beh:tr • and Jladraka 
»I»pears to liave been somewhere in the north-weat of tho PaAj^b, 
The other names, however, all seem to belong to Southern India. 
Ka!in«;a was a eonntry on the east coast, between the rivers Goda- 
^^ari and Mahanadi. The K^iula, P.iml\'a,'and Chota countries have 
^Wready been defined. The Ganga country w^as probably the Gan^a- 
^■rAdi province, in ^Mysore, which will be dealt with further on. Dnunila 
vms the Di-avida or Dravida country of the Pallavas, on tho eaet eoaet, 
with Kafichi, i. e. Conjeeveram, as ita capital, w^ith which, ai^aiu, we 
shall deal further on. And, as we have already seen, Yaijayanti was 
l^anawisi in North Kananv/ The Mutshaka eonntry seems, if tho 
name may be identified with the Mushika which occurs elsewhere. 
io be part of tlie Malabar Coast, between Quilon and Cape Comorrn.^ 
Aluka is anew name; but,- as it occurs as an epithet uf 'Sesha, tho 
chief of the serpent i-ace, it may possibly denote a liranch of tlie N%a8, 
who in early times were powerful in the moi^e western parts of the 
country that became included in the Clialukya dominions.^ Vattura, 

• Sw pogu 27 S ahnvo, not<^ 2. 

• bee M(Jn'uT-\VilIiai»i!«' Sawskrit Dictionary, b. v. wS^hika, 

• Id the part of the country with wliich we are dcalinK, there are many place-name* 
which, in my opinl-^n, ^ya rominjscencfs. — especially when the first couipuuent of the 
name is, nut fldv/c/, hat wdyarrt, — of the Naga mce, Anjon^r them, ia particulurly notu- 
W«'rthy the Ji;iK''"i'"akliaijda or ' (territorial) section of the Nij^na, ' wliich was a division 
of the Bana^'iui province (Jitd.Ant, Vol, XIX. p. 141), anil in inscriptions of the twelfth 
&iid tliirttvnth centuries A.D. i'* nientioncHl as a kampana, or sruaM disirift, contaiiung 
•eventy village* : it was 8ituate<1 just to the gonth of Addr in the Hanpal triluka, 
DhAnrar Di^trict,•on the other Hide of the river WanlA, and included TilawaJJi in tho 
Haugal tAlnka, and Yammif^anflr in the Kod tahika {Ctir/t.-Disa iTtAcrit. Vol I. 
p» HIS ; and P, S, and 0,-C. ftmcr.^. No, 1121 ; nnd iti the Ba]agamve inscription of 
VinavAiiitya (A.D. 680 to Oi) it is mentionetl by the PrAknt name of Nilyarkhanda, 
and as forming part of the govcniment of the ^ndmka chieftain Fugilli. . Thu 
Kd^arakhat;'Jai£ spoken of hy Bilhaiia {Vikramdiikudf'nu-harita, i. 68) ; and, teUin(?us 
tlxttt, wlien they left AyOilhy^, the conqucHts of the Chalukyas " in the sontheni region, 
where the hiteftree (j^niw?, " ejitendwl as far as Nag&rakiia|>dA, be seems to wish to con- 
nect the name with tlie word wd^a in the tsense of * the bctcl-plant. * Alao, an indication 
ia the «am« dirvction is given in a llarihar inscriptiun {P. S. and 0,-C, Insert.. No, 120), 
which wiy« tlat the NAgarakharwla " was ever bri^'ht with groves of /n/nndf/fl-trees, vf 
ndaa- attd rfiampaka-tro\.''». and of «<%«- creepers." But the first component of the nanie, 
n£jiira. hi;ing the Kannreye genitive plural muBculine, points disttiiictly to its denoting 
tho territuf.v of tho Naga peop!e»— The Ntigas evidently hatl, as their crest or token, 
the ttA'ta or cobra capella, wliioh, it niiiy be raenti(ino«l, is called in Kjmarcse, not 
nd^fdrhdpu, * the cobra-snake, ' hut jfd'/rtra-Adptf, ' the snake of the Nagas.' With the 
cxeeption of tlie present instance, they do not socm to appear in the local inscriptiona, 
under the nam© of Nagas, till we come tu tho time of the Sindas of Yelbarga {chap- 
ter VIII. below), s.mie of whose records aUot them to the NAga race. But the 
Si-ndraka* and the Ajtipas may po3«ibly liave biHsn NApas.— The Nagas figure inxmiinently 
in the ejvly hi:<torv of Eiaslunlr, as given in the Rdjalarathffint, In the Early Gupta 
period, we have the Mahdrdja Mahfitvuranaga, son of NAgabhatta, who is presnmabljr 
to W allotted to a Naga family or tri\>e {Gupta Itigcriptionit, p. 283) ; other chiefs of 
the ractv urc prokibly found in the Gai>i\patinAga, NAgadatta, and NApasC-na, who wero 
cmqucnxl hy Snnmdnigupta {id. pp. 12, i;^) ; ami an allusion to a defeat of the 
Ki^iu by Skaodagupta is poasibly given 'm the Junilgaklh iuscription {id, p. 62). Also, 


[Bombay Gazetteer ] 

Cbapter I. 

The Karly 

Tianie, and is plainly a Dr&viclian word : it has not yet 
; but, like Yaijayanti, it iknol^is a town or city, not a ' 

alsoj is n new 
iHiC'ii itlfntiflcd 

The record, however, whieh really etartsi us on our present inquiry, 
is an instn'i]itiou on m htonc-tuhlet at the Mt-o^uti tenijde at Ailioje, — 
the. fineicnt Ayyavole in Kanarese, and Aryapura in ^Sanskrit, — in the 
IJijapur District.' It is of the time of Mangalt'i;a's suooeseor, 
Pulikesin II.. and ia dated in A. D. 634-35. And from it we learn that 
the dominant families in tliis part of the country, whom the Chalukj-as 
first overthrew and dispos^Beseed, were the Majas, the Maiirya->, the 
Kfidambiis, andthe Katac-hchuris or Kalachuris^ and that in the neigh* 
lK)nrhoud of the kingdom whi<?b tliey thus estahlished, they shortly 
aftervvartls eamc more or less in hostile contact with the Gangas, the 
Atupas. the LiUas, the Majavas, the Gurjaras, the Ki'wr.alas, the Kalihgafi, 
the Fallavaa, tlie Cholas, the K^iulas, and the Paudyas. The territories 
of some of these lril>es have alreaily been denned. As much as ut 
known about the remainder of them will l>e \mi together in the follow- 
ing pages of this chapter, though some of it is connected mor6 directly 
with fiomewliat later times. 

Tbe Nalas- 

The Nalas are mentioned in connection witli KtrtiMirraaii I., wlw 
was the father of Pulike^n II. and reigned from A. D. 566 or 567 to 
5!}7 or 59.S. He is descrilwd as ** the night of destruction to the 
Nalas, the Manryae, and the Kadanibas." And again, in the Kauthi'ib 
grant of Vikramaditya V., dated in A. D. lUUJ,- and in some similar 
records wliieh also purport to give the history of the Clialuk^'as 
from the very commencement,^ he is spoken of as " destroying the 
habitations of the Nakis.^' Not miieh el Be is known about Nalas« 
But we have evidently the name of their territory, with probably an 
indieation that it lay iu the direction of Bellary and Kai-uul, in the 
Nalavadi viahdya which is mentioned in the copper-plato grant o£ 
Vikramaditya I. of about A, 1). 657.* 

The Mauryaa. 

The Mauryas^ ae we have just seen, are first mentioned in connection 
with Kirtivarman I. ; and they, also, are spoken of again in tiie Kauth 'ih 
grant, and the other records of that class, as haying been conquered by 
him. All the further information that we have alx)ut them, for the 
same early period, is a statement, in the Aibole inscription, that they 
were overwhelmed, in Uie Koukan/* by the armies that were sent 

TtTuraraja perbapB coTiquorcd tUo Nagas (i'h p. 208). Tlio Gnrjara cliicftain Dsidda 
I, clftltufl to hatve uproot «1 tliera (/«'/. Anf.Vi)]. XIII. pp. &4, IK)). And they nre 
poBsiblv menliont'd a.* iKjinc; defeated by Iho Eustera Clmhikya kin/? NarendramngarAjfi- 
Vijayailitya II. {id. Vol. XX. p. 101). Thi>y tUuii st'em to have lx>en spread, in early 
times, ovur more or less tlie whole of IiidJu. And they wt*ro probably an aborig' 
tribt' of more than usual im porta nco and power, 

J Ind, Ant. Vol. VIII. p. 1237, 

a id. Vol. XVI, p. 15. 

*i7. J/., the Minij prant of Jayasimha III., dated in A.D. 1024, and the Yeflf 
Aldr inscriptiouis of Vikrauiftditva VI., rIaUid in A.D. 1077 and 1U»I {Tud. Ant, 
Tin. pp. 10, 21). 

« Jo^r. Ba. Br, K, At. Soe. Vol. XVI. p. 226. 

« The original text [Ind. ArU. Vol. Vlll. p, 242, Une 10) has Kokkanithu, ' m t3 



9ral Chapters.] 



%gain<?t them by Pulikcsin II. It is not improbable that their capital 

is namo«l as " Furi. tht' jbjo.ldefis of fortune of the wostem ocean/' in tlie 

tci-m; immediately followinj^ that in which their Biibjugutionis recorded, 

Mid ilut this town is the Puri whiehj in the ninth and folluwinf^ ceiitu- 

nts A, D., was the capital of the feudatory prinees of the oortliern 

li-oiikay branch of the 'Silahira family, and was tlie chief town of 


The Early 

Sculun»s' — The term Konkan, though used in the Bombay Presidency in a more 
"anl »enst', denotes pf<iperly fht" whole strip of land Iving Ix'twtH'n the Western 
lU »nil the Afiibinn Sea. Tl e Western Oluiuts cuuunenoe at the valley of tho 
1 •'' ' 1 11 one poiut iif view, ihi-y did at PAlf,'hd5. at tbe wnith of the 

- Presidency. But, from miother point of view, they iiioliHlo 
. . _ — ii '.•ommence* on the south aide of llie Pftl^hA( valley; and ao 
'*Hiil.l run on to Cajjc Coniorin, at the noulhern point of the peninsula. — In 
-'■'. time*, there were teven diviniun* of the Konkaii, called the Seven Konkans ; 
Iw.f.irin.ijinfe. /ml, AnI. Vol.VlU. p. 18, and I\ S. and U.C. Iimcro, No. 123, lines 
55.i^^ (uu! >(j. ]>0, line 23 {Mi/oore /««t'/ <///;<//«, p]t. 32, 9H). They were explained 
to l*mf. H. H, Wili^on (set- A^intu' RriKarchen^ Vol. XV. p. 47, note) as bcin);; KOraJa, 
T<iJ»«i^ (rovariUhtra (which he identified with the modern U'>a), the Knnkan proper 
(iDOjiifij^^ I ,uppi»*e, KAtn%iri and TLdna), * KcrAtaha/ ' VaraUtta,' and ' lierlicra.' 
Awl»Vfr<e in Dr. (iundert's MalavAlam Dictionary, #. v. A'fi\7<i>irtMt,— for which I 
»"> indebtdl lo Dr. HuUxs^.'h, — enumerates them thns ; Kdrdam cha Virdtam chu 
^^f^itm Koniunam fathd Hnvyuifum Tav{nv*tm ch =aitm K'*rttluni ch -fti Miptakum, 
The l!«t (riven to Prof. Wilson, and the ver^e, may probably be aecepted, ns shewing 
Ajj^t K^rnjji and Tu}n, i.e. the MaluMr and SouthKanai^ Diatriets \u the M:idris 
'••■Wniey, really were reckoned anionfr^ the Seven Konkuti«, And tbi* verso uppeura 
to p/Mpfve a reminiscence of another of them, iu the nume Ilavyaga. But, otherwise, 
'^ - two enumeritiona seem very imaginative, Ep'igmpbie records shew that tho 
^' '•'■"■ Hiiyve, or Halve fiTe-hundri<<l, — correnpoiidirg probably to the North Kunara 
J' -i-i- 1. in Doiiiljtty.waa one of the seven divisions ; lhu«, a record of A. D. 11J2 at 
ii-ri^.'uiin" in Mysore, giving the myth alnnit the formation of the Konkan (which 
•WM to fcuilKxly the reminiscence of an actual upheavid llnit occurred within the 
iMBOCy of the present race of mankiod), and aiming at also giving the etymology of 
|Jv» b..ih1 i^.1|^ ,,g that Paraiurdma, tho son of Juniadagni and FltfiukA, liaving twenty- 
(■>■'■ I all the kings of tho earth, i,^. the KHhatriyas, gave the whole earth to 

til I i^, up to the (ihores of the ocean ; that then, considering that be himself 

•li(r.iM not dwell in the po*ises«iong of the Brflhminjis, he puabed back the ocean with 
Ihctipof hilt bow, and, when the wentern occiin would not give bim even isueh a trifle 
{kana) of wnter for his support, be took it by force, and, at the place wliere 
it, aeqitired, by a boon of the ginl Biva {Phanijui-kaukanri'turfiilr ; the 
is to feiva as wearitig a hooded serpent aa a bracelet), the Seven Koiikniis as 
bus pUro of Mlitj«le } and that llaive was, an it were, the bmcelet (kttJtkuna) of the 
luiy , the Konka?;, which was thus couiiidercil to bo ** the creation of Para^nrftmu '* 
{P. S t^ft't (J.-C Iiifcrg. No. 172, lines 15, 17 ; Alijtiore ItiscripfionJti p. 83), Next to 
tlic Haivc country, we may place the Koftkana nine-handretl, which wais a p<jrtioTi o£ 
1^ po»ae9Hiona of the KAdamba princes of Goa (chapter VIII. below), and «eem» to 
"ipve corft>»jK»nde<l pretty closely with the present territory of Goa ; this may, perhaps, 
ieidrotified with the Revattdnpa of the Aihoje inscription of A.D, ti3l-3o (//«/. Ant, 
Vol. VI 11. p, l'4,3). Next to the north must liave come the Iridige country, mentioned 
ifi record* or A.D. 7tH)and 7Uu-70(i (Ind. An*. Vol. IX. pp. I2i/, 132), which i* pkinly 
marked as one of the Seven Konkuii*, by iKung ciilled a nuthdaaptama or * great 
seventh:' thia must have uicluded the Sftwuiitwaiji State and the Ratniigiri District. 
I there must be placed the Kimkana fourteon-handred of the northern liilJlhAnii 
.cc«^ of the Konkan (chai>ter VI 11. below), which begun eomcw here about <!lmu,l or 
mwal, in the Koldha Di.strict, thirty mih>s ninuth of Hombiiy, and appears* to hava 
extcndt-d over the whole ot Koltiba, and TliAmi j thin wan also known a* the K.^panli- 
kadvlpa or Kavajlidvlpalttkh-and-a-qnarter country (chapter VIII. below). Ami on the 
north of thiii there was the L&i\ country, which (tee page 310 below) probably eoincidetl 
exactly with the modern Surat District, including such portions of the BarAda territory 
aa an* mixe<i up in it. We should thu;* have exactly seven acceptAble di^'isions of tho 
Konkau. But the subject is capable of further elucidation ; e«pocially if the KoAkau 
j^ V II ... -stolid beyond tho Malal>&r District, and so to include the Cochin and 
T -uiles: in the latter case, the seven divisions woulil probably correspond 

pr- ^ . with (I) Traviincorc and Cochin; (2) Malabar; (3) t^outh Kanara ; 

(4) North KanAn } (6) (ioa ; (tt) RatnAgiri ; and (7) Kol&ba, TMoa. and Surat. . 

[Bombay Gazetteer 

Chapter I. 

Tlie Early 

a territorial division known as the Konkana fourtoen-hundoxl :* 
oinnions have Ijeou expressed, identif}^nf]r it with Tli*ya, the chief town 
of theXI'*'.'* District, dose to Bombay, — with GbaripurJ or Elejihanta, 
an island, noted for its eave-tem|»leB, on the e^'ist side of the Bombay 
harbour, and about four miles distant from the mainland,— and with 
either Eajpuri in the Kolaba Agency, or Eajapur in the Ratna^ri 
District; but no conclusive identitication liae us yet been establisheU, 
And they were perhaps descendants of some branch of the Maur)-* 
djTiaBty of ratal i put i-a, whirh was founded by Chandraj^pta in 
the fourth century B. C. Other traces, also, of the ancient Mauryaa, 
or of persons who claimed descent from them, are forthcoming from 
Westera India.^ A prince ruuned Dliavala, of the Maurya Uneage, 
is mentioned in the Kaiiaswa inscription, of A. D. 733-39, in the 
Kotah State, Rajputana.* And nn inticription at Wajj^hli, in Khaudcbh, 
mentions a Maurya chief n^imefl Govindaiaja. with the date of A. D. 
IQ09, as a subordinate of the Yidava MahdinantltiU^vara or feudatory 
prince Seunachandra II. of the Senna country, and states that the 
original town of the Slauryas, or rather of his branch of the Maor3'a 
stock, was Valabhi, — tlie modem Wa!a,— in Suiashti"aor Ka^hiiwal.* 

» Ind, Ant. Vol. V. pp. 277, 280 ; Vol. IX. pp. 38, H ; and Vol. XIII, pp. 134, 187- 

' A reminiscence of tUem i» conUkincd in an in«cript)(m of A. 1). 1203-1204. »t 
' liamlaliki? ' iu Mvh«ip(?,^ tl owe an insprotion of ink-iniprensionii uf lliifl, and of the 
recunl mtntiout'it ju-^t after it, to the kmilutMS nf Mr. Kioo), — which, Aiming at 
a sacciiict iiccount of successive dyna^tii*!*, savi tlrnt the Nino N»n(1ii8> the OupUi 
family, ami the Maun a kings, ruled' ovor tho land of Kuntala j tJieti t ho llatt&s (i. r, 
RaHhtr*k(lfcA*) ; then the -Cbiiakvas } then Biijala, of the Kajacharj^a family; aiid 
then the Hoyiiaja king Vtiu-Ball&Ja 11. And an inscription uf about tliv Vwelfih 
century, lit KoppaWr in Mysore, speakii of the district that b«>re tho name of 
Kigakhoqdaka, ut, tbu N&garakhiu)il& country, as pr<it<ect«d by 'Hhe wise CbAndm* 
gupta, who was an abode of the excellent olwvn-anooH of the warrior caatfi," — rofei^ 
ring possdhly to the Manrya kinj? Chandragnpta, — \ U'gend about an imaginary king 
of t^Atuhpntra named Chaudragapta (twisted by Mr. Uice from itsreal purport, to 
as to iiiftku it refer to Chaiidragupta, th» grandfather of AI6ka) has been created— {\w^ 
long agn, or how rtnently, is not eletir) — among the JaitiH of 'Brava^^a-Belgoki, Bat, a« 
shewn by me cliiewhere (/W. Ant, Vol, XXI, p. l."»li}, there U no basis at all for 
, it in the SraraQa-Belgola ins^'riptiou, of about tho wventh century A. D., which 
contains the epitaph of the Jain toijoher Piabhftcluindra (for tho full text aud tranc* 
latton of thia record, ace Ep^jraphifi Indira , Vol. I V. p. 22) ; other iuscriptioua, of the 
ninth and following centorieH, which mention a person named Chandraguptd, give no 
hint wliatever in the direction of his l)eing a king, but, on the contrary, distinctly 
shew that he was dmply » Jain teacher, and refer in reality to a pontiff named 
Guptignpta; and, as far as present iuformHion g'KJ.*, the legend m question, — 
claiming to connect with Sravaqa<Be]go}a, not the great Chandmgupt« himself, Imt 
an othei-wise quite unknown graiulaon of hiit grandiioa A<-6ka, bearing the same 
name, — appears first in a Jain oompendinm, entitled lidjdoali-katiit^ pot together in tba 
present century ! 

» Itid. Ant. Vol. XIX, p. &fl. 

* JSp'hjnij}/iia In/firfi, Vul, II. p. 221.— Vahibh! is A rery well known plnce, being 
the capital of a ilyimaty of kiTigs who succewled the Karly Guptas in KAthiftwftd, — 
There in a n-fereuce to Vfilabhi, as a tirtha, in an inscription of approrimntely tba 
ninth century A. D.. at Awjt'>8liwftr In the FlAiigal tAlukn, DhirwAr District ; the words 
are — " he who destroys this, bL-comess (like) one who «omniit8 the five great »in» 
by destroying Bajabhi (»>. Valabhi), VA-rai^a^i, atid "Sriparv-ita." — Another reference 
to it, in a southern record, is contained in the Atakdr inscriptii^ of A. I>. 9^y-60, 
which muutionj* a fondatory of the Western Ofiiiga prince Perinftnadi-Bfltnga, named 
Ma«)aknita, of the lineage of Sagnra, to whom it gives, the heri««IitJiry title of " lonl 
of Va}abbi, the l>est of towns " {Kpi.frof^hiii iHr/k'n, Vol. II. p. 173). And the 
same title occurs again In a fragmentary inscription at Muttatti in the Tiroma- 
kddlu-Naraslpiir tftluka in Mysore lIiuKriptiomt in the Mvfore Jhttnet, Part I. 
No. TN. 12^ 

The Eadambas. 

i^The Kadatnbits, a^ain, are first mentioned in connection with the 
kin}^ Kirtivarmuu 1,, who is spoken of as breaking up their 

infederaey ; and hi:? oontpiost of Banawasi, which was their chief city, 
b referred to in all the copper- plate records that include his name, 
and also in the Mah;lkufa pillar inscription, where the name iigctl fui- 
the city is A'aijayanti.^ Two later familiep, — called, T^nth a slight 
difference in the first syllaUe of the name, Kadambas, — will Ijo noticed 
further on, in chapter VIII. And wc are concerned here with only an 
early family, which is known chieify from ten cop|ier-plate grants, of 
which seven were obtaineii at Halsi in the Khanapur tahika, Bel^um 
Ihstriet,* and three at Devagere in the Karajgi tatuka, Dharwar 
District.'* Their principal capital was undoubtedly Banawaj^i, which 
B mentioned in their recoi-ds hy the name of Vaij:iyanti : but Palasika, 
l\*. Halsi,* also was one of the important seats of their power, and 
Uehcha-ringi was another;^ and still another is mentioned, Tripar- 
Tmta, %vhich has not yet been identitied.* 

The Halsi gi-ants, which were the first to come to light, disclosed 
the Dames of Kakusthavarman and his descendants. But, though the 
carUest of tliem, speaking of Kakusthavarmati as a Tavamja^ she wed 
that be was not* the founder of the fanuly, yet none of them gave 

* Bea page 278 above, note 2. 
■» InJ. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 22 ff. 
« •</* Vll. p. 33 flf, 

* Lat, 15* sr, long. 74" 39' ; lo.iian Atlas, sheet No. 41,—' Ualse©.* 

* ThU place wa« idt^lifittl by Mr* Rice {Mysore Inscriptiona, p. xxxix») witli tke 
•clt-knowti Uchcha^giduiY in tin- Bt-Wkry District, Madriw Presidency, in lat. 14* 34', 
lung. 76* 7', about eleven miles to the north-enat from DAviii^gere in M.v«ore. Ahnut 
fifiy tnilM to llie cast by nortb from thia pkce, however, in lat, 11° 45', long, 
7tr 51', there Ls arjother Uchrbangtdurg, thn-e miles to the ea«t of Miilkalniura, in 
the I>»>*id«'^ri t&luka of the Chita Ulurg District, Mysore. A Katlamba inscription or 
legend U counecte<l with this ])Iace. And Mr. Rice (see hifl note on *' the Ediotn 
of A^6ka in Mysore ") seeiUii now more inclined to think that this mav be the ancient 
Uehcha*riripi.— A record of A. I>. 1170 at Harihar {P. S. and O.C. Insci'*. No. US; 
Mjft»re iugcrtpiicnM, p. 51) givea to the later K^dainba Ketarasa the hereditary title of 
**\,^.A ,.t T-1 r-lianglgiri." 

* HtJon haa been made to nic, — by Mr. K. B. Pathak, I think, — tlmt 
Tri; I he modern Mnrg6d, the chief town of the Murgfid raaliftl in the Tara^gatl 
tAhika. Hf Ig.uim Wstriot, There in some similarity in the names : for, the Sanskrit 
Tripnrrjitn moan* * three hills or mountttins y' while, in MargBd, {/S.Ui is evidently the 
Ku^ ■/. 'the iicak or sumrnit of a mountain,' and, though Mr. Kittt'l's 
Kui '.^h Dictionary gives no specific authority for saying so, miir may perhaps 

mil If/, ' three,' the long i of which is«hortened in ntunniru, * three hundred,, 
•id/u, * three feet,' siul a few other wordfi. But mur stands more probably for vtura 
mraX-rt, mitrakn, ' hent, broken, fragmentary.' And I am told that the name of 
Margod is, a« a fact, Sanskritised both as TriSringapura, ' the town of the three peaks,' 
and a* Bliinna-ringapora, 'tl/e town of the broken peak.' W urg6d liea below thewestera 
fa«je of a long range of low hill*, in wliich there are plenty of projecting hlufFs. I have 
not, however, he«n able to ace, anywhere near it, any features suggesting the idea of 
thr- 'ir hills or peak*, to be wnglwl out from the n-ist. And my own opinion 

18, ! vtttA TiiUKt be looked • for much further to the Booth, and somewhere 

Utv. liuts. — For Bome general rt-niarks by Dr. Bumell on the Sanflkritisiog of 

T«r as. Bee his Snufh^ Indian PaUtiogrdphy ^ecoml cd\t\oTi, ^. x. note 2. 

* . s' king.' The title st^-ms to have been always used to denote a person 
wht», having been telectwl by the reigning king as his uucceasor, was admitttnl mean- 
wliile to a shaft: in the adutiiiistration,— probably with a view to really securing tlie 


9 972-5T 

Chapter I. 

The Early 

Chapter I. 

The Early 

[Bombay Gaxett< 

any clue as to bow he came to be holding that rank, or indicatedl 
in any way how the family had riFen to power. This iDformat^al 
has now been Eujiplied by an interesting record, of the time of ?inti-| 
varnmn, obtained by Mr. Rice from Talj^uml in Mysore, i^hich 
gives the following account :' — 1 here was a family of lirihmans. 
HaritipntraBj ami born in the Mauavya gotra, who always plan* 1 
the kaiiimiba-ti'ee (Nauclea Cadamba) in tire neighbourhood of tJ l 
houfes, and carefully tended it. ¥Tom this, the family came to be 
known aB the Kadambo family. And in it there was bom a certain 
Mftyurasarnian/ who went, with his preceptor Virasarman, to the 
city (or a city) of the Pallavae,^— having a deeire to master, in a very 
brief time, the whole of the eacred writings that are designated by the 
term pravarhana. He was interrupted, in his studies, by a great com* 
motion in the stables of the Pallavae. And. enmged at this, he set b^m- 
eelf to shew that, even in the Kali age, Brihmans could be as powerful 
ae the members of the warrior and regal caste. He applied himself 
to war,— coni|iiei"ed the guardians of the frontier of the Fallava kings, 
— establifihed himself in a forest, difficult of access, in front of the 
Srfparvata mountaio/ — and levied taxes from the Banas and other 
kings. The kings of Kanchi, Le. the Pal lavas, sought to overthrow 
biro, and attacked him in many battles when he was marching through 
difficult country, and by surprises at night when he was encamped. But, 
With the *' veiy ocean of an army " that he had got together, he destroyed 
their foices, atd brought them low. And, at last, the Pallava Icings, 
recognising bis prowess and ancestry, thought it better to make friends 
with him ; and they conferred on him the paft'ihamlha or binding oi 
of the fillet of sovereignty, and gave him a territory on the shore ol 
the western ocean, witJfi a promise tliat it should l>e free from invasion 
His son was Kanguvarman. His son was Bhagiratha. His son wa- 
Baghu, who " made the (whole) earth subject to his family,'''— of whicl 
the meaning seems to be, that he first placed the power of the famil 
on a really iiiin and wide footing. And his brother was Bhigiiaih 
who established his reputation under the name of Kakusthavajman 

« This inscription ha* not boen published jet, Mr. Rice, however, wm kin*' 
enough to bring it to my notice, and to nend an ink-impre8«ion of it for my p«ru«a^ 
- One point of interest in thi* record is, that the character are of tho "box-beaded ' 
type, like thoic uwd m theEra^ inscription of Kamudragupta and in tho Nacbne-kilalll 
and biwanl VilcaUk* records {Gupta Inscription,, 'p^. 18,233,243). Ihe Kontitli 
mscnption of Dam6dar», noticed a little farther on, i« in the same characters. th« 
only other record m - box-l^eadtd " charttcters in this part of the country, kno*-n 
to me, 18 a fragmeiitarif mscnpticn on a sculptured stone at a temple at Sa*u«t near 
Bfiwnda, m the KOlhfipur Hate. The acnlptun; reprownts a woman on a funeral pvre 
And lh« mscnplion records that the st^oo was set np by a priace, whoM naiD« » 
bpuken a«ay, m affectionate memory of hi« wife Palidft\'I, 

' This h, douhtjesa, the origin «f the name of the thrce-eyed and four armed MarAiv 
varamn, the Mukka^ga-Ivadamba of one inscription, whom the tradition of the Uier 
Kfldambfts of Banaw&ai and Hingal placed at tin* head of their gcnealcgy (chapter Vlll. 
below).— The tradition of the Kadambas of Go« dirived thnr origin from the threc-md 
and fonr-armcd JnyautA, otherwise called Tril^-hana-KAdamha, who sprang from a 
drop of Bweat that fell to earth near the roots of a huiamba-lt(^ from the forehead of 
the gjxl Biva after the conquest of Inpuia (chapter VJII. below).- Mr. Hic« savs 
that the Aflrf^jmftfl-trce appears to be one of the palms from which toddy is extract^ 

' The record does not mention any names of individual Pallavav. 
* i. f„ I suppose, the Brljaila hill. 

General Chapters.] 



The inscriptioTi finally records that Kakusthavarman caused a large 
ik to be built at Stbinakundara {i.e. Talgund), or at a temple 
\re, ** which had been reverenced in faith by Sitakarni, or by the 
tkarnis, and othersj^^ and that the record itself was composed and 
kved by a jierson named Kwbja, at the command of Kakustha- 
\^s son 'Satitivarman. From this record and tlie Halsi and 
_ tre grants, we obtain the genealogy ehewn on page 289 

Tbeir describe the Kadambas as meditating, and as anointed 
(Id sovereignty) after meditating, on the god Svami-Mahas^na, i. e, 
Kirttikdya, the god of war, and on the assemblage of his mothers; ^ 
as belonging to the Minavj'a <jotra or clan;'^ and as Imng Haiiti- 
patras, or descendants of an original ancestress of the Harita gdtra,^ 
And one passage appears to 6^>eak of them as descendants of the 
todeat sage Angiras.* The seals of some of their grants bear an 
emblem which appears to be a dog."* 

Of Kakusthavarman,^ we have one grant, from Halsi/ dated, with- 
oot further details, in the eightietli victorious year, and issued from 
Pati^ika. In it, he has the title of Yuvarajaf but no indication is 
given as to the name of the reigning king, — who would be his father 
or elder brother. It records that, as a reward for saving himself, he 
granted a field, at a village named Kh^tagrdma, to the Sendpati or 
General Srutakirti, 

Of Mrige^avarman,' we have three grants, all issued at Vaijayantt. 
Onej from D^vagere,"* is dated in the mouth Karttika (Oct.-Nov,} m the 

^ Ko, »lao. iho Tfijgund inscription says that ShadAnann (Karttikdya, as being 'bIx- 
fftoed') anointed Maydralarman (to ftovemgnty) after he bad meditatod on SdnA])ati 
(Kirtlik^va, as 'the general') and the Mothfira.— The mothers of K&rttikeya are the 
Pleiades [KrittikAh), who reared him from the seed of ISiva, which waa first thrown 
into the firv, and then was received by the Ganges. From this he derived the epitltet 
of ahaniitdtui a, ' having six mothers,' as well as his name of Kdrtttk^ya. — The Cbalukyas 
alao are described, in somewhat similar terms, as meditating on the feet of Svimi- 
Mahisdna. Hut the ruft^rence to the Pleiades in uonnection with them is diifereut, and 
will bs commented in its proper place. 

* See pifge 278 above, note 1. 

'In the grant of the third year of Mpg^^avorman, the first component of the word is 
Ifdriiif with the short t in the third syllable ; and, g^roraatioally, Hdritipvtra is 
ptfbaps more correct than Hd'^iftpufra : bnt in the other Kadamba records the woni 
U H^ritiputra^ with the long ( in the third syllable ; and this form was also nsed 
preferentially by the Western Chalukyas. — As regards the ^iWra-namo, see page 277 
i-e, note 5. 
Jnd, Ant. Vol. VII. p. 35, t*xt^ line 4.— Whether this indicates a sohdiyision of the 

i^y^ ff6tra, or what may be the meaning of the expression, I am not able to say,— 

▼arions texts speak of Angirasa-Hilritas, who were descended, through Ikmhv&ku, from 
Manu, the son of the Sun (see Wilson's TratislatioH of the Vishnu- Purdna, Hall's 
cditioo. Vol. III. pp. 230, 231, 26D, 2{»0, and Muir's Original Santlrit Ttjds, Vol. I, 
p. 285), * 

•^ •,./ r..> vr. pp. 33, 25, 29. 

*■ occurs both as KAkustliavannan, and as simply E&kugtba, — The correct 

Sail (ig is K^kutsthji. 

' iud. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 23. 

* See pa^jc il65 above, note 7. 

* Hi* name also occurs as simply Mrig^'a and MrigeSvara ; and In one instance, ir» 
ymiBfi »s Mng6?avaravarman. His fatlivr's name occurs also as BAntivaravannan i oncw 
In a metrical passage, and once in prost'. 

>' l„d. Ant. Vol Vn.p. 3,^. 

Chapter T. 

The Early 

Chapter I. 

The E:iily 

I Bombay Ga«etteei 

third year of his reign, in the Pansha samvahara ;* and it records a 
j^'rant'of land, at a villain? named Briliat-Paralur, to " the god», the 
supremo ArhatK/"- Another, also from D^vag-ere,* is dated in the 
eiffiith fortnight of the rainy scai^on in the fourth year of his reiijn, 
witliout any refei-ence to tho cycle of Jupiter ; and records that a 
village namod K^lavang^ was divided into three portions, whicli were 
^ven, one to ** the gods, — the divine Jrka't or Arhaln, and the great 
Jiiiendra/^ one to tlie commnnity of the ascetics of the 'Sv</tapa|a sect, 
and one to the community of the ascetics of the Nii*grantlm sect. And 
the third, from Ilalsl,* is* dated in the month Karttika (Oct.-Xov.) in 
the eighth year of his reign, in the Vai^<ikiia ^amvafsnra ; and re;- 
that Mrigesavai-man t-aused a temple of Jina to be kiilt, and gave s :i. 
land to t!ie divine ^rA((^^, for the Yiipaniyas, Xirgranthas. and Kui-cha- 
kas. at Palasika, In the gi-ante of his third and fourth years, Mrigt^ 
savarman lias the paramount title of MaftArdja, which in Southern 
India, at this time, still retainefl its orijiinal jiaramount meaning." 
In the latter, his name ocem-s t\nce as Viiaya-^iva-Mng4*a\'arman; 
on account of which it has been suggested that lie is the Mahdrdja 
'isivakumira, who is mentioned by BAhtchandra, in his introductory 
remarks on the PrdUifilasttra, as having for his pi^eceptor the well- 
known Achdrya Padmanandi-Kurujakunda." In the grant of his 
eighth year, it is said that he overturned the lofty Gahga family, and 
was a fire of destruction to the Pallavas. 

Of llavivarman/ wo have two grants; one, from Halal,* not 
dated^ records various Jain ordinances that were established by him 

' This is one of the tarn vattara* or y curs of the twelve-yoarcycli? of the planet Jupit'T. 
— Fnran eipoflition of the cycle by Mr. Slmiikar Bulkrishtm Dikshit, sec my <;^/'^l 
//wrn/>f*>«*, IntnHluPtion, p. 161,* Ajipfmlix III., ttiid Intl. Ant. Vol. XVII. j;. 1 
312. — In thii data's in tho Gupta inscriptions, thu ywir» are ilett-rmini-d by the Ik 
risings of the planet itnd the nakuhatra m which ht* is at eucb such risinp : nu-I ilu 
njiiiifs of tlunn alwavi have the prefix maJiA {-rtuihaf), ' great ;' tlm*, Mahi-Air»\-nja, 
Mah.i-Chaitm, Maha-Maghfl, and MahA-Vai§;lkha. From tho ubtcnce of this prtfix in 
the If rants of Mrigciavarman, lam incUntHl to conuitltT that the reference hen; is t^J 
anolhor system of the cycU', for whiehthe ytinrs are detenninwl by the iiastuij^e'of JnpiUir 
among the signsi of the zwlian", and the month-name i« taken, accordinj: to his p{<sl ' , , 
as the name of the year. If so, the present r^ords give the earliest epigr. 
instanoes, as yet obtaineti, of the use of the twelve-year cyclo according to eitb' 
mean-sign or the appttrent-*ign Hvsteni. — It would appear (ace an article by Prof 
horn in the /W. Anf, Vol, XXIL p. 83) that the graramarian H^maehaudra \- 
interpret such terms as Paunha ietfkvnt-Hara, VaiiAkha eatnmtiara, Ac,, as dcnutuig 
«hniin:u'y luni-solar years in which Jupiter happens to rise in the rial-»Aa/r<w I*nshyau 
Visakhri, &.C. But this does not seem appropriate and admissible, in the ftico of the 
nuqiM'slionable use of Jovian ycare not coinci^ng with the luni-solar years. 

* The word Ar/uit denotes, among the Jains. ' a superior divinity,' 
3 /w(i .4n/. Vol. VII. p. 37. 

« i<l. Vol. \h p. 24. 

»St)e/«rf. Attt.Vol.liX. pp.305, 307. Tl»o title means lit^'Pally 'great kin|j,' 
— The actual expressions are, Mah<3rdja iu the earlier grant, and dharma^MuhArdja in 
the other. The latter moans " a Mahdrdja by, or in ru&pect of. religion,'* and may be 
reudiredhy "a pious, or righteons, Mahdrdja" But wlmt it actually denote* is, "a 
Mahdrdja who, at the particukr time of the rcconl, wa* engaged in an act o£ roligiou 

* By Mr, K, B. PHthak ; Ind. Aut^^ol, XIV. p. 1.'.— Hut. according to tb.- "nt- 
idpaii of the Saiusvatl-Gachohha, Kundakunda becauiL- pontilT in H. C 9 (/««/. 

Vol. XX. p. H5t). And this is altogether too ancient a period {>t the fclurly Kad. 
' His name occur* alio a« siuiplv liivL 
"iW. ,-!/*/. Vol. VI. p. 25. 

(Anotlier sod.) 

(Another sou.) 

Ravivarman, Bhamavarjnan. 'Sivaratba. 

at Pal4^k4. mcludiBg pronsion for the celebration, every year, on the 
full-moon day of the mcmth Karttika (Oct. -Nov.}, of the ei^^ht dayfe' 
festival of the jjod Jinendra ; and the other, alBO from Halsi/ and 
not dated, records a grant uf land to tlie god JinOndra. The latter 
elates that he conquered Vii^hrniVarraau and other kings, and over- ■ 
turned Chandadatidaj lord of Kailelii ; and thns settled himself 
firmly at PalaiSika. In addition, the Ualsi grant - issued hy Bharm- 
A-arman, recording a gift of some land at Palasika to the Jains, ia 
dated in the sixth fortnight of tlio cold season in the eleventh year 
of the reign of Ravivarman. Like his piedeceBgors, he had the 
paramoant title of Mahdrdjti .^ 

Of Harivarman, we have two grants. One, from Ilalsi/ dated 
in the month Phalguna (Feh.-Mareh), in his fourth year, records 
that, at Uchchasringi, at the ad\'ice of his paternal uncle 'Siva- 
ratha, he gave a village into the possession of the Beet of ^'ari- 
eheuacharya of the Kurcliakas, for the purposes of a shrine of the 
Arluit which had Ijeen built at Palasika by a certain MngiS^a, son of 
the Stndpaii Simha of the Bharadvaja (jotra. The other, also from 
Ilalsi,^ dated, without further details, in his fifth year, records that, 

» Iftd. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 30, 
« ibid. p. 1:7. 

3 Ihtt I'xactcxpresBionsare, Maftdidjn in one of the gTrants of liis son Hurivannau, mut 
dfinnnn- M ahdrdja (^-v page 268 above, note S) in tLo charter isttuud by iJh.-umvarumu. 
* /«//. vlHf. Vi»l. VI. p. 30. 
« ilmt, p, 3], 

Chapter I. 

The Early 


[Bombay Gazetteer 

at Pali4ikA, and by the retjuest of Bhinu^lcti of the Sendraka 
family, he allotted a village for the purposes of a Jain temple which 
belonged to the community of ascetics called Aharishti. In both of 
his grants, he uses the paramount title Makdrdja. 

One of the Devagere grants ^ gives us the names of a Kadamba 
MahArdjtj Krishuavarman,- and of his son, the y'u I'ur^; a Devavarman, 
As the other giants do in the case of Kakusthavamian and his successors, 
it descriljcB Kri&huavarman as anointed ^to sovereignty) after meditat- 
ing on the god Swaini-Maha^ena and on the assemblage of his mothers, 
and as belonging to the Manavya gotra. It asserts that he celebrated 
the asuameitfta-BSLcn^ce} And it gays that he enjoyed his heritage 
after attacking sorae chieftains of Naga descent.* The charter w«e 
issued by D<5vavamian, at Triparvata. And it records the gift of 
same land to the YApantya communities, or to the members of the 
laj^janiya conun unity, for the purposes of a temple of the dirine 

Closely connected with the preceding, must be another copper-plate 
grant, which was obtained by Mr. Rice from Banahalli in the Kadiir 
District, Mysore.^ It gives us the names of a Kadamba Makdrdja 
Yishrjiuvarnian, — his son, the Mahdrttja Krishiiavarman I., — his son, 
the Makdrdja Siiiihavarman, — and his son, the Mahdrdja Krishna- 
varman II., who may very possibly be identical with the father of 
Dcvavarman mentioned alxrve. And it records that, in the seventh 
year of his reign, Krislinavarman 11. granted to a Brahman a village 
named Kolanallura, in the Valja\i viahaya. 

Another copper-plate gmnt, obtained by Mr. Rice from Kudgere 
in the Sliiraogga District, Mysore, gives us the name of a Kadamba 
Mnkdrdja Vijaya-^iva-Mandhatrivarman, who, at Vaijayanti, in the 
second year of his reign, granted to a Brahman some land at a village 
named Kodala. 

And finally, an inscription at the falls of the Ghatparbha near 
KoyniV in the Gokak taluka, Belgaum District,* has brought to notice 

• Ind. Ant. VoL VII. p, 33. 

'•^ Hifi name appears abo aa simply Krishna. 

' A cerriDony which centrul in ft home, mnd was concluded ikfter the velccted stMd 
had been turned loose for a yoar, to roam about at ynH, goarded by armdd men. The 
cereition V appears to have ended Hometimes in the actual immolation of tlie borae, hut 
lotnetiuies only in keeping it hound during tlie celebration of the final rite*. The 
Bucoeufnl celebration of a hundiwl airamfdha« waa supposed to raise the saorificer to 
a level with the god Indra, — The Early Gupta inHCriptiong aay that Samndragapta (about 
the middle of the fourth century A. D.) restored the tftiuowiA/Aa-Racrifice, aftta- it had 
been for along time in aht-yance'.— Mr. K« B. Pathak isce Ind. ..i»/. Vol. XIV. p. 13) 
has takiMi KriKhpavanniin and hit son to be Jaina by religion ; and ha« expressed the 
opinion that the reference to the ati>atn<1f2Aa-aacrtfice shews that Krishiiavamian wma 
orii|^DaUy a fullovcor of Brithmai^am, and embraced Jainism in the latter part of his 
life. But, Buch was the religious toleration in these early times, that the mere fact that 
the grant was niatle to Jains d<** not necessarily pnive that Krish'ijavarmao and 
Df'vavarman were themselves of that religion. I do not find anytiiing conclnsire in 
the record, in support of that view. And the reference to Sw4uii-Mahas«na 
Mothers of maukiud, and, still more, the clairo to belong to the M&iiavya gitr 
opposod to it. 

* See page 281 above and note 3. 

* Seo Irufcriptiom at Sravutui-Belfjiola, Introd, p. 15. — Mr. Rice having kindly sent 
me the original plates for inspection, I quote from my own reading, 

• I»ff, Ant, Vol. XXI. p, 0<j. A point of interef.t about this record is, that it i»j 
in the *' box-headed '* chamctcrB Iscc page 286 above, note ])» 

U'man and . 
inclusive in ■ 
na and tbcj 
^m, 8«eu^fl 

General Chapters.) 



moother Kadamba Dame, that of Danif dara, and may perhaps indicate 
ibe point to the north-east, to which the Kadamba territory extended. 

The precise date of any o£ the Kadambas is not yet known. Their 
records contain no reference to the "Saka or any other era, and are, 
with one exception, dated only in regnal years; and neither from 
them, nor from any other genuine earty records, can any names or 
facts be obtained, tending to establith definite synchronisms with 
other kings whose dates are knr-wn.^ The exception to the dating in 
regnal years, is in the grant of Kaloistliavannan, which is dated m the 
•igfatieth victorious year. The year purports, by stnct translation, 
to be his own eightieth yea,r. But it cannot be the eightieth year of 
his Yuiardja-shi^p j and, even if such a style of dating were UBual, 
it can hardly be even the eightieth year of his life. It must, there- 
fore, be the eightieth year from the fKitfahandha of his ancestor 
MayiJravarman, whith is mentioned in the Talgtind inscription.'-^ This, 
however, helps us no more towards arrivang at any definite date. As 
reeaide the more general question, — that all <hehe rwords are ctf de- 
cidedly early date is proved, partly by the palseographie standard of 
tbem, partly by the mention of the twelve-year cycle of Jupiter in two 
of Mrig^savArraan's grants, and partly by tlie references to the eighth 
fortnight of the rainy season in the grant of hie third year, and 
to the sixth fortnight of the cold season in Bhanuvarman's grant, 
"which shew that, in the period of these records, the priiuitive divipion 
of the year into three seasons only, — not into six, as now, — was 
Btill followed.^ On the other hand, the reference to a Satakarui, or 
the Satakari^is, in the Talgnnd inseriptioe. may eventually be used 
to fix the earliest period to which the Kadanilxas may be referred. 
But here, again, it still remains to determine which of the tratakaryie 
is meant; and to fix his date. At present, aU that can be safely said, 
is, that the Kadambas are to be referred approximately to the &ixth 
cent\iry A, D. 


The Early 

' The<« might be & UmptJltion to arrive at some very definite fixtures, by identify- 
ing the ChaiwladaDda, lord of K.^Achl, who was overtlirciwn by Ravivarman, with the 
rallavtt kiriR UgnuJavi*l^^'«adit,>a-rarani<*'i.vajavRniian who \va« a contemporary of the 
Western Chalakya kinp ViknimAditya I. in the period A. V. 655 to 680 {see further on in 
tbis rhiipttri. But this would plate the KadamhM too late.— Mr, Rice has allotted the 
•peoifl^ daict of A. D. -120 or -138 to Krinhnavannan (father of D^vavarnian), A. D. 
688 to KlknuthaviirTnaii, A. D. 6*0 to Mrig^Savamian, and A. I>, &'>\] to Bhiiiiuvannaa 
(r.y», iiy»ijrt luMcriptiotu^ Introd, pp. xxxvii., xxxix, and Coorg I/ucrijjtiont, Introd. 
p. 8, note b). But these dMte« depend simply on the statement, in the Western Qangft 
grants, that th« tislcr of a Koilamba king named KnAhnarannan wa« given in marriage 
to the Oanga king Madhava II., whose reign is acc«pU-d by Mr. Rice, on the authority 
of the tame record*, {u hAviii|^ ende<l in A.D. 425, And, as the 4>angn records in 
qa««ti<m are spurious and worthies* for any historical purposes (sec furtlher on in this 
ehlHfter), no dates can be fixtrt by means of tlu'ui. - The daU> of .A.D. 4 3. -^ for Krikhi^a- 
TEnaui was, in fact, arrived at by myself,— from the spurious Oahga n>conl« (sec Ind. 
Ami. Vol. VI. p. 23) ; but this wu before I had advanced in epigraphy sufficiently far 
to recognifio their true nature. 

* It has been snggecstcd (//*</. Anf.'Xo\, XIV, p. 13) that it is the eightieth year 
from the conquest of the NApas by Krishpa\-ariiiau ; from which it would follow that 
K&kuathavarman and his descendants wore f^uWequent to Krishtjavannan and D^vavar* 
man. Bat this is quite diitpofed of by the Talgund record. — While, on the one hand, 
KpflbpaTorman cannot now be placed Iwfore K^ku<tbavanuan's lino, so also there ia 
no reason for placing him aft«r it. The atatement, in the Aiho)e inscription, that 
KirtiTonnan I, broke up the " »aseml»lag© or collection, " i.*'. the " confederacy, " of 
the Kad&mbac, indicates that there weru two or three synchronous reigning branches 
of the family. 

' See page */79 above, note !• 

Bombay Qftietteer 

Chapter I. 

The Ettily 

The Sendrak&8. 

An incidental rcforeuce in one of the KadamliH -reconls has iniro* 
diu'wl us to the SGndraka family, of >\hioh the reprosentative in llaii- 
varujan's time wju* Hhanusakti. Wc have a'so the following informa-J 
tiou aljout this family : — The Chiphra giant, from the Rat-nagiri 
DiBtrict/ of the Western Chalnkya king Pulikesin II. (A. D. 60J 
6i2), mentions the Sundnika prince Srivallabha-Setanandaraja as bifl 
mateiTial uncle. A grant from Bagumra in the Nausari Diatrict of thai 
liaikwai'V territory/ giving a phort genealogy of iScndi-aka princes,! 
farnij-het< the names of Hhajiusakti ;" his son, Adityasakti; and hia 
Bon, Pritliivivallabha-Nikumblianasakti, with a date in the year 4U6j 
whi<h, ri'fenod to the Kalachiiri or Chedi era/ ffll in A. D. 055. Thfl 
grant of the tenth year of the Western Chalnkya king Vikramaditya 
I., obtivined frnrn the Karyul DiBtrict in Mjvdius, and belonging to] 
ftl)ont A. D. ♦^►3 i, records tliat he bestowed the village of Ratlagiri atj 
the request of the J^dja Devajsakti of the Scndraka family.^ Ands 
int-criptiou at Bahigariive, in Mysore.* thews that the S^ndraka Mahdnijai^ 
Pogilli was a feudatory", of the Western Clialukya king Vinayaditya 
(A.D. 6t>U to b'J7), — that hla government comprised the Nayarkhayia 
district, j. c. the Kagarakhayila divit-iun of the iianavasi province,* and 
the village of Jedugdr or Jedugilr," which may jjcrhaps be identiiied 
with Jedda in the Sorab taluka, hhimogga District, Mysore, — and, pro- 
iKibly, tiiat the crest of the Scndi-akas was an elephant. Further, in 
connection with a Saty&^raya who is [H'obably intended to be Pulik<^sin 
II., one of tlie Laksbmeshwar inscriptions gives the name of Durgasakti, 
ton of Kundasakti, son of Vijaya^akti, in the race of the Scndra kings, 
who are allotted by tliis record to the lineage of the Bhujag^dras or 
berpent kings. ^"^ 

' EpifjrapJtia Indira, Vol. III. p. 60, 

^ Iwl. Ant. V..1. XVIII. p. 2(j.>. 

' Not to bo idfiilifiwl with the llliAnufiakli who is meutionctl just aborp« 

* For tlif I'poih uf this em, sw i'rcif, Kidlioru's paper, Ind. AiU, Vol. XA*1I. p. 215.1 
^Jm,r. Ho Br. R A». Soc. Vol, XVI. p. 228. 
«/«*/. A lit. Vol. XIX. J). 14*2. 

^ hy ihxA tiiirK*, tlic title Mahdrdja bad loftt ita paramount application. 
" ^W pagt! 281 above, in*to 3. 

* Duriiiji this iiLriiKi of the alpbabot, and for a long time afterwards, it Is 
iin|xit(xihU', in Kanarcsc namefi of porsoiii^ nnd ploci'St ^'O distinguish betwueii tb 
ibiitnl (/ and tho IJnpial d, and to decide whether the vowck e and o, and s.- 
nre h)it^ or <iht^rt. uidess some idea can be fonned as to the etymology or iil 
of them. In hucb cases, it In my prarticf, with names that remaiu douhtfal, i u^, 
(liotal d und the sh^>rt vowt'ls, iRCimsc the distinguishing marks can lie »ub»eaa 
a4ldc<«I »n raBily, if required. — Tliis sbnnkl ht' taken ns a general note, which will 1 
constant annotation and repetition. It applies also to Q few ordinary wordg, not name 
whieh euTuiot be found in dieiionaric^i, or eannot be eonnectwl with wonU that are to 1 
found in them. — The «anie dilRculty occurs in another detail also. There ih never i 
confnsittn between the simple t and d (whether represented by its own sign, or by ( 
But, when they occur in comj^»o«itiun with the », it is often imposaibk* to decide whethtj 
the cnrnpiiund mcanK «£ or lui ; except, of course, in well-known words, such 
Saaakrit ituintlahi, and the Kanarese j?<i/HM?i^i/fl, 

10 /m/. AnL Vol, VIL p. 110, the second part of the inscription, lines 51 to 61.- 
This statement r*«rtttiuly suggests (see Mr. K. B. Tatbak's remarks, Ind. Ant. Vol. XI V^ 
p. 14, note 10) that the Sfindrakas were of the Naga race, as regards which 
remarks at page 2S1 abovo, note S. But, if so, theu why docs Pogilli's inscription 
BajngAmre bear the emblem of an elephant, and not of a cobra capclk ? It mu 
be remeuibcTtnl that, however authentic may \k the contents of it, this I^aluhtni^fthw 
inscription was not engraved till after A, 1>, 967.^ It has bcor '^•i<.u(f]>t («ee //k/. 

Cfreneral Chapters.] 


The Katachchuris or Kalachoris* 

The Katachchiiri8 are mentioned in connection ^^^th Mangal^sa, who 
waB the younger brother of Ktrtivarman I., and reigned from A.D. 597-98 
to 608 ; he is deecribed as " obtaining as his wife, in a bridal pavilion 
Ibat was the battle-field, the lovely woman who was the goddess of the 
fcffttmes of the Katachchuris," — i.e. as conquering them.* Whether 
thifi form of the name is due only to a mistake of the writer or engra- 
ver of <he record, in forming fa instead of la in the second syllable, 
or whether it is an authentic variant, the Katachchuris are, undoubtedly, 
I biauth of the same stock with the Kalachuris of the JDaliala or Chedi 
Wnntry in Central India, whose power, afl shewn by the epoch of their 
own special era, dated back to A. D. 24i9.^ A closer approach to the 
ctbtomary form of the name is to be found in the Kautheth grant of 
A, D. 1009, in which Mangal^ is deecribed as " the lord, by force, 
rf the royal fortunes of the Kalachehuris." ^ And a Sanskritised 
fcnn of the name, Kalatsuri, occurs in Mangalosa^s pillar inscription 
»t Mahikilta.* As, in their later records, the Kalachuris of Central 
Indtt represent themselves as descended from Sahaera-Arjima or 
SahaerabAlm-Arjuna,* there is possibly an early reference to them, as 
the Arjunayanas, in the list of frontier kings who, according to the 
Allahibid pillar inscription^did obeisance to Samudragapta.* Traces of 
them have been obtained through the copper-plate grants, from the 
oeighboarhood of Jabalpur in the Central Provinces, of the feudatory 
Mahdrdjns Jayanatha and ISarvanatlm of Uchclmkalpa, which refer 
themselves to an unnamed era that must be the Kalachuri or Chedt era, 
and the dates of which range from A. D. 423 to Wl.'' And further 

Vol, XVHI. p. 266) that a S^ndmka \a named among the witnesses at the end of the 
•poxioos Merkftra grant of AvinJta-Kongaiji {id. Vol. I. p. H65). But the word there 
is Sdndrika j not S^adraks. And wbatcvpr it may be, — whether a proper name, or part 
of the name of a district, — the reference i« of no citable value ; exactly the same pas- 
age oecuTB both in this apuri9QS Merkara grant of the year S88, and in the equally 
■Tmrioaa grant of Arivarman (/. e. Harivarmaa) of 'Baka-Samvat 169 expirMl {id, 
VoU Vin. p. 215). 

1 OrigiuaUy I thought that the posflage containing; these words {Ind, Ant, VoU VIII. 
|k. 211, text line 6) iacladed also a reference to a victory over a low-caste aboriginal 
tHb« named Matangaa,— analogous to the Dommaa or Gipsies, who figure so largely in the 
tJA^aramgini, and whom we find with a recognised king, or wmilar leader of conn* 
deAble power and importance, in Southern India in A. D. 1162-63 {id. Vol, XI. p. 10). 
Bnt, examining the vase again, I consider that the components of it are connected 
in aiieh a way that the word mAtanga ttingt be taken (o denote the " elephanta " of 
Uie Katachchuris. And a hint in the same directton is given in the Nerdr grant of 
'nl^ia, which deaorihes th'e Kalachuri king, the conquest of whom is there men* 
n> M *' poas«sied of the power of elephants and horsea and foot'soldiors and trea- 

t See Prof. Eielhom's paper on the Epnch of the Kalachuri or ChMi era {Ind, AnU 
Vol. XVIL p. 215), which proves thnt the epoch or year of the era wa« A. D, 248-49, 
■nA ibe first carrent year was A.D. 249-50. 

» Jnd, Ant, Vol. XVI. p. 22, text line 23, To suit the metre, the short a of the first 
agrllable is here lengthened. 

« itU VoL XIX. pp. 10, 16. This rendering of the name tends to shew that it was 
ofiKinally spelt with the doable cA. 

•JMgraphia Indiva, Vol. £1. p. 14 ; see abo Ind. Ant. Vol. XII, p. 253. 
I • ^tpta Lucrijftwns, p. M, — An early coin of the Arjunftyanas is figured in Prlnsef^i 
Wttmt, Vol. II. p. 223, Phite xliv., No. 29. 

f uL pp, 117 to 135.— The datos were originally referred by me to the Gapta era; 
aa re^rds the ptopcr reference of them to the Kalftchuri era, see Jnd. Ant. Vol. XIX, 


Chapter t. 

The Early 


rSombay Oazetteer 

Ch apte r I. early references to them arc probaLly to be found in the grant, from the 
The Early Khand^h District, of tlio Mahdrdja Rudrada8a, which is perliape dated | 

Dyniwtiea. in the year 118 of an unspecified era;' in the giunt, from the Sur 

District, issued from the victorious camp at a place named AmraldL, 
the TraikCitaka Mahdrdja Dahmst^ua, dated in the year 2U7 of an 
Bpecific'd era ; - and in t!ie ^rant from Kanheri, near Bombay, vhich 
is dated in the year 24-5 of the augmenting sovereignty of the Traiku- 
taksg :^ if these dates are to he referred to the Kalachuri era, the results,! 
taking the years as expired, are A. D. 367-68, 456-57, and 494-96,j 
Now, the name Traikutaka is obviously derived from a place callfidl 
Trikiita. Pandit Bhagwanlal Indmji has told ns that a place naiDe4] 
• Trikiita is mentioned, in the lidffidyana and the Raghuvamga, ae %\ 
town of importance in Aparanta or the country along the West 
coast, 1. e. the Konkaii.* And the theory propounded by him is asl 
follows : ^ — In the early centuries A.'D., there were certain kings in I 
Western India, holding Gujarat and the adjacent provinces, whom h© 
has called the Western Kshatrapas, and who, he considered, used the 
^aka era. Certain coins vh&w that their rule was once interrupted by 
an invader, who assumed the titles Rdja and Kshatrapuy and established 
another era. lliis invader was a certain l^varadatta, whose coins are 
dated, not in an already existing era, but in the first and second yeara 
of his reign. He belongctl to a djTiasty of the Abhira caste, of which 
records are found in the N&sik caves, and which probably came by sea 
from Sindh, conquered the western coast, and made Trikftta its capital. 
He probably attacked, and gained a victory over, the Kshatrapafi,j 
When he had eoosolidatod bis power, he began to issue his own c^'^ina, j 
copying the Ksliatrapa coinage of the district. His coins particularly! 
resemble those of the Kshatraim Viradiman and his brother Vijaya-1 
sena. The coins shew that the reign of the latter ended in the year] 
170 of the era used by the Kshatrajjas, t. e. in ^aka-Samvat 170 (er*J 
pired), = A. D- 248-49. l^varadatta's conquest thus falls at ji 
about the same time with the foundation of the Kalachuri era, of ' 
which the first current year was A. D, 249-50.^ And we may thus 
conckide that IjJvaradatta was the founder of an era, which was first 
known as the Traikutaka eraj and only in later times came to be 
called the Kalachuri or Chcdi era. As regards. subsequent events, th^J 
Pandit held that Yiradaman's son Rudras^na restoreil the Western. j 
Kshatrapa power, and drove the invaders out of the country ; that, th»| 
Traikutakas then retire4 to Cential India, and there assumed the name 
Baibaya and Ealaciiuri ; that afterwards, wjien the Ki^hatrapa powe 
was finally destroyed, at the end of the reign of Rudrasena, son of 
Rudradaman, the TraikCitakas regained possession of their former , 
joapital, Trik'uta; and tliat it was just about this time that Dahras^n%M 

» hid. Ant. Vol. XVI. p. 98. 

*Jovr, Bo. Br. R. As. Soc, Vol. XVI, p. 346. 

' Cave-ifmi-ple Inscription*, p. 57, 

* It is also mentioned, hut without anv indiciition aa to Its position, in the V&kft 
insoriptionat AjaiptA {Archxtol, Svrv, Wegt. Ind. Vol. V. p. Vll)., 

* See the Prooeediiigs of the Aryan Section of the Seventh International Congrea 
Orientalifltc, p. 216 £1. 

e Seo page 293 above, note 2. 

^ Aj which, it is indirectly quoted in tb« Kanheri grant. 

general Chapter&l 


*we have the date of the year 207 (expired) , + A. D . 249-50, = * Chapter I. 

9FA56-b7, succeeded to the Bovereigntj.^ All this appears ex- 
fly probable. It is built up, largely, on the fact that, though tlie 
'estem Chalukya kinj:js of the main line of Batlami usc<l the Saka 
tho h^cal era of the country extending from proba]>ly the Daman- 
on the south to the Mahi on the north was the Kalachnri em, 
icb we meet with in records of the 'seventh and eighth centuries, 
it only in the Gurjara territory in ihe northern part of that stretch 
p£ country, but even in the Lata province of the Chalnkyas in the 
iraihem part of it. But this fact itself proves that, at wonie time or 
llher, the early kings of the Kalachui-i dynasty had the sovereignty 
pmr the stretch of country in question. And the Pandit's theory 
idiptfi itself so well to all the circumstances that have to be accounted 
V that it may be accepted as £\irnisliing in all probability the true 
ilanation of them. 

As has just been mentioned, the Maliakuta pillar inecription of 

l^sa speaks of the Kalachuris by the Sanskritised nanie of 

Ivalatadri. It further records that these people were conquered by 

lira ID the course of an expedition to the north, and that their reigning' 

ing at the time was named Buddha. And it Bbcws that tlie event 

ook phkce between A, D. 597-98 and 602. By this conquest,— judging 

!rom the localities in Westera India in which the ICalachuri era was 

laed, — Mangale^a must have acquired a considerable amoimt of 

errit'ory, extending, in the Konkari, up to the river Eim at least, 

rbich was the northern boundary of the Lata country, and jierhapa 

mm np to the >Iahi : the country l>etweeE the Kim and the Mahl, 

|u>wever, belongeil to the Gurjara priuces, of whom an account will be 

given further on ; and there are grounds for thinking that, though he 

may have established rights of suzerainty over the Gurjara teiritory, 

Ifaat country was not actually made a part of his dominions as the 

Liia pi'ovince was. The victory over Buddha or Buddhai-aja is also 

referred to in I^Iangalesa's copper-plate grant from Neriirj, which adds 

the information that Buddha^s father was ISariikai-agaua.* And these 

■rly members of the family are doubtless carried back one step f uiiher 

>y a grant from Sankheda, in the BarWa State, — referable to the 

period, — which mentions a king named 'Samkai-agana, son pf 

rishuaraja, with fairly certain indications, through the names of the 

hces that are mentioned, that his sovereignty included the teriitory 

the actual neighbourhood of SilnkhtM^.^ The existence, in the 

iirection of Gujar&t, of an early king named Krishnaiaja, who may be 

.Hotted to this period just as well as to a somewhat earlier date, has 

iko been established by certain corns from D6valan4 in the Kasik 

' The Pandit Lab »Lm) bronffht to notice {he. eit. p. 222) & Tmikutaka coin, " belong* 
ng to the period. aft«r the fiaal deitruction of the KehRtrapa power," which gives the 
lAODe of the Mahdrdjti RadragJina, u j^tiramaiSauhnnva or most devout worshipper of 
the god ViahiQu, ion of the Makdrdja liidraA'arman, or Indradatta (or perhajia Indrada- 
Ban. I Vbiok). This person he believed to*be *' the fimt king aft«r the revise! of the 
Eksikftfeaka power." 

*Jnd. Ant. Vol, VII. p. 162, 

* Epiffraphui Judioa, Vol, II. p. 22* — Thoactiial name in the original is 'Sanikariixi*> 
bt there Meto9 no doubt that, as propi^ed by Mr. Dhrava and Dr. Biihkr, it is 
"— ipljr a caxelew mistake for Samkaragaoa. 

The Early 


[Bombay Oasette 

Chapter I. 

The Early 

District J ^ and, though the tendency has been to refer thes? coins to 
an early Rislitrakiita king, who was supposed to have been conquered, 
somewhere about A. D. 600, by the Woetem Chalukya Jayasiihha I., 
still thei'e is nothing that eompeU ub to connect them with the R4sh« 
trakuta or any particular dynasty, and nothing to lead ub to beheve 
that any victory over the R4shtrakutas, or, indeed, any historieal 
achievement at all, was accomplished by Jayasimha I : the snppoaed 
existence of an early KishtrakfiVa jcing Krishnarsja, contemporaneous 
with Jayasiihlia 1., depends upon nothing but a statement which first 
appears in the clavonth century A. D., and is to be account^ for by 
events which occurred about A. D. 975 ;* and, in all probability, the 
D4valdn& coins aie coins of Epslmaraja, the father of Bamkaragai^a. 

In their later records, the Kalachnris of Central India call them- 
selves aW Haihayas ; ' and this enables ns to establish certain other 
connections. The Westem Chalukya king Vinayadityu (A. D. 680 to 
696) subjugated the Haihdyas, i, e. the Ealachui'is. Lokamahad^vi 
and her >'ounger sister Trail^kyamahadevi, the wives of his grandson 
Vikramaditya II. (A. D. T^3'U to 746-47), being Haihayas. wore 
Kalachuri princesses. An intermarriage between the Haihayas, i. e. the 
Kaluchuris, and the Eastern Chalukyas, took place in the case of Vkh- 
iiuvardhana IV. (A. D. 7G4 to 799).* The RashtrakOta kin^ Kfifih^ 
il. (A. D. 888 and 911-12) married a daughter of the Kalatluri )dng 
Kdkalla, Kokkalla, or Kokkala I. His son Jagattunga 1 1, married 
two sisters, Lakshmi and Gdvindimbi, daughters of Rayavigraha- 
'Samkaragana, a sou of Kokkalla I. One of Jagattunga's sons, Indi'a 
III., married Vijambi, a great-granddaughter of the same Kokkalla. 
Another of his sons, Am6ghavarsha-Vaddiga, married KundakadSvi, a 
daughter of YuvarajadSva I., who was a grandson of the same Kokkalla. 
And, fiually, the Western Chikikya Yikramaditya IV., — father of 
Taila 11. who reigned from A. D. 973-74 to 996-97,— married Bontha- 
devi, a daughter of Lakshmaria, who was a son of YuvarAjad^va I.^ 

Jn Westem India, a later offshoot of the Kalachuri stock is probably 
to be found in the Kajachuryas of Kalyaiii, \vhf>, originally feudatories 
of the Western Chalukya kings, usurped the sovereignty, on the down- 
fall of Taila III., about A.D. 1162.« 

* Ind, Ant» Vol. XIV. p. 66. — The cdns des<:ri1)e hltn &s % paramarndkiivara at 
mo«t dcnrcrat woMbipper of thu god M«hAivam (Siva). The reverse hat % Imll, wluch 
ovght to repreik'nt his crest. 

* See, more fully, ftt the coransencement of chapter III. below. ^_ 

* e.(f., Epi{}ruphia Indica, Vol. I. pp. S7, 263, and VoL II. p. 5 ; see alM Ind^ Ai^U 
Vol, XII. pp. 253, 26S. ^^H 

* Ind.Ant. Vol. XX. pj», 10], 416, 

' For a table of the KaLwhuris of thia period, 8*e Oeaeral Sir Alexander Con« 
ningham't ArohttoL Shw. Ind. Vol. IX. p. 85. It U verified, and may be inpple- 
mcntcd, by the statetneotd made in the RAabtrakdta records, and by the informution 
given in Epigraphia. Indica, Vol. I. p, 253, and Vol II. pp. 6, 9, and in Irtd. Ant. 
Vol XVIH. pp. 215, 21».— Edited recoils of the Kalacburij! are to b« fonnd in th« 
Jour. Bt)nff, Ajt. Soc. Vol. XXXL. p. lie,Eptgrapkui Indii^ Vol. I. p. 251, and Vol. II. 
pp. 1, ly 17, 174, and Lui. AfU. Vol, XVTII. pp. 209, 211, 313. 214, 218 ; also, edited 
records of the Ratnapor branch of the family, in EpigrapMa Indica. VoL I. pp* a;2. 
W, 45, and Ind. AfU.^ol. XVU. p. 135. re_^r«?_ 

* Bee chapter V. below. 

A good deal is now known about certain Ganga or Ganga kings 
of Kaiiiiganagara, whicb is the modem Kalingapatam, on the east 
coast, in the Uanjam District, Madras Presidency. Thus, we have the 
Achjratapuram grant of the Makdrdja Indravarman^ also called Raja- 
Mmha, dated in the eighty -seventh year o£ some onspeeiHed era, and 
attributable approximately to the seventh century A. D. \^ the Pai'la- 
Kimedi grant of the same person^ dated in the ninety-firet year -^ the 
Chicacole grants of a Makdrdja of the same name, Indravarman, dated 
in the years 128 and 146, and connected cloeely with the preceding j* 
the Chicacolo grant of the Makdrdja D^v^dravarman, son of G\inir- 
oava, dated in tlie hundred and eighty-third year of an unspecified era 
which is doubtless identical with that in which the preceding four 
grants are dated ;* the A'izagapatam grant of D^vfedmvannan, son of 
the Makdrdja Anantavarroan, dated in the two hundred and fifty- 
fourth year of an unspecified era which may fairly be taken to be 
identical with the era used in the preceding five grantB '^ the Chicacole 
grant of another D^v^ndravarman, son of the Mahdrdja Anantavar- 
man, dated in the fifty-first j^ear of the Gang^ya race ;*• the Alamanda 
grant of Anantavannan, son of the Mahdrdja Raj^ndmvarman, dated 
tlie three hundred and fourth year of the Gangly a race;' the 


Chicacole grant of Satyavarman, son of the Makdrdja Ddvendravar- 
man, dated in the thi'ee hundred and fifty-first year of the Gang^ya 
race ;^ the Parla-Kimedi grant, not dated, of a king named Vajmhasta f 
and, finally, the Vizagapatam grants of king Anautavanna-ChAda- 
gangadeva/^ which record the date of lus coronation in A. D. 1078, 
and give a long genealogy going back to about the beginning of the 
eighth century A. D., at which time, it is said, a certain K61ahala built 
the town of KAlahalapura in the Gahgavadi province : this place is, as 
remarked by Mr, Rice/* the modern K61&r/-the cliief town of the K61ar 
District in the east of Mysore ; in the numerous inBcriptions at the 
temple of Kdl&ramma at K614r itself, the name occoi's in the form of 

Tha Early 

» Epigrapkia InJiofi, Vol III. p. 137, 

» Ind. AfU. Vol. XYI. p. ISl. 

» id. Vol. XIII. pp. 119, 122.- Theiaterval of fifty-nine yeara between the firat u»l 
the Lut of tbe four grajita renders it prHctioally certain that the laat two belong, 
not to R4iasiriiha-lDdravannan, but to a »ou or firandson of the aame iittme.— For a 
powible identificatioDi locating one of the two InaravariiiftiiB In A.D. 663, seepage 334 

* Epigraphia Indica, Vol. Til. p. 130. 

* Ind. AfU, Vol. XVIII. p. 143. 

* id. VoU XIII. p. 273. — This record, and the next two, I look on with some Bn«« 
{ncion, as being poMibly not geuaine. At any rate, the grrunt of the year &1 is 
certainly not earlier than the grants of the years 183 and 254, — mueh leu, than the 
gTsnt« of the two Indrarurmans. 

' Epigrapl^a Indica, Vol, III. p, 17. ' 

' Ind. AM. Vol. XIV. p. 10.— Instead of the pubMahed reading of the date, aa 
deciphered by me, read samt}aoh/iara-iata'traif'atl(i-pafU:hdkat, for, probably, jraiii- 
vachhara-ktta-trayi ika-j/afU-kdsad-adhiki.'— The klnt for this correction reached me 
through Dr. Hultzsch. 

' Ejfigraphia ladica. Vol. III. p. 220. 

»» Ind. Ant. Vol. XVIU. pp. 161, 165, 172._ 

" e. ^., Mv$orB Inscriptions^ lutrod. p. XxriU. 

"Lat. 13' 8' i long. 78=10'. 

[Bombay Oasetteef 

Chapter I. 

TLe Early 

Kiivalala;* and other epigranliic forms of the name are ^valil and 

But we are concerned here with another dynasty, — doubtlees a branch 
of the same original stock, — which, for the sake of convenience, may be 
called the djiiiisty of the Western Gangas or the Gani^ of Gan^a- 
vadi, and the possesaions of which, usually spoken of aa the Gangavidi 
ninety-sir thousand , — meaning " the Gangavarli country, consisting of 
ninuty-six thousand cities, towns, and villages,"* — lay principally in 
what is now the territory of Mysore. In the Tamil inscriptions from 
the east coast, the name of this country appears as Gangapadi-'* And 
the boundaries of it seem to be dotined in a record of A. D. 1117 at 
Bfilur, in Mysore,* which sa} ? that the Hoysala prince Viehnuvar- 
dhana, — mentioned in the same record as having ac<]uired Tajakad 
and the Gaiiga dominions, and elsewhere as ruling the GangavAdi 
niuety-fiix-thousand, — was then ruling, at Velapura, t. e. Belar, all tlie 
territory included between the lower ghaut of Nangali on the cast, 
Kohgu, Ghcm, and Anamale on the south, the Barakanur pass through 
the ghauts to the Konkan on the west, and Savimale on the north : of 



' I owe thiu tf> Dr. HijltMcli. 

* There has boon a nnstalten idea, which apparently originated with Dr. Bnmatl 
(see his South-IadiaH Pifhtoffrapht/yaeicond edition, p. 67. last paragraph but one), that 
the numeriL'al cumpODcnts of thia and similar appeUationa denote the amonnt o£ 
rcvcnne. And BOme apparent reason for it might be found in the facta that there are 
not as many as twenty tbousund villag^js in Mysore, and not quite forty-fonr thooaand 
villages and hamlets in the whole of the Bumboy Pr^^idoncy (4^492 in the Belgaam^ 
Bljipur, and Dh.irwAr Districts ; 18,912 in Kanara, RatnAglri, KoUba, and Thi^a ; 
6,042 in Gnjarftt ; and 14,532 iu the Dekkan districta of Ahmednagar, KhAndSsh, 
NAaik, Poona, SatAra, and isligUipur). But there are quite enough passages to show 
clearly tha( the reference is to the numbers^ real, czAKgerated, or traditiooAl, of tbe^ 
cities, towns, and villages i for inetanre, the Aihoje inscription of A. D. 634-35 men* 
tioDa " thtt three Mahir&sbtras. contAiuing ninetvnino tbonsand villages " {IitiL Ant. 
VoL VIH. p, 244) ; the 'BilAh&ra records of A. D'. 1026 and 1095 distincUv speak of m 
division of'thc -Konkau containing " fourteen hnndred villagos " (id. Vol. V. p. 2^0» 
and Vi.l. IX, p. 38) ; an inscription at Piltaa in Khftndieh, of about A. D. 1222, speak* 
as Aistinctly of " tbo country of the sixteen hundred villages" {Epigraphid Indica^ 
VoL L p. 345) ; and the meaning of the name of a territorial division called tho-: 
V6|ngr;\inft or Vdnugr^ma seventy, ia explained by a passage which describe* V*Ja- 
grAma as "resplendent with seventy viUagea*' {Jour. Bo. Ur. R. At. Soc. VoL X^ 
p. 252).— Other instances of very large numbers are, the No)ambavidi thirty-two 
thousand, in the direction of BellAry j the Kavadidvtpa lAkh-and'a-quarter, which waa 
the northern part of the Kaukan ; and the country, which is the 
expression that was used in later times to denote the territory that was held first by 
the Rasbfmkdi^as and then by the Western ChAlukyns. These large numbers must be 
groas exaggerations, based possibly on some tradili us or myths. But there appeara 
no reason for objecting to accept the literal meaning of puch more reasonable appel* 
latiuUB as the Kohkana foortoen-hnndred and nine-hundred, the Santajlgo thooauid, • 
tht' Tardav^di thousand, the Pjinudignl five-hundred, and the Belvola three ohiindred j 
and posHibly, when we know more aa to how far the larger nnmbers include the smaller, 
of the Kti^jdi thrvc-thou-jand, the Karabata fonr-thousand, the Toragale aix-thousand, 
the Palasige twolve-thtiusand, and the BanavAsi twelve- thousand. — The system of 
administration by dividing the country into circles of tens, twenties, hundreds, and 
tboaflands of villages, is prescribed m the MdnavaiUuirmakdstra, \u, 113 to 117. 

*» Dr, Hultzsch's Sotdh-lndiaii JmcripiionSy Vol. I. pp. 63, 65, Vol, II, p. 8.— 
According to the Tamil iliftionariea, pAU mean* (1) * a village or town,* And (2), as in 
the present case, * a district or country." In Kananse, it appears as vAd^ ; e.g., in ' 
GaitgarAdi, in the text above, and in GondavAdi^ MAsav&di, Na]avftdi, No^mbavldi, ^ 
•Kuddav&ili, !>indavAtli, and Tarrlavftdi, And in Sanskpit recorth it is occasionally rcpre- V 
seated by ^^d/f ; e.g., Rati^apfttt (Epi^raphia Indica, Vol, 111. p. 291, and Biia'bhaflja* 
pfttt {ibid. p. 354). 

* jP. S. and O^-C* Insert. No. 18 i Myson Inscriptions t p. 260. 

Qenerftl Chapters] 



these places, Nangali ib in the Mnlbigal taluka of the Kol&r District, 
Mysore ; Anamale is eWdentlj Anamalai in the Coimbatore District, 
Madias ProBidency '; and Barakanur is doubtless the mediteval 
Barkalftr, now mined, in the South Kanara Dish-iut of- the same 
Fweidency.^ The capital of the Western Gahgae appears to have 
mlways been Talekkad or Talak&d, — called in Santikrit Talavanapura, 
— which still exists, under the uauie of Talakad^ on the left bank ol 
the river Kav^ri, about twenty -eight mites to the Bouth-east of the city 
of Mysoi^e.* Their crest was the nKulagajendra-ldnchhanaf or crest* 
of a lordly elephant in rut; it stands at the top of two inscribed 
stones at Kiggatnadu in CooTg,' and on the seals of the spurious cop- 
per-plate charters referred to further on. Their banner was the piil' 
eMka-dhvaja, or banner of a bunch of feathers,* And they had the 

• Lat. 13' 50 ' ; longr. 74* 53 '. In th* Indian Atka, sheet No. 42, it is 8hpwn by the 
B&tiM of ' Colloor.* In the sixteenth century A.I),, it whs one of tlio most aott^d plarc-* 
of trade in Western India,— tjAvi male lias luxn identified by Mr. Kite (Mywre Imsrip' 
tkMt, p. Ixxxiv,, map,) with S?avanftr, the chief town of ii amall Mn^ihnAn Htate in the 
DliArwir Diatrict, But I know of no sabstantial Jgrounds for the iilentificution. And 
the place is of no important^', strategic or otherwise. 

*Lut. 12*11'; long. 77° 6'. 

• Iml, Ant, Vol. VI. p. 101. And it is mentioned in line 7 of the spurious Hiirihar 
grmnt {id. Vol. Vif. p. j 73), and in an inacriptiou of A.D, 1055-50 at Rinkflpur in the 
DhArw&r Divtriot (noticed, ♦£/. Vol. IV. p. 203).— On the other hand, judtpng by the 
ac*U of their gmnta, the crest of the Eastt-m Garigas of Kalittganagura most have l>ceti 
Alyoll («se IiJ. Aid. Vol. XIII. p. 273, Vol. XIV. p. 10, and Vol. XVIII. pp. 14.^, llil, 
1«5, ]72, aud Epigraphia Jndka, Vol. IIL pp. 130, 220).— On the g«uta»l qucBtion'of 
civst* aud seals, aea tlie next note. 

• It i» tiu'ntioacd in the Udayt'^udirnm grant of a Ganga prince named HaBtimalla, n 
raMal of the Cbfela king Parantaka I, {Manual of ihf ."ialem District, Vol. II. p. ZQ9 ; 
■ee also BpUjraphia Indtca, Vol. 111. p. ll>5), aud in au inscription of about the eleventh 
Mnturj A.D.aiKttlbhAviinlhelkigauin Diatrict {fnd. Ant. Vol. XV 11 1, p. 309), in which 
it t9 rullrtl " the banner of the divine Arlutt.'^ — There appears to have been an original- 
ly uniform practice of having one device for the Idilchhttna or cruet, used on the aeals 
of otfrpLT-p] ale charters, at the tops, occasionally, of iiiscripliuns on stone, and on coins, 
sad anoth^ device for the dhvaja or banner; anil, except m flome metriuil pasgagt's, 
the distinction is always marked by the use of the technical terms lufivhhainj. and 
dhztija. The Pallavasha*! the hull-crest, and the banner bearing a repn'sentation of the 
club of the g<Ki Biva. The Western CbalnkyaH of li&dftmi, and doubtless the lalvr 
dynasty of Kalyftni, had the boar-crest, and the pAlidhvaja or banner of a particular 
arrangement of flags in rows. The Kdiib^mktltftB of M4.lkhf*4^had the (jramda-crcst, and 
llu; pdti/JUvoja, and also the oka kftii or (?) birtlonsigu. The' Batta* of Saundatti liad 
the eleiihant-crest, and tlie Ganida-banner. The Kftdaaibas of U&Dgal Imd the Hon- 
cr«t and the monkey -batiner. Tlie KiVhimbaa of Goa also had the monkey-banner ; and the 
lion appe»r« on their si-als and coins. One branch of the Sindas had tho tiger-ert'st, and 
the hoodcd-serpont Iwnner ; and another br^inch had the crest of a. tiger aud a deer, atid 
the nlUi'dhvfOa or blue Ijauner. And the Guttas of Guittal had the lion-crest, and tho 
fig-tree and Gamda baniiera. — Among the later famiiica there are some exceptions to the 
rule of showing the crest on the seals of charters. TTio Kalachnryas of Kalyfttii had 
th« buU-bannor ; and the hull api>ear» on the seal* of the two chartors which have como 
to light. The Yadavas of Devagiri had the Garuda- ban tier ; and the Oaruda was used 
on the seals of their charters, — sometimes in conneptiou with a representation of tho 
monkey-god Hanumat, whiLh may have Wen their crest (especially as in one instance 
it appt-ars alone). The "BilAhilraB, with the Gannla -banner, used the feauie device on tlifir 
seals. The seal of the only copper-platu charter o£ the Kattas of Saundatti that has 
cocrA to light, shews the Gam<.Ja, — tho device on their banner, — in spite of the elephant- 
crest being distinctly attributed to them. And the seals of some of the later charters 
of eren the IW»l)^rakflta!t of MAlkh5«l, shew a representation of the god Biva, instead of 
the Qanida'Crest. — The Hoysalas of Dfiraaamudnv are reynjsputed as having b<»th the 
ligvr-crost and the tiger-banner. But the passages are in verso; and it Ift difficult ta 
decide whether the device was that of the crest, or of the banner, or really of both. 

Chapter I. 

The Early 

[Bombay Gazetteer 

Chapter X* 

The Early 

hereditary titles of Kovaldla-^ Kuvcddla^^ or Koldla-puravar-eivara or 
*'lord of Kovaiala, Kuvalila, or Kfilila, the best of toMms/' with 
reference to KAl4r, and of Nandagiri-ndtha or '* lord of the motmtiuQ 
Nandagiri/' with reference doubtless, as Mr. Rice has said,* to the 
modem Nandidurg, a hill- fort about thirty -six miles north of K6l4r ; 
these titles seem to appear first in connection with the first Nitimarga- 
Koiigunivarma-Permanadi, in the early part of the ninth century A. D. 

• The fact has abeady been stated, that mention is made of some 
Qangas, as being overthrown by the early Kadamba king Mpg^ssvar* 
man.^ In the Mahakiita pillar inscription, Gangas are included among 
the hostile peoples whose kings were conquered by Kirtivarman I. 
between A. D, 667-68 and 507-98.' They are referred to again, in 
the Aihole inscription, as being subjugated, with the Ajupas, by 
Pulik^^in II., about A. D. 608.* And the Harihar gnuit of Vinayiditya, 
*dated in A. D. 694rj speaks of themj again in conjunction with the 
Alupas, — here called Aluvas^ — as hereditary servants of the Western 
Chalukya •kings/ to whose dynasty Kfrtivarman I., Pulik^sin 1 1., and 
Yinaj'&ditya belonged. These statements cannot all refer, if any of 
them do so, only to the Gaiigas of the east coast And they suflSce 
to shew that, in early times, there really was a reigning Ganga family 
in Western India. For the period, however, with which we are at pre- 
sent more directly concerned, the references are all impersonal ; and 
no individual names are forthcoming until about a century after the 
latest date mentioned just above. There have, indeed, been known for 
a long time past various copper- plate charters,* which purport to give an 
unbroken genealogical list going liack to the first century A.D., and to 
furnish specific early dates in connection with certain names in it ; thus, 
tliey would give the names of Harivarman mth a date in A. D. 248, — of 
VishimgSpa, with a date in A.D. 351,— of Avinlta-Kongani, with dates 
in A.D. 454-55 and 466, — of Durvintta-Koiigaiii, with dates in A,D. 
481-82 and 513-14, — and of ^ripurusha-Pnthu\'i-Konga9i, with the 
dates of A.D. 702 and 776-77. And such supposed information as is 
derivable from them, from some other epigraphic records whitli have 
not yet been fully made available, and from a Tamil chronicle called 
KoiiguiUia'Rdjdkkalf has been compiled and published by Mr. Rice, 
with the result of a tolerably lengthy and circumsftantial account, such 
as it is.^ But the charters in question are all spurious ; the informa- 
tion given in them is absolutely unreliable ; any similar statements, 
based on them or on the sources from which they were concocted, and 
included in later chai-tcrs that may be genuine, are equally inadmis- 
sible ; and the chronicle is absolutely worthless for any hiatoricsl 

^ e.g., MyWTt In9cripthn9, p, xlv. 

3 Page 288 above. 

' liUi, Ant. Vol. XIX. p, 10. 

♦id. Vol. VIII. p. 244. 

»irf. Vol. VII. p, 803. 

• W. Vol. I. p. 363, Vol. 11. p. 156, Vol. V. pp. 133, 139, and Vol, YU. pp. l68, 
174, ukd MffBon iMcHptiona, p. 284,— edited bv Mr. Rice ; and Ind, Ant, VoU VTIl, 
p. 212, and Vol. XIV. p. 229,— edited by myBeli 

' See Mfaort /lueriptionSy p. xL ff. , Coorg Inscriptions, Introd. pp. 1-11, IntcriptionB 
tU Sravana-Belgola, Introd, pp. 67-70, and, finalW, Imtriptwrn in the Myaore Diitrkt, 
Part I„ Introd. pp, 7, 8 ; also some remarks in Iml Ant, Vol. XIII. p. 18? ff. 



General Chaptera] 



purposes.* Almost everything tliat has been written on llie nnder- 
staiiding that the records in <|uestiony and the chroniele, furnish 
authentic information, requires to h?. i<^nored and eaiicoUed. And the 
general result is, tliat no indi\idnal \>'estern Gaiig^a names are as yet 
forthcoming for the early period with which tliis chapter specially 
deals ; and we can treat here only of somewiiat later times. Out of 
the names mentioned in the spuriouB ehartcrs, the first one which is 

' For tht? prtKif of this, see my rcinarks in Ephjraphia Itidiai^ Vol, HI. jiji. ]59 
176 ; the matter is too loiig to be ropeateil here. — Spurious records nrc liy ito 
UMeommon, and have betn int't with in all parts of India. But Mjft«ir<?, with 
iL'ijfhbouring localities, lias been esporially [irtxluctive of theui, incluiling soint' of 
iiiosl bart'-faccd sptcimous, purporting to be even nearly five thousand years old, 
Out «f twenty-six reconls of this nature enumerated by uie on pagie 172 f., uot« 6, iu my 
i»Kii-^ f r>-.4 to above, tjurtecn (ineludinpf the nine Weetoni Uanga gratita which 
p«r r.iig to the earlier period wf the family) are fr^^m Mysore. And Mr. Rico'» 

t»* ^ •!! My^^or<t Part I., xupplies the followinjf additional instHBces: — 

(I) Ko. >»j. Id0»an Lnarription on stone at Gsittavadi; this does not actually mention 
Uic Gangai ; but it pur})ortM to be dated, in the n'ign of a certain Ereha-Vemmadi, in 
tlie Anjrinw mtkvat^ra., coupled with Biika-bathvat 111 by mistake for 114 expin-d or 
115 fuiTcnt, «= A.f>. 192-93; a lithogrnph is jsnven, and the character ahew that tlie 
ivconl l»ek<np6 to the ninth or tenth eentory A. D. (2) 2*io, Kj. 122, a copper-plate 
gT»Dt at Trtgndflr; this purparta to bo datetl in the time of the Western Grmga kin;^ 
Uarimnnan, in the Vibhava nnmratxara , eonpled with B. S. 1S8 expired by mhstake 
'fof 170 expired, s= A. D, 248-240 (or for any other year with which Vihhava may have colu- 
rUUeti} : a lilUoijraph is given ; and the characters, which art* of much the same general 
"ih those of the spurioua Tanjoro grant {Ind. Ant. Vol. VllI, p. 212) which 
to give a date in A. D. 248 for the same person, suggest the tenth century 
the earliest possible period for \he concoction of the record. (;t) No, Md. 113, 
» copper- plate grant at Hajjegere (noticed by 010 in Epi'jraphia Ind'tca, Vol III. p. 174, 
tuAjt 4) ; this purports, to l>e date<l in the time of the Western Qanga king Bivamara 1., 
in the thirty-fourth year of his reign, B.-F. 635 expired, = A.D. 713-714: a litho- 
gTuph i« given ; and, like some of the others, thia record Ix'trays itself by using the 
1»t«r and cursive form of the kh (in connection with the imme of ViSvakarman, the 
alleged writer of this record, Mr. Itif*} again miarepn'st-nts what was iuiidl by Sir Walter 
EUiot ; see Epigraphia Indira, Vol. 111. p. 161, note 1). To thesi.' we have to iadd, also 
fponi Mvif^re, (I) a SuradhLnnpnra copper-plate grant (InAd'ipti&n-s in the MyHoro DU- 
trieU Part 1., Introd, p. 3), which purportg to be dated in the third year of the roign 
of ^ivamSra II., in the Sorvnjit sammtmra^ B.-S. 720, expired, = A.D* 807-808'. 
lithograph of thin grant ia not available yet 1 hut there ia every reason to Wlievo 
the record will botray its spurious nature in the way in which the others do ; and it 
be noted that, unless it introducca any frosh namert, the result of it, taken in con- 
' "' the NAgumiifigala gX'M»t» would be that TSrf punishft-Muttamsja rt?igiieil for 
yoors.-^ Another record in the same hook, No. Nj. 110, an inscription on 
^ JlApura, purports to connect a date in the 'Bubhakrit aamraZ^ara, B.-S, 25 
expired, a A i), 103-104, with Kongaiiivannan,thc alleged founder of the Western Gangu 
djrtUMty, who is appaivntly luenlioned in the record as pra</(« ma- fJansro, ** the first 
Ganga ;" but the passage tniVurs as part of a record of A. D. 3 I4S, and is only ba.tod en 
some spurious grant or archive ; it does not purpi>rt to he a ■yuchronous record of the 
king to whom it refers. As regards this dale, Mr. Rice, who has hitherto so implicitly 
accepted the spurious Ganga records, says (tor. cit, Intrixl. p. 1) — " Without currolmra- 
** tion from other Bnurcee, however, this can hardly btj accepted as deciding the matter, 
"•especially as the only other document which professes to give hia date, natuely,tho 
'* Tamil chronicle calU4 K(yi%QuMm-[idjdkka\, places his reign in "Saka 111 (A.D. 189).'* 
With regard to the Uattavftdi inscription, No. 1 above, Mr. Eice (/oc. cit. pp. 1 , 2) '♦ would 
»• be disposed to alter the 111, though it is given in words a% well as in figures, to 711 : 
*• the number of the hnndt^B may have bevu left out in the words, and a tail to tlie 1 
** would make 7 in the figures." Ajid in connection with the Tagadilr grant, No. 2 above, 
he «ays {loo. ci(. p. 2)—" The OaiV>a grant, therefore, now under consideration, belongs 
••to a certain class, based it maybe on a real sabstratum of facts, but impossible to 
•' accept on their own statements, though the motives for falsification are not apparent." 
It is satisfactory to find tliat Mr. Rice has begun to look at the Western Ganga recorda 
fr^^ra a critical point of N-iew, and has recognis-ed that such liberties may be taken with 
them ^ as even to alter a given date hy six centuries. 
B 972-39 

Chapter I. 

The Karly 


[Bombay Gazet 

Chapter I. 

The Early 

cci-tainly known to be authentic is tliat of the Mdhdrdja 'SriptLnisl 
Pnthuvi-Koiigani, or, as he wag more fully styled, Muttarasa-'Sripumel 
Prithuvi-Kongani. His existence is provod, not by the spurionjB gmntB^I 
but by undeniably genuine , but undated, inecriptions on stone at 
TalalMjSivara, and Sivarpatria, in My&ore.^ On general palseographifl 
grounds, these records may be referred roughly to the eighth or ninth 
century A. D. ; and one particular tell-tale character proves that they 
cannot liavo been engraved much after A. D. 804". It is, therefore, 
(juite possible that the spurious Iloeur and Nagaman gala grants have 
hit off true dates for him, in A, D, 762 and 776-77,^ though the pergon^ 
who concocted the Hosiu: grant failed to compute the details of thi 
date correctly. But all that can as yet be said with certainty about 
this Muttai'asa-'Sripm'usiha-Prithuvi-Kongani or more shortly Sripu* 
rusha-Muttarasa, i«, that he was a reigning king, belonging, no doubtJ 
to the Western Gauga lineage, and tliat, pending more precise dis^ 
coveries, he may Imj placed in the period A, D. 750 to 850. lliere is,^ 
however, one name wliieh may possibly l>e placed j\i9t l>efore his. The 
spurious charters mention two persons named Sivamira,^ — reproeenting 
one of them as the father or grandfather, and the other as the son, of 
Sripurusha-Muttarasa ; and one of them, at Hallegere, purports tp 
give for the first Sivamara a date in A. D. 713, while another, at Sura- 
dh^nupura,'* pm-porfcs to give a date in A. D. 807-8U8 for the second 
'Sivamira. And, that there really was, just before or just after Alut- 
tarasa-'Sripurubha, a reigning king named Sivamara, referable to the 
Bame lineage, is proved by a genuine, but undated, stone inscription, of 
his time, at Dubur in Mysore,* engraved in well-formed characters of 
the same period. The record does not eonneefc any title with his name ; 
and it contains nothing that helps us to decide his identity : but it uses an 
expression which stamps him as a paramount sovereign. As far, there- 
fore, as individual names go, the history of the Western Gangas starts 
with these two persons, 'Sripui'ueha-Muttarasa and Sivamam; and either 
of them may be the Ganga king who was conquei'ed and imprisoned by 
the Eashfrakuta king Dhruva (between A. J>. 754 and 783-84), and was 
liberated^ but afterwards had to be placed in confinement again, by that 
king's eon G6%inda III. (A. D. 783-8'i to 814-815).* Shortly after this, 

1 I base my remarks on photograpliB which Mr. Rice kindly sent me.— The Tain's^*) 
inwriplion has now been ctlited by Mr. Rice in bis I/mcnptions in th« Mytorc Duttrict, 
Part 1,1 No, TN, 1. Other records of the same ix'rson, the authenticity of which then? 
are no apparent pj^jumis for tjuestiomng, are Nojt, My. 25, 55, Ml. 87, TN. 53, 113, ami 
N j. 23. The last of them appears to give liim the bigher title of Mahdr^dtlhirajix (jce 
page 320 below, note 1), and also that of Pammf'fVftra^ 

' Juat as a possibly tme date was bit off fur Bfltug'a in the spuriou* Sfldi grant 
which refers itself to his time (aee page 303bflow, note 7). — The Hostlr punt has now 
be«n edited hy Mr, Rico, in full, with a Hthogmph, wmewhero in the Aftutms JonrnaJ of 
Literature and Sci^na;^ Like some of the otbera, it betrays it»eU by using the later 
and cursive forms of the kA aud b, 

* For theao two nconls, see po^ 30i above, not* 1. 

" Here, aod in Epiffrnphia iWica, Vol. Ill, p. 174, I have written on the aathoritv •! 
an ink-impresaion, which Mr. Rice kindly e*'nt for my inspection. Ho haa now edii • 
record in his fmrriiHiofii in the Mysore I>ijftrict, Part 1., No. Nj. 26, where he u; 
to the secund Bivam.ira. Other records which include tho name 'SiTam&ra, are Noi, Kj. 
£0, 126 : there are no primdfacit groumla for qnestioning the authenticity of them j but 
tbey do not make it clear whether thev refiT to the fin^t or to tho at'cord 'Ei\'aiuAn« 

» Iwl, Ant, Vol. XI. p. 161. 



Kadab grant may be relied on, there was a certain Ch&kirSja, who 
iverning or reigning over the entire Ganga pro^'ince in A. D. 
This, however, seems very doubtful. And prokiLly the next 
itie names, after those of Srlpurushji-Muttarasa and ISivamAra, 
lose of Nitimftrga-Kongnyivarma-Permanatli/ with tlie title of 
drdjddhiidja,^ and styled '' supreme lord of the town of Kovaiala^^ 
" lord of the mountain Nandagiri " and of his son Satyavakya- 
>nadi, whose existence is proved by a stone inscrii)tiou from 
hundi in Mysore :* the record, which mentions the death of this 
garKongni.Hvarma-Pormanadi, is not dated ; but it was written 
rate not long after A. D. 804. Somewhere about this time, 
item Chalukya king Narendramrigaraja-Vijayaditya II. (A. D. 
843), waged war for twelve years with the Gaiigas and the 
" iJtas;^ and, later on, his grandson Guoaka-Vijayaditya III. 
844 to 888), being "challenged '' by the Rishti-akutas, conquered 
gas.® The passages, however^ which mention this, give 
f>ttrticular names. And the next individual name is that of 
.tyavakya-Konguiiivarma-Rajamalla-Pcrmanadi, mentioned in an 
ription at Husukiini in Mysore,' with the date of Saka-Samvat 
(expired), ^ A. D. 870-71; the record also mentions a certain 
who was governing the Kongalnad and Punad districts as 
dja. With this person we have perhaps to identify the Satya- 
Kong^nivarma-Permanadi, in respect of whom an iiiBcription at 
Jg^^ii*4t in Coorg.s cites 'Saka-Samvat 809 (expired), with a date 
the month Phalguna (Feb.-March), falling in A. D. 888, as his 
ighteenth year, and whose first year, therefore, was ^,-S 792 
expired), = A, D. 870-71. Next after this comes another Nitimirga- 
onguyivarma-Pennanadi, for whom an inecription at KQlagere, ia 

» Tnd. Ant, Vol. XII. p. 18. As repRnls the aathenticity of this iceord, see under the 
:coant of G6viiKla III., in chapter III. bclmr. 

■ The la«t component of this name occurs ■omciiuies with the short «, and sometimea 
illi the long 4, in the second syllable. As no intrinsic diffcrcnco acems to be Involved, 
mite it miifomily mth the Rhort a, 

» The exact title in the oripnal ia dh<trma-MaMrdjddhirdja, as regards which mo 

igeSSO above, note 1 . — In the prcBcnt case, the title very probably dtMiotea para- 

lount iorcreigTity. It appears to have beon borne by all th-o subsequent leading 

nmbers of the family. But, in their case, how far it denotes independent sovereignty, 

bow far it wa* simply a hereditary title.— they being, in reality, feudatories, thongh 

saibly often half-independent,— it Is difficult to say.— The epithets " lonl of the t4jwn 

Kov»lAla" and "lo«l of the mountain Nandagiri" also became hereditary titles. — I 

sr here only an outline of the history of the Western Gangas, leaving details to be fully 

Mrfced out on some other occasion. I dtal now with mostly the dated records, putting 

e those which simply mention a Sfttyavftlcya, a Nitimarga, ic, to be attributed to 

proper persons hereafter, when all the suborfinate itema of information iu them can 

99 ezamineu and arranged. 

• InacHptioM in the Mytore J>utriet, Part L, No. TN. »!. The original stone is 
BOW in the Bangalore Museum. 

• Ind. Ant. Vol. XX. p. 101, 

• Ibid. p. 102. 

^ /nscriptions in the Mysore Digttict, Part I., No. Nj. 76,— One component of the 
nmme, RAjamalla, is possibly a mislection for RAehamalia.— The Btltanvsa uieBtioued 
here seems to Ije the Ganadnttamnpft-Btttuga who, according to the apurious SU"lt 
grant (see Ejriifraphia Jmlica, Vol. 111. p. 1 77) married AbbalabbA, daughter of (the 
BishfcraM^ king) Am6ghHViirsha (I.) (A. D. 814-15 to 877-73), 

• Ind. Ant, Vol. VI. p. 102, No. II. j Coorg Inecri2>ti<yn8, p. 6, 

Chapter I. 

The Karly 



[Bombay Gasett«er{ 

Chapter I. 

TIjw Early 

Mysore,' supplies the date of Saka-Sariivat 831 (expired), ss A. D. 
90J-910. "We know that shortly after this time there was a king 
named Ereyappa. We may, therefore, place next an inscription at ' 
Iggali, in Mysore,^ which mentions another Satyavakya-Kouguni- 
varma-Permanadi and Ereyappa, and records ocourrences that took 
place in the twenty-second year of Ais Satyavakya, i. e. not earlier 
than A. D, 030-31^ as thewn by the recorded date of the prectnl 
Nitiraarga. This Satyavikya must have been immediately suecei''. ; 
and soon after that date, by Ereyappa, whom the Begur inscription, 
from Mysore, mentions as reigning over the Gahgavadi province, and 
fighting with a certain Vira-Malii^ndra.' Ereyappa was eucoeeded by 
his son Kachamalla. From an inscription at Atakur, in Mysore,* 
we learn that Rachamalla was attacked and killed by Satyavakya- 
Koiiguuivanna-Permanadi-Butnga or Butayya, who had the hinnia^ or 
secondary names of Nanniya-Ganga, "the truthful Ganga/' Jayad- 
uttaramga, " the arch of victory," Ganga-Gaiigoya, " a very Kartti^ 
kcya, Karna, or IMnVhrna, among the Gangas," and (langa-N^r&yan*," 
" a very god ^'ishnu among the Gangas," and who thereby acquired the 
Gahgavali province ; this occurred in or shortly before A. D. 9 10. An 
inscription at HcIiIaK in the Dliarwar District/' tells us that (l>etwccn 
A. D. 911-12 and 94b) Butuga married a daughter of the Ra^l ' ^ 
king Am6gbavarslia-\'addiga, receiving, as her dowry, the 
known as the Puli'^erc or Purigcrc three-hundred, which was the L-'Uuiiy 
that lay round, and was named after the ancient name of, Lakshmrshwar, 
in (he Miraj State, within the limits of the Dharwar District,* — the 
Bel vola three-hundred, which lay in the same neighbourhood and inclndovl , 
as various records shew, Gailag, Annigere, Kurtiik^)ti, and Nargund, in 
Dhai-war. Iliili in the Belgaum District, and Kukkanur in the Nizam's 

» Inncriptiom I'/i thf M\f»orf. District, Part I., No. Ml, 30.— Mr. B5ce {ibi4L Inlrod, 
p. 4) wovilil irltHilif)' this Nttiiuft.r;;a-Kon>rimlvarma-Pcnnanaiii with the other p«Tson of 
IIk- KttTOo iwiine mcnlionwl in the Dot_l<iahan*li int»crintion ; bnt the date of the prewmt 
rwconl^ iitul the nm of the old funn of thf kh in the Doddahnndi record, are inronsirt«nt 
with thi» view. — With thia Nltimar^KongTinivarnja-Perinanftdi, he w i ' ' ' . - -•* 
thi» !S«lyttvAkya-Kongai)ivarraa-rt'rnianaHi of the I^;gali inKrription 
but it eceiDft ekiir to mc that a Nftimftrgii is not, uiiIosh nnder very c\ , 
Btanco*, to be ideiitifio<i with any Satyavftkyii.— Ho would further itientifv the ^-atx i. 
of th« Doddahundi intk'riiition with the Ereyapua who came just Ix'foVe A, D. iM' 
further on). And, ia short, be haa mixed up all the so pcr«ouB in ibo mott complicaUid 

' ihid. No. Nj. 139 ; sec the preceding note. 

' £in!/raj)hia Indira^ Vol. I. p. 34.8. 

* iJ. Vol. II. p. 108 J since thon, it Ims hocn «lit«<l by Mr. R5o« also, Inacriptioru im 
the MyHore District, Part I., No. Md. 41.— The Ki«htrak(»ta De61! pmnt of A. D. MO. 
wIupU inoiitions him as Bhfttilryu, iinplicB that, in overthrowing Rftchamalla, be reociTtri 
mntiirial a-HsiBtance from the Rdshtrakflta king, Kpjsbpa III. And it ia this roocnd 
that fiixt* the ovent befnro A. D. 940. 

* From ink-imprpRsinns. ThiH record has been noticed by me, inaccurately, from 
inipe/feet materials, in the Ind. Ant. Vol. XII, p. 170. Tho facta stated above, from 
u h>tter ink-imprfsuion, obtain*^! more recently, api< certain. 

' Tlic variants Pulijrere and Puripejw both occnr ; and the first of them is still pi»- 
Bervt<l in the name Huligere 6ana, which ia the appellation of one of tho dirisitins of th« 
lands of LakRhmC«hwar (w?e the map of the DhilrwAr CoUectoratc, four i ' ho 

inch, 1874). A still older form of the name, Porigejre, is found in the Lul .r 

inscription of the YuvarAJa Vikramadttva II., son of the Western Chalukya k*..u ^ 'j'«i-^- 
ditya. — The Eanarese name was Hanskritiscd as Pulikara. And the town app«ani In 
have been also known as Baktapura. 

&eoeral ChaptersO 



Dominions/ — the Kisukil seventy, whicli was a Bmall difitrict of which 
the chief town was Pattadakal, the ancient KisnvolaV antl Pattada- 
Kisuvolal, in the Badami taluka, Bijapur DiBtrict,- — and the Bigo, 
Bigenad, or Ba^^aflage seventy,, which was anttther Bmall district lying 
round B^^lkot, the ancient B&tradage and B&o^atlige, the cliief town 
of the Bag:alk6t tiluka in the eamc district.^ And the Atakur 
inscrii»tion further shews that, in or abont the Saumya »arhvatfi(ira^ 
Saka-Samvat 872 (current),= A.D. 949-50, the Rashtrakuta king 
Krishna III. (A. D. 9i0 and 956) confirmed him in the possession of 
the above-mentioned four (listriets, and also gave him the Eanavasi 
twelve-thousand, as a reward for treacherously slaying, at a i>laoe 
named Takk6la, the ChAla king Rajaditya, with whom Krishna III. 
was then at war. Like his predeeessorss, Butuga used the title Mahdm- 
iddhirdfU ; but, while prohably lialf-iudependent, he aivju^ars also to 
liAve acknowledged the suzerainty of the RAshtraknias. I'he Hcbl>al 
inscription tells us tliat the st^ii of Butuga and the daughter of 
Amoghavarsha-Vaddiga was Maruladeva. To Mai'uladeva and Bijalrbi^ 
it says, there was born a son, whom it jx^'haps names as Racheha- 
Ganga. And, it continues, immediately after this person had reigned, 
there came another son of Butuga, by his wife Kallablmrasi, who 
was named Satyavakya-Koiigunivarma-Permanafli-Marasiriilia, with a 
variety of hirudas such as Chalad-nttaranga, *' the arch of firmncj^e of 
character," Dharmavatara, "the incarnation of religion/'' JagadCkavira, 
" the sole hero of the world/* Gaiigara-himha, *' the lion of the Gangas/' 
Gangavajra^ *Hhe Gaiiga diamond or thunderbolt/^ Gaiiga-Kandarpa, 
"the (iahga god of love/' and Nolamba-kul-Antaka, "the Death of 
the family of the Nolambas, i. e. the Pallavas/' and was plainly a very 
great personage indeed. He is evidently the Satyavakya-Permanadi, 
in connection with whom an inscription at Kaiya, in Mysore/ cites 
the Prabhava«a»nt?^7/*<irrt, Saka-Sariivat 890 (current), == A. D. 967-68, 
as his fifth year, — shewing that he was crowned to the Oanga sue- 
cession in S.-S. 886* current, = A. D. 963-64-,^ and the Marasirbha- 
Permadi, news of whose death, as we learn from an inscription at 
Mcdagani/ reached the Pal lava king Pallavaditya-Nokmbadhiraja in 
or just before the month Ashadha (June-July), falling in A. D, 974, 
of the Bh4va sumvatsara^ 'S.-S. 806 (expired). An inscription at 
Lakshmeshwar, within the Dharwar District,^ mentioning him with 
the paramount title of Parnmesvara as well as JLt /idrdjddhirdjn^ 
and speaking of "Marasimha" as his prathama-ndtnadAe^a or first 

• The naine of this district wag derived from the Kanarcse M^^ * growing corn, a 
crap.' and pola^ hala^ 'a field,' and means 'the country of In'xuriant crops/ with 
xeference to the fertility of the rich black-soil which constitutes one of its chief features. 
It was MTDertiroes written Beivala, and, in Nfljtjarl characU'r*, Beluvftla. — Anntpero 
sppean to have been the chief town of the district in A. D, 866 (//ni. Ant. Vol XII. 
p. 220), and verv poBsihly i*"aa alwava so. 

• A record of A. D. ]]'G3, at Piittadakal itself (Jmr. Bo, Br, /?. As. Soc, Vol. XI. 

6, 2&9). nientioiiB that town, by the name of Pattuda-Eisuvolal, aa the chief town of the 
Irakad district. 
' For this identification, see Eplgraphia Indica, Vol. II. p. 170, 

• Intrrijttum* in tht Mtjmre DiiitHct^ Part I., No. N]. 302. 

• i<ee Iiitcriptioiia at Sravana'Belgotci, Introd. p, 18, note 7« 

• ffuL Anl. Vol. VII. p. lOK 

Chapter I. 

The Early 

Tho Early 

[Bombay Oasetteer 

'Chapter I. * name, connecta him v4th the date of the Vibhava sarhvatsara, ^.-S. 
890 (expircd),=A. D. 963-69, and records a grsnt by him to a Jain 
shrine named, after himself, Gangakandarpa-Jinendramandira. An 
inscription at Nagarle, in Mysore/ dated B.-S. 8f)2 (expimsd), = 
• A. D. 070-71, gives one of his appellations in the form of Penni'li, 
An inscription at Adaragnnchi^ in tlie Dharwar District,' dated in 
the month AehiLdlia (June-July), falhng in A. D. 971, of the Praja- 
pati Mimit'idtf((r<(, 1$,-S. 893 (expired), mentions 1dm as then gov- 
erain^ the Gangav&di ninety-sii-tliousand, the Purigere three- 
hundred, and ilie Bejvola three-hundred, under the Rishtrakiita king 
Khottij^. An inscription at Guydiir, in the same district,' dated in 
tlie same month, falling in A, D. 973, of the ^rimukha tunhoataaraf 
'S.-S. 896 (enrrent), mentions him as still governing the Puligero 
three-hundred and the Bolvola three- hundred under Khottiga^s sncoe«sor, 
KakL-* II. Tlie Hebbal inscription speaks of him as having had in 
his hands, at some time or other,* the government of a very large area, 
including, not only the Gahgavadi pro\-ince, the Pu]ig^»re three-hundred^ 
and the Belvolti three-hundred, but ako the Banavasi twehe- thousand, 
the Nolamhavadi thirty-two thousand (properly a province of thePalla-viis, 
in the diiection of Bellary), and the Santalige thousand (aj)parentlv' 
somewhere in the west of Mysore).® And an elaborate aceonnt of his 
achiovementa, given in one of the Sravana-Belgola records,® shews that 
he was employed by Krishna III. to command an expedition into 
Gujarat; that he subjugated the Pallavas of Nolambavadi j and that 
he fought and cou(juered in battles on the banks of the Tapti, at 
Minyakh^ta (the Ra^bli-akufa eapitil}, and at Goniir, Uchchangi, and 
Pariseyakole, and in the Banavasi country; antl, finally, that, after the 
overthjow of Kakka II. and his expulsion from Manyakhka by the 
Western Chalukyas under Taila II., he ina<le an attempt to continue 
the Rafchtrakuta sovereignty by crowning Indra IV., the grandson of 
Krishiia HI. -J the attempt, wliich was not successful, must have been 
made soon after Juno, A- D. 973, which is the latest recorded date for 

» Ingcriptiont in the Mytort Dutriett Part I., No. Nj. 168. 
' Itul. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 266, 
3|Wrf. p. 271. 

* Thi« rt'conl (tioe pAgo 304 above, not« 5 ) is (Iat4>d in the montb-PhAlgami lFeb.-lCa(«h) 
falling m A.D. 976, of the BhAva MmvoJUara, CaU-Sadivai 696 (ox;'- "\ -^..ut 
t.n luonOiH af tt-r tlio time when, apparently, newa of his death reachcil ^ a- 
NolambMULrija (sec the text above). The ex prcsaion used, however, is iJu^ 
** had been govcmiiig." And the date, therefore, belong* to ■omothing done after his 

* With ft view to locating thia province exactly, by identifying th« town from whiob 
it took its appellAtion, it may be noted tliat later records mention a nnaller diitrict 
called the Satt«lige ndi (an iniioription at Anawatti in Myaore ; Car%.'lH»a Insert, 
Vol. I. p. 200), the Satta)tge kampana, including a village named BidiyanAradtvi (an 
inscription at Bais^mve; F, S. ami O.'C, Insert. No, 184, J/y«ore JiMcrt'pfiiviM, p. 96>, 
and the Satta}ige ecvonty (an inscription at Abl(ir in the Dhjlrwv District {Cam,- 
Dita Iriacrt. VoU II. p. I'^l ). These names soera to be those of the head-quarten division 
of tho Sintalige thousand, and to present the name in a later form which may be still 

' hucriptions at "Sravaiui-Belffola, No. 38.— Thia important record requiret to bo 
edited critically, before it can be fully appreciatwl, 

' This 19 plainly tins meaning of a passage near the beginning of the record, which 
l)cca reodOTDd otherwise by Mr, Eice. 



General Chapters.] 


Kakka IT.; and it is to be attributed to the close connoetion that 
existed between the two families,' Maraaiihlia must have been 
immediately succeeded by a certain PaSehaladeva^ whom a fragment at 
^ulgund", in the Dhitrwar District,^ describes as reigriingf, as paramount 
_.^ereigTi, in A. D. 974-75, over the whole eountiy bomiird by the 
Eastern, western, and southern oceans. Panchaladeva seems, then, to 
have taken advantage of tlie general confusion, that must have attended 
the downfall of the K&shtrakulas and the death of Waragiiiiha, to set, 
himself up as an independent kin<jr ; but be was tihortly afterwards killed 
in battle b5' the Western Chalukya Taila II. Earlier facts con- 
nected with him are to be found in the Adaragnfichi inscription,' 
which tells us that, in A. D. 971, when Marasimha was governing 
the ninety-six-thousand, the Puligere thi-ee-hiindretl, and 
the Belvola three-hundredj, under the Eashtrakuta king Khottiga, 
he himself was governing a small cii"cle of villages which was kiiown 
as the Sebbi thirty and probably t«x>k its appellitian from the 
awdent name of Chabbi or Chebbi in the Hubli taluka, Dh&rw4r 
District; and in the Guiidur inscription,* which mentions him as 
ffoverning a ninety-six district in A. D. 973 : this ninety-six district 
naa not been identified; but possibly the expression is an abbre- 
viation for the Gaiigavadi ninety-six thousand, wliich M4i*asihha, — 
mentioned in the same record in connection with only the Puligere 
three-hundred and the Belvola three-hundred, — may have entrusted 
to Parlchaladeva. Shortly after Paucluiladeva, there was a Satyavdkya- 
K6nguiiivarma-Rik"hamalla-Permanadi, for whom an inscription at 
Kiggatnad, in Coorg,^ famishes a date in the month Phalguna (Feb.- 
March). falling in A. D, 078, of the l^vara samvatsara^ ^aka-Saiiivat 
899 (expired), and probably an inscription at Dodda-IIomma, in 
Mysore,** furnishes a date in the preceding yeaT;^ and he appears to 
have had a rather famous minister named Cli&niuydaniya, who wrote 
the Cfidrnuu(faidya-2^untm and set up the colossal image of Gomma- 
t^svara at 'Sravana-Belgola.* And this person was probably the last 
of the independent or semi-independent Western Ganga piinces. 

Chapter 1, 

The Karly 

I Ai we have seen, Fermanadi-B&tugrR was abrother-iti-lRw <.£ Kfislmn IIL And 
Indi* IV. was the son of n son of Eritlma III. hy a dougbtir of Lldtuga {see Jnscn'ptwnx 
at ISravana Bthjvla, No. 67). 

3 I qucit« from an mk-impre»jdona 

8 See page 306 above and note 2. 

« Sec page 306 above, and note 3. Tho reading ki lines 8, 0, of the text ahoald 
plainly be Pamchala, not Pamjala, 

6 Ind. Ant. Vol. XlV. p. 76, with a lUhograpb in Vol. VI, p. 102, No. I. j sec also 
Coorg Imcriptioutt p. 7. 

• Injtrrijttinm in the Myfore Dintrkf, Part I., No, Nj, 1B3. 

7 We have inyrluipa anotbvrof bis riicord.*, — in which his name is given as Rdjamalla, — 
in an inticription at Kottatti {JnJ>crij>tions in the Myxore Di«trnt, Part I., No.Md, 
107). But, unless there is some mifitako in the pablisbed Urni, it is difficult to place 
this record properly. It pnrporta to be dated in Baka-Samvat 899, coupled with the 
niuaAdin tamvaUara^ Prarafldin, however, wa« either "B.-S. 876 current, - A. D. 953-54, 
or B.-S. S>36 cnrrent,=A. D. 1013-H. B.-8. 8»9 current, = A. D. '^76-77, was the 

I mmmUara, And B. -S. 89*J expired, = A. D. 977-78, .waa the tifvara luimvatMra, 
■ Pfeamidin has Iwen read by mistake for PramAthin, and B.-S. 899 is a imstake 

i (expired) w 902 (cummt), = A. D. 979^. 

fl iMerifiiofu at iSravana-Btigoitt, Introd. pp. 22, 25, 33, 34. 


' [Bombay Gazetteer 


Ch Bpte r I. ^n iuscriptioB, indeed, at B^lur, in MyBore.i gives the nAxne 

The Early * Gafiga-Pcrmanadi, who was governing the Ivarcata in the m- 
f^txMtiefc Phalguoa (Fob.-Maich), falUng in A. D. 1021, of Saka-Sam\'at 

(current), coupled apparently with the Durmukhiii aami'otsftra by 
mistake for Duvmali.^ 13nt, before this time, the Cholas Lad invaded thoj 
Gangavadi province and made it a part of their own kingdom, a« ifl 
&he\vn by their records which from alx>ut this jioint are met with in' 
Jlysore. Thus, — taking at present only the dated records, — at Kaliyur 
there is an ineeription ' of the Ch61a king Rajarajadeva. mentioning a 
, minister of his named Aprameya and described as " loifl of tlie Kotta 
mandala" dated in the month Chaitra (March- April), falling in 
A. D. 1006, of the Paiabhiiva .Tflmi'a<Aara,^ka-iSaiin'atyf?9 (current). 
At Balmmri there is another of his records/ dated apparently at the 
uttardijnna-samkrdnti or winter solstice, in Decemljer, A. D. 1012, of 
the ParidhA\4n ttamvahara, B.-S. 93i (expired), cite<l a« his twenty- 
eighth year : this recoid claims that Rajaraja had conquered the land 
of the Gangas, Rattavfldi (the kingdom of the lldjrhtrakutas of 
MaJkhed), tlie Malenud or hill-couotry along the Western Ghauts, the 
territories of the NolamLas and the Audhi-ag, and the rulers of Koiigii, 
Kaliiiga, and Panclya, and had absorljed all their lands into the ChoLi 
kingdom ; and it mentions a certain Pafiehavamaharaya, whom he hatl 
api jointed to the military command, as JJohd<fanff<indifaka, of the 
Beogi mandaia, i. c. the land of Vei'igi, the territory of the Eastern 
Chalukyas,'* and the Ganga niaridala and who then, it says, cuteivd 
on a series of conquests more to the west, — seizing the Tuluv a country, 
the Koiikau^ and the Male country, pursuing the Chera, pu&hing aside 
Tcluga and Ratiiga, and coveting even the little Belvola district. And 
at Tadi-Mulingi and Sindhuvajli there are records, " — dated, respect- 
ively, in his tenth year, and in the Vyaya saihvnfsaraj coupled with 
Saka-Sariivat 1U30 by mistake for 1028 expired or 1021) current, 
=: A. 1). llOG-1107, cited as his thirty-seventh year,— of the East- 
ern Chahikya king Rajendra-Ch61a-Ku!6ttunga-Cli61ad^va I., who/ 
anointed first, hkc liis ancestors, to tlie sovereignty of Vengt, afterwai*ds 
acquired also the Chula kingdom and crown. At the end of the tenth 
century A. D., tlieret'ore, the Western Gangas lost all semblance of 
iudepundenee, and, if tbey continued to Ijc entrusted \\'ith any author- 
ity at all, sank into the position of mere local representatives of the 
Chola and Eastern Chalukya kings, in whose possession their terri- 
tory remained until about A. D. 1117, when a certain Gangaraja or 
Gaugarasa attacked Adiyama or Itliyama and other feudatories of the 

1 ItiHcrifitioni* in (he Mt/^re DistrU't, Turt I., No. Md. 7S. 

8 The Durmukhin ftuwiw/^iara would be Baka-^amvat 919 current, = A. D. 996-97. 
or TS.-S. 979 cum'ut, = A. D. 1056*S7. 

8 iHtcriptions in t/ie Mysore DUtrict, Part L, No. TN. 44. 

4 ibid. No. Sr. 140. 

6 At about thU pfriod, the Bovercignty of the Eastern Chalukjas was intcrmptcij for 
about thirty years (st^ Iiid. Arti. Vol. XX. p. 272). Thoir records represent CbAlukva- 
chimdra-'BaktivaniiBii a» restoring it in A. D. 1003, and place the period of intcmiptioa 
about A. D, 973 to 1003. 

« Imcripiiom in the Myawe Diairict, Part L. Nos, TN. 34, and Nj, 61. 
7 St-e tbc last of mjrpttperaoa the Bagtern Chalukya Chronology , i«d, 
■A. p. Cii. 

XX. p. 

AM, Vol. 

General Chapters.] 



Cb^Ia, encamped at Talakad, who refus(*d to quietly give up the 
territory which their spvereign liad entrusted to them, defeated them 
and drove them out, recovered liis hereditary province, aod placed 
it in the hands of the Hoysala prince Vishiiuvaid.hana.^ 

The Alupas. 

Tlie Alupas, ws we have seen above, are mentioned in the Aihole 
m^ription, in conjunction with the Gaiigas, as Ibeing subjugated by 
Pulike'sia II. about A. D. 60>i; under the same name, in the 8ora!> 
ml of \^inay:Viitya, dated in A. D- 602, wliiuh records that, wkde 
aped at the vilUge of Chiti-atedu in the Toraraara I'ishai/a, he granted 
the village of Salivoge, in tlie Edevolal vishatjaf at the request of the 
Mahdrdja Chitravaha, son of tlie Alupa ruler Gnriat^Agara ; * under the 
name of Aluvas, in tlie llarihar grant of the same king, dated in A. D, 
61)4, which speaks of them, with tlie Gangas, as hereditary servants of 
the Western Chalukyjis, and records that A'inayaditya granted the 
^-illage of Kiru-Kigamisi, in the Edevolal vlfhaya, at tiie request of 
•n unnamed AJuva cliief ;'* and, under the name of Alupas again, as 
foes of the Westera Chalukj-iis in later times, in a record of the 
KAdamlias of Goa which says tliat tliey were conquered by Jayake- 
iin I. {iil>out A. D. 1052-5*i),* and in the V ikra'inttnkiijie cacharita of 
Birfaaaa. ^ Who the Alupas precisery were, has still to Imj ascertained. 
lint, if they arc identical with tlie Alukas, who are included among 
the hostile peoples whose kings, according to the Mahakiita pilkr 
iDiicription, vv^rc conquei-ed by Kirtivarman L Ijctv^-een A. D. 567 and 
597," then, as (ilu/iu is an epithet of ^eslia, the chief of the serpent i-ace, 
L 'we may perhaps have in them a division of the NagasJ And the 
■^paBeages in the grants of Yinayiditya seem to indicate that they had 
■^ the feudatory government of tlie Edevolal vishaya, which lay just on 
tlic north-east of Banawasi, and may perhaps be identitied with the 
JSdani'jl seventy of other records.'^ 

The Latafl. 
The most direct evidence as to the position of the IA{b, country, 
appears to be furnished by some of the Rai^htrakftta records of the 
ninth century A. D » From them we learn that GAvinda III. gave 
the Lata pro\dnce, or, as it was also then called, the province of 
the lords, of Lata, to his brother Indraraja. Indraraja's son Suvar- 

> So« on ioBcription at Tipplr {LiscriplivM in the Mysore DitlrU^t Part I., No. Ml. 
31) ; alao, chapter VI. below, 

t Ind, AnU Vol. XIX. p. 152. 
Kl, Vol. VII. p. 30S. 

« Jour. Bo. Br, It. ^-». Soc. Vol. IX. p. 282. 

S Dr. BUhler'* edition, v. 2(> ; aw also Jnd, Ant. Vol. V. p. 320. 

» Itid, AfU. Vol. XIX, pp. 14. 19. 

7 8m pago 281 Above, and note 3. 

« Dr. BbamUrkar has suggested {Ekirltf Sutory of Ow DtUan, 1881, p. 39, not* 3) 
that the name of the family seems to be prwervcd in tlu; nauiv of tlio luoilem town of 
' Alupai* on the Malabar coast, Dr, Blihler, also, aa>'« (Ind^ Aut. Vol. V. p. 320, 
note X) that Alupa is apparently ft town on the coast. But I cannot trace any authority 
for thid, 

» Chapter IH. below, 

B 972-40 

Chapter I. 

- The Karly 

Chapter I. 
The Eftrij 

FBombay Oosetteeri 

i>ftvarsha-Karkaraja luwl the title of Late^vam or '*lortl of LAta." 

Wc tind him and his brother Prabhiitavarttha-G6>nDdaraja granting 

villagt's of which the modern representatives still exist in the neigh- 

iKJurhood of Bur6da and of Jambuear in the Broach Dietrict. And J 

this locates Liita in Gujarat, and places the country along the eoutlll 

of the river Mahi in the Liita country, as its boundaries then stootl. 

This^ however, was after the abeorption of the Gnrjara territory into 

Lita. And. from certain Western Ghalukya records which will be 

noticed in the next chapter, and from the synehronoas Gurjara 

records which will be dealt with just below, we can now recognise 

that Lata was originally a smaller territory, bounded on the north, i 

and separateil there from the Giu"jara country, by the river K!m,l 

which, rising in the hills of the RijpipM State in the R^wa-KatithdJ 

Hows into the gu\i of Cambay, Ijetween the Narmada on the northj 

and the Tapti on the south. Tlio southern boundary is not quite 

so certain. But, at any rate, Nausari in the Boroda territory, on^ 

the south of Surat, and Aslijgfim or, a few miles to th^A 

Bouth-east of NauF&ri, were in the Lata country. And, if we beaf^ 

in mind how many ancient divisions of India hare been preserved 

more or less intact to even the present day, it seems very pro-j 

bahle that the southern limit of Lata was the river Daniangangi,! 

which divides, where they touch each other, the present districts of 

Surat and Th&na, just as, towards the coajst, the Kim separates 

Kurat District from Broach. On the cast, the L4ta country 

doubtless hounded hy the W^estern Ghauts. Asa record of A. D. 88 j 

tells us that a territorial division known as the Variavi hundred and 

eiitcen, which was the country rbund the modern Wari&v just to the^ 

north of Surat and was in Lata, was in the Konkana v^shaya^ it is 

e%'ident tluit Lata was one of the seven divisions of the Kohkau ; and 

it was, in fact, the most northern of tlxem. And, from the raannar 

in which, iu the grant of the Western Ghalukya prince Avauija!! 

nasraja-Puhkt^^in, one of the feudatorv rulers of Lata, it is sai^ 

that the anny of the Tijikas, or Arabs, wishing to enter the Dekka 

with the desire of conquering all the kings of the south, came in the^ 

first instance to reduce " the Navas^ariki country,"* it seoms tolerably 

certain that the cajjital of tlio original Lata territory was JNavasariki, 

i.e. the modem Nauirdri. 

Thcre is an early epigraphic reference to Lata in the Mauda 
inscription of A. D. 47J3, where it is describtxl as a country which wa 
pleasing with choice trees bowed down by the weight of their flowen 
and with temples and assembty-lialls of the 'go<ls and cVidraa or Bud 
dliist slirines, and tlie mountains of which were covered over wit 
vegetation,^ And there is also a mention of it in the Brihat-SariihUd 
of Varuhamihii-a.' But we know nothing as yet about its ancient 
history ; except that the use of the Kalachuri or Chedi era, in the 

» /nd.^n^ VoLXIII. p.69. 
' Proce^dhtga of the Aryan Section of the Seventh Intematioiial Coogresa of One 
talitits, p. 286. 
' Gupta Imcriptions, p, 84. 
« Ind, Ant, Vol. XXII. p. 1S3, 

»iieral Chapters.] 



Westom Chalukya records from Lata, phews tliat the province was 
it one time a part of the domitiioDs of the Kakchuri king^s. Mafi- 
{(^Ie$a must have acquired the sovereicrntj of it, ivhen he overthrew 
the Kalachui'i kings ISamkara^na and Buddlia, and deprived them 
of their possessions on the western coast. But, uh it joined in the 
general revolt against Ptilike^in II., he must liave left it in the 
administrative charge of gome of its native rulers. It was one of the 
pronnces resubjugated hy Puhke^in II., b<3£oi*e he estaUished liis 
saprciuacy over the three Maluirashtm countries. And he then placed 
the gjovemraent of it in the hands of feudatory members of his own 
liJy. It is e^'idently one of the four provinces which in A.D. 010 
__ 611 were in the hanils of SatyH^raya-Bhruvaiaja-Indravarman. 
Tijayavarmaraja held it in A. D. 6i3. A Si^ndraka prince, Prithivi- 
vallubha-NikumbhallafJalvti, was in charge of it in A.D. IJ54-, — appa- 
rently because of the failure of that Ijranch of the Wesitera Clialukya 
family to which Vijayavarmaraja belonged. But from A. D. 670 
onwards it was again in the hands of feudatory members of the 
Western Chalukya stock. The original boundaries of the province 
must have been preserved up to A. I). 736, when there was still a 
Guriara prince in possession of the next territorial division on the 
north. Shortly after, that, however, Avanijanasfraya-Pulike^in over- 
* pew the invatling Tajikas, who, in the course of their invasion, had 
Btroyed the Gurjaras. And, as we have no later records of the 
Gurjaras, he doubtless then annexed their temtory, and practically 
extended the province of Lata, on the north, up to the Narmada, or 
even to the MahL Information about tlie subsequent history of the 
province will be found under the account of the Rashtrakiltas of 
Malkh^d, in chapter III. below. 

The Malavas. 

ITae Malavas were, of course, the {leople of Maiwa in Central India, 
and uf south-eastern Raj putand, from whom' the Vikrama era^lerived 
its earhcr appellation of the MAlava era. And, lying north of tlie 
Narmada and well away from the coast, their country was one of the 
divisions of Northern India. 

The earliest trace of the Malavas ia probably to Ixj found in certain 
coins, obtained in larcje numbers at Nagar in the north of Mtilwa, ubout 
forty-five miles north of Kofa, which have on them the legend Mdla- 
rdndm ja^ah, " the victory of the ^lalavas:'"^ according to General 
Sir Alexander Cunningham, the characters range "from perhaps B. C. 
2.50 to A. D, 250 ;'* but we must now place these coins in some period 
not earlier than B. C. 58^ the commencement of the Millava era. In 
epigraphic records, the Malavas are first mentioned, in the Allahal»ad 
pillar inscription, among the tril)es which were conquered by the Early 
Gn])ta king Samudragupta, about the middle of the fourth century 
A. D.* And possibly the Varika piinee Vishtuivaixlhana, — son of 

Chapter I. 

The Early 

1 Bee imd. Ant. Vol. XX. p. 404, 

a See Atchteol. Sure. ItW. Ind, Vol. VI. pp. 165, 16€, 174 «. i Vol. XlV. p. 149 S, 
•na Fli4tc xxxL No». 19 to 25. 
' Otqtla ln*criptiom, p. 14. 


[Bombay Oas«tte«r 

Chapter I. 

The Early 


YaiJAvaixlbana, who was the eon of Ya^orata, who. ag-ain, wa« tl»e ton 
of Vyaghrar&ta, — of whom we have a record at Bijayagadh in the 
Bharalpur State/ with a date wWch, rcft.Tred to the AJilava era, Wis 
in A. D. 372, was the leader of eomo northern bi-anch of the tribe ; he 
must have lx.*en a feudatory of Samudraguj>ta. In the iifth century, 
wc liave the namee of VlSvavarmaii, the son or youngper brotJaer of 
IViiravarman. with the date of A. D. 423,' and. of Bandhuvarman^ wn 
of Visvavarman. who in A. D. 436, as a vassal of Kumiragnpta L, vrae 
governing at Dai^apnra, whieh is the modern Mandator in western j 
Slatwa.'' After the downfall of the Early Guptas, Milwa must havefl 
fallen, somewhere lictween A. D, 4S4 and 610, into the liands of the" 
foreign invader Toramana. His son Mdiirakula held it. after him, til! 
eomewbei-e aboiut A. 1). 530. And in A. I). 5S2-3;5 it was a i>ai't of tlie 
dominions of a king of NoHhern India nametl Vishyu\'ardhana-Ya6tV 
dliaimun, who overthrew Mdiirakula, and of whom we have records at 
Maiidabor:* this king is descrilx'd as ruling right across Northern 
India^ to the shores of the western ocean j and he is perhaps the para- 
mount sovereign by whom,* just before A. D. 526, the Mahdrdja 
Drouasimha of Valabhi, — the modern Wala, — was anointed to the 
rule of the then feudatory province of Kithiawid. In A. D. 73ii-39, 
the northern parts of ilalwa were in the possession of a prince named 
Dhavala. claiming to be of the Maury a race.' But the intermediate 
history of the coimtry remains to be worked out. Though Pulike^in 11. 
claims to have sulidned the Malavas, there are no indications that their 
territory ever Ijccamc a part of his dominions ; and the allusion mubt 
be to some suwesbf ul resistance of an -attempted invasion of his king- 
dom by them. 


Tlie Gar jar as. 
The Gurjaras are known from five records which et-tablish the 
genealogy shown in the table on the opposite page J One of the records 
says thai Dadda 11. belonged to the linea^ of a certain king Karna.* 

1 Ouj/ta /iMcnptioM p 2G2, 

« il,i4. pp. 74, 76, 77. 

' ihul. pp. HO. s<{, 

*Unfl. ]>p. 142. 149, 160; and, for TAramAv* and Mihir»kula, sec pp, 16S. 161. aii4 
Intrwl. p. 10 ff . 

• hW ♦>«/, p. tfiS. 

« Ltd. Ant, Vol, XIX. p. 56. 

' TlitTo arc nlso tLr<H.' simrious recordn, which purport to regisltT giHiita mAtU- by 
Dftddu U. ; ri:.. iho UniiMA gmnt, wiih thv datv of Bftka-S&mvat KX), = A.D. 477-TS 
or 478-7J), According as iho 'Bukiv year is uketi u current or aa cxpirwl {Ind, Ant, VoL 
VU. p, (il) ; the BagunirA fe'rant, with ih.- date of K-S. 415. » A.D. ^Si2-\Yi vt WS-W 
(id. Vol. XVII. p. 18.3); mid the lU/ grant, with the date of B.-S. 417. = A. D. 
i'M-im or 41)6 yd {id. Vol. XHI, p. lloj. And, ncccptiu^,' these as genuine, Dr. Biilder . 
hiiB dedurod u lAngcr jjencalugy (id. Vol, XV IL p. 191}, in wliich, Wfore Dadd/i I. «f 
ray liht, whoia he calls Dadda III,, he pkccs— Da<lda I., about A. D. -130 : hi* kbu 
VltarAga-Jajablmta I.jAlwut A. D. 455; and hi« mn, I^i^ntarAga- Dadda II., with 
datc» iu A. D, 478 to 41>5. But, aa wu* atudarwl hy Pandit Bhiigawanlal Indraji (td. 
Vol. XIH. p. 72) as well aa by mygclf, these chortira aro unqutMtianal^y forgcriea, 
— concocted, in all probability, by the jtcrstm who fubricatctl the sporiouB grmnt of 
DharahC^na II. of Valabhi, of t^ftka-Ssiinat 400 {Id. Vol X. p. 1177)- And, thna. 
Dr. Biihler'8 paper includes a good deal of imaginary history, for vhith tbCT« b no 
>»jwi« in fact, and aome gtwgmjihical iui.-tak.c» iu cotiiicctioa with the euppoavd 4>xtcut 
of the Broach kingilom. 

•inrf. J/K.Vol.XlH. p. 7ii. 

^ner^ Chapter b.] 



A Gurjara Pedigree- 
Dadda I. 


\' i tara ga- J ay aliha ^ a I . 

Chapter I. 

Tbe Early 


Dadda II. 

(A. D. iVJii and Wl.) 


Jayabhata II. 


^ JayaLhata III. 
(A. D. 706aiid73<5.) 

But, who that person may have been, — whether lie was a i\*al historical 
king, or whether the name ia simply that of tlie epic hero Kariia, the 
elder brother, od the mother's side, of the five l*^udava princes, — ig 
not apparent. And the otiier records simply eay tli:it Dadda I. was 
of the race of the Gurjam kings.^ '^'bey also say that he overthrew 
gome hostile Nagas f from which it seems that ho acquired the territory 
and established this branch of the family to wldch he belonged;' by 
ejecting some braueh of the Niga tribe. 

The eariietft records that can l^e unquestionably allotted to meml>ers 
of this family, are of the time of Dadda II.* Two of them are copper- 
plate cliartere which were obtained at Kau-a, the chief town of the 
Kaira District, Boml>ay Presidency," One i»f tliera is dated on the 
full-moon day of the month Karttika of the (Kalachuri or Chedi) year 
SbO (expired), correspondinfj, approximately, to the-Oth October, A. D. 
629 ; and the other, on the same tUki in the year 385 (expired), 

1 In the AJhoje inBcription of I'lilik^SSin II., and in variou-* otlior reconb, tlie family 
or dynastic name is written (•tlrjar.'i, — with tlie long A, But, in the recorda uf the 
oily it*elf. it is written Gnrjju-a,— with the short w. And this form, which was 
epted by Dr. Buhkr, U douhtle«» the correct one. 

S Ind. Ant. Vol. XII L pp. «•>, IK>. 

a Dr. BfihWr has roggwted {Itul. Ant. Vol. XVII. p. 192) that the Gurj:ira king- 
dom of Broach waa an offshoot of a larger kingdom ia the nortb, i^prescotcd now by 
tbe Unjahit District in tlie PuQjilb ; and that the Gurjata princM may have belonged 
to the Chftpa race, 

* In the Eplgrajihia Infh^ra^ Vol. II. p. 19, there has "beoiL pablished the secoiul half of a 
copper-plate grant from SiAkhfdfl., in tfie BarOda State, which is dated in the (Kniaehiiri 
or CUedtJ year 11411 (expired) = A. B. 51*0- 9tJ, and which is very possibly a ruconl of Jaya- 
bhafea I. or of Dadtla I, But the first plate, contjiining the donor's name and i)edigree 
mad tbe details of the K^ant, is not forthcoming. And so it is nut certain that it is even 
a Ourjam reconl at all. — A peculiarity in this record ia the fa.ct that the date is 
expreMod in namcricat symbols for 3, 4, and Q, used as if th^y wtiic docjjnal figures,— 
not in numerical symbolK for 300, 40, aud B, 

fi Jnd, Anl, Vol. Xlll, pp, SI, 8a, 


[Bombay O&Ketteer 

Chapter I. 

The Early 

corresponding, approximately, to the 14th Ootoljer, A. D. 634.* And 
they Ijoth ret^ister the grant, to Briihrnans, of the village of Sirisha- 
pftdraka in the Akriir«?8vara vi{<haya.- Akrur^svai-a, — for which the 
foi-m Aknli'svam occufb cleewhere,^ — has been rightly identified by 
Dr. Buhler with the motlern Ankli'shwar^ the cliief towTi of the 
Aiikleshwar taliika in the Broach District ;* and Sirishapadraka is tbe 
mijdern SisodnV, about ten miles south of A ukjesh war,— between tlie 
rivers Kim and Narmada.* 'J'hese two charters were issued from a 
place named Nandipuri, which Pandit Hliagawanlal Indraji would hsve 
identitied with the modern Nand6d, the chief town of the Hajpipl4 
State.® Dr. Biihler, however, has told us that Kandod must represent 
an ancient Nandapadm ; and he has identified Nandipuri with an 
ancient fort, of the same name, which stood just outside the Jhatlei^vara 
gjate on the east of the to^\Ti of Broach.® Of the time of Dadda 11., 
we also have a copper-plate cliarter from Saukheda, in the Bar6da 
State,^ registering a grant made by Ranagraha. The first plate, 
containing the details ol" the place of i^sue and of the ullage that was 
granttnl, is not forthcoming. The date is the new-moon day of the 
montb Vai^akha of the (Kalachuri) year 391 (expireil), corresponding, 
approiimatoly, bv the purnlwdnta arrangement of the hmar fort- 
nights, to the 18th April, A. D. G-iL® 

Of Jayabhata III., we fiavc two records, 
charier obtained at Naus^iri, in the Baroda 
from the camp at- Kayavatara. It is dated 
eclipse of the moon on the full-moon day 
of the (Kakchuri) year 45G (expired), corresponding^*^ to the 2nd 
February, A. D, 706. And it registers the grant, to a Bi-ahman, of 
some land at the village of Samipadraka in the Korilla puihaka. 
As Dr. Btihlcr has shewn," ' Kayavatara is probably the m<xlerii 
Karvan, alx)Ut fifteen miles south of Baruda ; and K^^irilla is the modern 
K6ral, on the north bank of the Narmada, sixteen miles to the nortli- 

One is a copper-plate ] 
State-.^ It was issued 
on the occasion of an 
of the month Ma^^ha 

1 The dates »re oxprcsacd in nmnorical symbols, uRi'd properly as ■ucli. — THaI ibe^ 
yenrs an? years of tlie Kalachuri i«r Chc-dt era, is t'stfthlishcti bv the statcmeTit (Ind. Ant, 
Vol. XIII. p. 711) that Dadda II. gave protwtion to a lord of Vakhbt who had beoi ' 
defeated by " the Pari*' w*A<mra, the glori OUR Hjirebadeva." Tlii» laet-mentioBed pcrvoii 
can only be the great Ilarshavardhana of Kaiiaxij {A. D. 6O6-G07 to about 648). And 
the epoch of the Kabthuri t-ra, applied to thf dates in the Uurjara grtata, makaa 
Daddft II, a t'o litem porary of Uandinvardhaiia. 

2 Why the village wub grantetl tiviee, h ithiii so short a tiuuN io not apparent. Bat 
the later charter omits the namea of eleven of the ori^nal gxanteea^ and adds fire new 

3 Jnd. .4«V. VuU XTII.p. 118. 

4 Ul. Vol. V. a 1 13 ; and see Vol. XVII, p. 193. 
B id. Vol. XVTl. p. in, nolc 35. 
it/. Vol, VII. p. 62, and Vol. XVII. pp. 192, 193, and nolo 35,— In corrob 

ef this identi 6 cation, it may be mentioned that iho three sparions charters (see page ] 
above, note 7) porport to be iflsned *'£roni the victorioas camp gitnated before the 
gate of Bharnkacbbcbo." 

7 Epigraphia Indica, Vol, II, p, 20. 

fl Hie date is crpresftod in nnmerical symbols, naed properly as such. 

e/TM*. i4«<. Vol. XIIL p. 70. 

10 See id. Vol. XVII. p. 220^— Here, again, the date is expressed in uamerical 
sytnbols, uaod properly aa sach. 

11 id. Vol. XVUI. p. 176 J Vol. XVU, p. li>3. 

I^eneral Chapters.] 



east of Broacli. The other record is the second plate of a copper-plate 
charter which was obtained at Ka\T in the Broach District."' It 
registers a grant that was made at the time of the Karkataka-sarii- 
kranti or entrance of the sun iiito Cancer, on the tenth fithi of the 
bright fortni^Iit of the month Ashadha of the (Kalachuri) year 38(5 
(expired), corresponding^ to the 22nd June, A. D. 73ti. And it 
couveys the grant, to a temple of the god Ai^ramadeva, of eome land 
in the village of Kemajju in the Bharukachchlia visAat/a. Dr. Biihler 
has identilietl Kemajju with the modern Kimoj or Kimaj, in the 
JanibuBar taluka of the Broach District, about five miles south of the 
river Mahi.^ 

Through the places, mentioned in them, which have thus l)een ideoti- 
fied, these records cover the country from the north bank of the river 
Kim to the *!outh bank of the Mahi, and so shew the extent of the 
Gurjara territory in the neighlwurhood of the coast ; inland, it doubtless 
extended to the Western Ghauts. On the south of it^ separated by 
the Ktm, there lay the Lata province of the kingdom of the Western 
Chalukyas of Biidami, And on the north, across the Mahi, there was the 
KhetakahAra province, — the modern Kaim District, vnth the Cambay 
State and some outlyin*,' parts of the Gaikwar's torritury,— whifli, as 
grants of A. D, 590 and 766,* and interveidng records shew, belougiHl 
to the rulers of Valabhi. On the east of the Mahi, the (ilui*iara Iwundary 
may have followed the course of that river as far north as LiiniWHtli j or 
there may liave been, on the north of the Gurjara country in thsit direc- 
tion, another Valaljhi province of whicli the capital was G6clhrft, the head- 
quarters station of the present ranch-MahAls District, — in which case, 
the boundary line probably ran through the southern point of the 
Paiach-Mahala straight to the Mahi on the west and to Chh6ta-Udepur 
on the east : at any rate, ISiladitya VP. of Valabhi was in possession of 
G6tiraliaka, i. e. Godhra, in A. D. 760 j atid, though he may have only 
acquired that teiTitory when the Gurjara power came to an end, still 
it is equally possible that Ids predecessors had possessed it. 

The records give to these Gurjara princes only feudatory titles : 
they style Dadda I. and DadJa II. SdffifDita f and, though a somewhat 
higher title is connected with the name of Jayabhata III., still he was 
only a MukdsdmantddhipaH.^ On the other hand, they mention no 
paramount sovereigns. And it would sa^m that, after the overthrow 
of the Kalachuri king Buddha, of whom Dadda I. and Jayabhata I. 
must have been vaesale, the Gurjai-a temtory became a buffer state 
between the kingdoms of Badlmi and Valabhi. This would explain 
why the position of Dadda II, was such that he could give protection 
to the king of Yalabht, — probably Dharas^na IV., — wjieu ^ the latter 

Chapter : 

The Karly 

» Tnd. Ant. Vol. V.'p. 109. 

' .Soe id. VoL XVII. p, 221.— Here, again, the date ia recorded in numerical symboU, 
used propcrlv as such. 
*%d. Vol V. p. 112. 

* id. Vol. VII, p. 71, and Gupta, Tmertptiotu, p. 173. 
» id. Vol. XIII. pp. 82, 85. 88, 90. 

• id. Vol. V. p. 114. text Une 8. 
7 See id. Vol. XIII. pp. 74, 70. 


[Bombay Gazetteer 

Chapter I. 

The Early 

had suflert'd Fome dofcat at the hands of Harshavardhana of Kananj. 
Shortly aftrrwards, indeed, we imd Dharasena IV., in A. D. 648 or 
649, ifiemiiio;: charters from his victorious camp at Bharnkaehchlia, »./'. 
Bfoach / from which it lias Wn inferred that tlie Gurjara territory 
then lx»loiig:ed, for a time at least, to the kingxiom of \'^alabhJ. Tho 
villages that were granted, however, lay, not in the Gurjara country, 
but in the Kh^takalKira 9'i><haya. And thus, the j^rauts may well liave 
]>een made while DharastW IV. was simply residing at Broach, en joy* 
ing the hospitality of Doflda II., after his defeat by HarshavardhaOA. 
Later on, it would seem that the relations between tho Gurjaras and] 
the nilerB of the countries on each eide of them, were not so easy : fur, 
the jGurjara. record of A, D. 706 speaks of Dadda III. ae waging war 
witli the kingTS of the east and the west,^ — meaning certainly the king 
of Valabhi in the latter ease, and either the Western Chalukyae, or 
some ruler of MaKva, in the former case ; and (he record of A. D. 73»3 
seems to say that Jay»^bhata III. quieted in battle the impetuos^ity of 
the king of Valahbi'." A. D. 736 is the latest date that has I'icen 
obt4iined for the Gurjaraa. And, evidently, their power came to an 
end very shortly after. For, the NauBiri grant of Oofcober, A. D. 788, 
tells \m that there had then been an invaiiion by theTujikae, or Arabs, | 
in which tiie GurjaraH had been destroyed.* The Western Chalukya 
priiiLt^ AvanijatuUraya-PuUke.sin, however, was succe&sful against tho 
TAjikas, when they attempteil to carry the invasion on into his territory. ' 
And he doiibtlcbs then annexed the Gurjara country, and incorporated 
it with his own province of Lata. ^ 

The Fallavas. V 

The Pallavas appear to have been by far tho most powerful and 
aggressive foea thai tho Chul^yas encountered. From the time of 
Pulik^sin II. onwards, there were constant wars between the two 
dynasties, with varying results. And to such a pitch did the feeling 
of hoBtility rise, thjit, in the Vakkalfiri record, the Pa! lava kmg is 
called the ''natural enemy" and the *' family foe" of Pulikesiu'tf 
descendant Vikramatlitya II. ' 

In their records, tho Pallavas claim to Ijelong to the Bhai-ad^aja 
gotra,*^ Some of the records give them a regular Purayic genealogy 
wliich appears fli-st in the seventh century A. D., commencing with] 

« Ind. Ant. Vol. VU. p. 73 j Vol XV. p. 886; 

S|Vi. Vul. XIlLp. 80. 

» id. Vol. V. pp. 114, 115. 

* Prof.(tding$ of tho Aryan Section of the Seventh Intornatlonal Congfrot* of 
Orientalists, p. 230. 

' prakfityamitrat and wa-kulO'Vairi ; /wf. Ant, "Vol, Vlir, p. 26, FUte iii, a, 
last line, and Plate iv. a, line 7 ; and Efr. Hultasch's South-Indian Invcriptians, VoU 
I. p. 146, text line 36. 6o aleo, the Eo^Aklili Fallava grant speaks evidently of th«.| 
Wustern Clialukyaa as the "clijef enemies " (dvishatdm viiiihdA) of MaliCDdravanniui I.i 
Coraparo the dtscriptjon of tho Eftshtrakd^ as the " natnral enemies " of the I 
E&Btorn OhalnUya king AiQcna I« {pruiriti'tapatna i Ind. Ant. VoU XX. p, 266, and^ 
note 1). j 

' Aa ivganls the meaning of this, see page 278 above, note ]«— Mana (cliap. x., j 
vv. 43} 44) sajs that tho Pallavas were a degraded divinou o£ ttie Ksbatriya caste. 

Oeneral Chaptors.] 


the god Brahman, and taken tlirough Augiras, Briliaspati, ISaihyu, 
Bharadvaja, Dr/^na, and Asvattharaan, to a certain Pallava, the 
mythical founder of tho line of kings. And the name of this 
eponymooa person is explained as having been taken from the fact 
that he lay on a couch covered with a heap of sproutB (pallava)} 
It Beenis likely, however, Ihat^ wlmtever may he the .ancestral and 
racial origin of the kings with whom we have now to dealj, their name 
simply represents, in a Sanekritised form, that of the Pahlavas, Pah- 
DavaSj or Palhavas^ who are mentioned in the Furd^KiSt and in other 
records, along with the "Sakas and the Yavanas. If so, the original 
introducers of the name were of foreign descent, and made their way into 
iDdia from the north-west. As regards the period when this may have 
occurred. Professor Weber tellrf us that, *'a8 the name of a people, the 
" word Pahlav became early foreign to the Persians, learned reminis- 
*' cences excepted : in the Pahlavi texts themselves, for instance, it does 
** not occur. The period when it passed over to the Indians, therefore, 
" would have to be fixed for about the second to the fourtii century, 
" A, D.; and we should have to understand by it, not directly the 
" Persians, who are called Parasikas, rather, but specially the Ai*sa- 
" cidan Parthians/'* And the epigraphic recoids hiWy corroborate this 
view. The Janagadli inscription, and one of the Nasik records, tell us, 

— according to Dr. Bhandarkar's chronology of the Anillirabhrityas,* 

— that in A. D. 180 the Palhava Suvi^akha, son of Kulaipa, was 
settled in Kathia wad as a minister of R iidradaman, * and that, about 
twenty years earlier, Gdtamiputra had destroyed the Palhavas with 
the "Sakas and Yavanas, — i. e. had di-iven them out of his territories 
more to the east and south .^ And the mention, in the AUahibad 
pillar inscription of Samudr^agupta,** of Vishnugopa, king of Kanchi, 
who cannot well be any but a Pahlava or Pallava king, — i. a. either 
a descendant of the original intniders, with a Sanskrit n:ime, or a 
native niler belonging to a dynasty which had taken, as its name, 
the nearest Sanskrit approach to the appellation of the foreign 
race, — indicates pretty clearly that a dynasty of Pahlavaa or Pallavas 
wae firmly established on the eastern coast of Southera India by 
the middle of the fourth century A. D. The Junagadh and Nisik 
records shew some of the steps by which the Pahlavas, or their name 
and reputation, could manage to reach bo far to the south-east. 
And, if Dr. Oldhausen^s actual derivation of the name Pallava, through 

5 For thia Puraijiic genealogy, sco Ind, Auf, Vol. V^III. p. 277, and South-Ind. Injcrs, 
VoU I, pp. 9, 25, lAA. There are some differoiicts in it» I give it iuthe form in which 
it ftppean in the majority of the records. — The popular etymology of the name i* given 
ia No, 32 of Dr. Hultzsch'g inscriptions {he. cit, p. 28), The same play on the word 
DCCttn in ftome of the wecitcm inscriptions ; r. g,^ Perma^Jagaddkamalla II. i« described 
MM canning the PallaTa to hold the spront in tokcri of submisaioti {P, S. and C-C, Irucrt, 
No. 183 } N^ffirc Iiuerif/tUmt, p. 153). 

« History of Indian Litm-ature, p. 187, note 20la. 

8 Early JJutory of the Dekkan (1884), pp. \%, 27. Dr. Bhandarkar holds that the 
PalhavadfOr the Eakos, mado their app«aranre in the Andhrabhrltva country at any time 
beiwcca A. D. 16 and his earliest dnte for G^taraipntra, which ia A, D, 133. 

« See Ind. Ant, Vol. VII. p. 263. 

fi 8m ATchaol. Surv. West. Ind,, Vol. IV. p. 109. 

• Hee piige 2S0 above. 

• 972—11 

The Early 


[Bombay Gazetteer 

Chapter I. 

Tlie Korly 

tho form Pahlava, from Partbava, {. «. Parthian/ can be uplielJ 
wo may findi another oaxly reference to Pahlavas or Pallavaa in 
Northera India, imJi another indication of a route by which they 
coukl ivenctrate to tlve eastem coagt, in the Pahladpur pillar inscrip- 
tion^ of a king whoso name Beome to be Sisupi'ila, and who apj^ears 
to be described as a " protector of the array of the P^rthivas." 

The capital of the Pallavas ^vas KaQchi or Kauchipura, which is tlie 
modern Conjeeveram in the Chinglcpvit District, Madras Presidency.* 
The surrounding territory was knttwn as the Dravida country ,* and 
also as the Kauchi vtandaia or province of Kauchi/ and as the 
Tonda/ Toiidai/ Toi.idira^ TuT?dTra,» and Tnndikka'^ mandalayvd^hlra, 
viskaua, or tui(f. And Kafichi itself waa foraetimes called Tundira- 
purai, as the capital of the territory under the latter name. But the 
records mention two other towns of importance, from which cliarteiB 
wore issued,— Palakkada or Palakkada, and Da^ana|mra, — which have 
not yet been identified.^" And the Pallavas had also a pro\'ince in 
Westera India, known as the Nuland>avadi, Nolambayidi, Noi^amba- 
vadi, or Nulambapadi thirty-two-thousaiid/^ which appears t<i have 
included the greater part of the Bellary District of the Madras Pre- 
sidency, and the northern and north-eastern parte of Mysore :" this 
was doul»tlesg acquired by them about the middle of the seventh cen- 
tury A.D., when they invaded Bikldmi and for the time being overthrew 

> Bee Prof. Weber'a Hutory of Indian LiicnUvre, p. 188, note 201 o. 

* Oupta Ifucriptions, p. 249. 

' Lat. 12° 40' ; long, 1^)" 45'. — Tbe name K&HcM appears to he simply a SanslcTitiaed 
appellation* Dr. Hultsr-ach tells mcthat tbc Tamil name is Kacbchi, — in literature and 
iuecriiitiim^, nml on u-oins, IIo »arB that tbc Tamil dictionaries give also K&fiji, bat 
tlmt be liaa not yet met witb it anywrbfre else, — Tbi» ftinn Kacbchi occurs in inscrip- 
tions at Timkkalukknnram {Epigraphia Indica^ Vol. IIL pp. 284, 285) ; and a faUtT 
form, KaobcliiiipLHluj i» met witb in inscriptions at Oonjeevemm itaclf [ScnUh-Indiam 
Insert. Vol. 1. pp,113, 114, 117, 139, Hi, 143).— Dr. BurneU has quot«d tW form 
KflJiji in bi« South-Indian Palfrogtapht/, second otUtion, p. x. note 2 

* Hiacu Tsiauff (Mr. Bcal '« BuddhiU Rtcordi of the Wetttm. WoHd, Vol 11. p. 22^), 

* e. y., Ind. Ant. Vol, XI. p. 10. 

* e.g.y Inscriptions at Sr-aiwrtfl-^f fyofrt, No. 53. 
' c. I/., Southlnd. Int^i, Vol. I. p, 110. 
^ e.g., Epigraphia Indica, Vol. 111. p. 119, 

* e, p., ibid. p. 225 ; SottthLid, Infers. Vol. I. p. 106. 
1" e.g., South' Ind. Inscrs. Vol. I. p. 14C. 
" I ovfa tbis to Dr. Haltzscb, 
" Dr. Bumoll {South-Jitdian Paictogvnphy, second edition, p. 3*5, note 2) proposed 1 

identify tbo first of theBetwo places witb tbe modem * Pullcat ' in tbe Chiugleput Di 
trict, Madras. But Dr.HultMcb {Epi^raphia Indica, Vol. L p. 398, note 4), has pointed 
out tbftt this idontificatien i» untenable, becauw * Pulicat ' is simply an Anglo-Indian 
corruptiou of PalavfirkAiju, ' the old forest of ctf-trees.' — The name of the second place 
seems to bo a Sanskrit translation of some saoli Dr&vidian name as Palldr or UalMr, ' the 
village of tbe tooth.' Dr. Bumell {loc. cit.) yns inclined to take it as simply a Sanskrit 
name of Palakkatfa^ wbicb latter word, be 8uggo8te<l, was derived from pallu^ * tooth,' 
and kada, ' place.' Tbis, bowovor, doifs not appear sound. 

" The last fonu of tbe name appairs in the 'Tamil inscriptions of the east coast {«, (f,, 
South-ImL Intcra. Vol. I, pp. 63, 65, 95).— Tbe other tbrec forms* arc presented in the 
Kanaxese inKcriptions of Western India. They occor almost indilfcrently. And, as no 
iDtrinHic difference seems to bo involved, I shall use the form NojambavAdi throughoot, 
for unifonuity. 

'■■ Mr. Bice {Mysore Inscriptions, p< Uii.) has mentioned sevcml places in tbe KAlAr 
District, at which tbepp are Palkva recortla. And another is Nandior BhAgH.Kandi 
(seo page 332 below). Eh Inscriptions in the Mysore District, Part L, No. Md. 13, 
disclose* the existence of a Pallava inscription at T^yalflr ; but this seems to be rather 
an intrusive Pallava record iu the Western Ganga territory. 

»iieral Chapters. i 



the Western Clialukya sovereignty ; amd it pasewl out of their posses- 
1 sion, and into the hands of the Pandyas, a>mewhero about the begin- 
ning of the eleventh century A. D. : under the Paadyas, and probably 
i ander the Pallavas befoR' them, the capital of this proviuoe was Uch- 
ekuagi.^ The crest of the Pallavas was a bull, — doubtless intended 
I for Nandi, the servant and carrier of the grod Siva ; it appears, in a 
IDOre or less easily recogniwible form, eometimes recumljent and some- 
tiroee standing, on the seals of their copper-plate charters.^ Their 
tanner was the klia^vdmja-dhvajay or banner Ijearing a representation 
cf a club or staff with a skull at the top of it, — another property of 
Siva.'"* And, from these two insignia, it may be inferred that Biva was 
their family-god. 

As has been remarked above, we have undoubtedly the mention of » 
Pahla\'n or Pallava king, on the eastern coast of Southern India, about 
the middle of the fourth century A. D., in the person of the Vishuug^pa 
of Kanchi, whom the Early Gupta king Samudragupta is said to liave 
captured and liberated again.* 

Next after this, may Vie placed the information furnished by two 
Prakrit copper-plate grants from, the Madi'as Presidency. One of 
them, obtained from the Gunf iir District, records a grant maile by the 
queen of the Yupamahdrdja Vijayabudtlhavarman, in the reign of the 
Mahdrdja Vijayaskandavarman.'^ The other, obtaiued from the BcUary 

Chapter I. 

The Eftrly 

• See, •, g,, an Inscription at DAvaiigore, of A. D, 11*23 (P, S. and 0-C, TntrrM. No. 
116 ; Myuore In*criptiun*yi>. 8), which Jnentionu the Mahdrntini/d^ivarti Vijaya-Pauflyu- 
dcva, a vassal of the Weat^rn Chilakya kmg Pcrma-Ja^Adckajaatla II., an ntling ovor 
the NolambavA.<ii thirt,y-two-thi»uaan<l at the capital of UchcLangt ; also a record ab 
imUr (P. S, and O.-C. Inacrs. No. 18,- Mt(sorf Inxcrijttioun, p. 260), which «a>8 that 
the Hoysala Ballftla II. took Uchchangt, and thfii, wheu the TA^^rlya cast himself on 
his mercy, restonMil him his kinpcdotn. — Ah re;<urd8 tho identity of the place, tvett page 285 
Above, note 5 j it may apparonlly be either of tht-> two Ucliclian^'ls mentioned tliere, 

• The seals (see further on) of the Kflrom grant, and of the y:rantnf Viflbniig6pav»rman, 
present the recuinl)cutbull; w), also, tlie seal which pn.>perly V>elongs to the Udayeadirain 
gr»ut of Natidivarman, son of Utranya%'annan. The seals o£ the grants of Vijayabud- 
dhavarmin and "Bivaskandavaniiati, present the staiiding bull ; so also, the seal of the 
grant, of doubtful aathentioity, of Natidivarman, the alleged son of Skandayannan 
(page 320 bekiw, note 6). 

■ In the KasJiktidi ktuiiI (see page 32:i Ijelow), the ercst is mentioned as idlcvara-k^nna, 
* tlie bull-«iga,' and vfish-Aiika, 'the bull-mark;' and the banner, as X-Aa/r^.i^a-ivVi*, 
< the club-sign.' And, in an inxeriptiou at the KailfliKanAtha temple at Ck»njeeveram 
(Sonlh.-Ind. hutcitt* Vol. I. p. 23, No. 2U), the hull-crest is actually eallcil vri«ha-/thwja, 
Xbese, however, arc metrical pasaages, in which, aa I have already Raid (see pagt^ 299 aliovo, 
note 4)t the proper di:*tinctioa is not always maintained. In prose, and by the correct 
t«;4*hmcal words, the bull-erest^ \« mentioned as rishabha'tdilchhann in the fifth niche of 
the Conjeeveram inscription No. 25 (South-Ind. Intcrg. Vol. I. p. 14), aud the club-banner 
is mentioned a« khatrdnffa-dhi\jja in one of the WesU-rn Chalnkya records (lad. Ant. 
Vol. Vlll. p. 26. plate iiU, line 3 ; South-Ind. Iiacrs. Vol, 1. p. UGJ,— The KaUhffattu- 
Parani, of the twelfth century A. D., seems also, like two of the above passages, to speak 
of tlio bull as the device on the l»anner of the Pallavas (/nrf. Anf. Vol. XTX. pp, 334, 
S37) ; and it appears to explain its origin by saying [ibuf„ p. 329) that the bull-banner 
was the banner of one of "the seven gc<lilf»>ses," — the Pleiades, or the Mothers of 
mankind. Perhaps, by that time, the device may rcalljr have been tran«forred from the 
crest to the banner. 

* See imgo 28<t above. 

* Ind. Ant. Vol. IX. p. 100. For some useful corrections in my reading of the text, 
fteeBr. Biihler's paper referrt-d to in the next note but one. llio emblem on Ihe seals 
of this grant and tbf next one, ha-* l>een supposed to he a atauding doer or borsc. But 
it must be, in reality, a partially oblitei-atod bull. 

Bombay Gazetteer 


Chapter I. 

The E*rly 

District, gives iis tlie name of tlie MahdnlJ<hihirdja^ Sivaskanda- 
varman ; the charter was issue*! from Karichlpura ; and it is dat^ ia 
the eighth (regnal) year on the hfth day in the sixth fortnight of the 
rainy ecason.- 

The Sanskrit charters are certainly all somewhat later than tbe pre- 
ceding. And tiii>t,among them we may place two copper-])late granta 
which tjive the genealogy Bliewn on the opposite page. The earlier of 
the two grants * was issued by Vinhinigopavarman, from a place 
named PaJakLatla or Palakkarla.* The genealogy commences with 
Skandavannan I. : the title of Mahdr<ya is attached to his name, 
and to those of his son and grandson ; and ViBhyugopavarman usei 
the title of Yuvamdhdrdja.^ The charter, which was addressed to the 
villagers of Uru\aipalli in the Mundarashtni country, is dated in the 
eleventh year of a Mahdrdja Siriihavarman (I.), whose position in tha 
family is not stated, but who was probably an elder brother of 
X^ishnug^pavarman.^ The grantor was Vish^ugSpavarman himjself. 

* Tlie exact expression id the original is dJiarma-iiahArAjAtl!, * ■•'•<\\% or. 
rigUleoui MahArdjddhirAja ' (compare page 308 above, note S ) .— i U i 

paramount title* which suptTscded the earlier iVo/fdrd/a (see page :.. .>r.l ,^ it). I| 

have hitherto treated it a« meaning ' guprcme king of great kinn ' (moAdnl/a -f oJAi*! 
rdja) : but it may poasibly more correctly mean ' great supreme king of king* ' (nuiAtf-f-*^! 
rdjdtJhirdja) : for, rAjAdhirAja itself was a pamraonut title ; and there Are many eaM«J 
in which higher grades are designated by the nse of the word mahA ( >- mahat) ; tba«,i 
atfndpaM and ma/visSud/>aii, sdmanla and maJidsdmaHta^'tiAmdhioiifra/tika ^nd i 
9dii^ivigruhika. — In Northern India, the primitive title of AlahArAia had 
Bupereedcd by that of Afniu'tr{tj4dhir6ja, at any rate by the time of Samudngupta ( 
A. I). 450). In Suuthern India, on thv contrary, Mahdrdija was retained as a pan 
title until iho gt'nerati<»n aftor I'ttlik^^iti II. : it wan used by bim ; and it was \ 
VikramAditya I. who first introduced the hiffhtT title.^ I am not to be undcrstot^d aa^ 
meaning that the use of thu hit^bcr tillt; stumps the present PalUva grant u belonging ' 
to a period later iban that of TuUkG^n 11. It ia vtidoabtedly coosklembly eaj^Uer. 
And it would socm that, through their contact with Samodragupta, the rallavas of 
Ka&rht came to li>arn the existence of the title, ancf brought It into occasional use, long 
Itfon? the time when it ponetrat«l to the western parts of Southern In4ia. 

' Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I, p. 2,— As regards the details of the date', compare paga 
270 above, and note J, They furniib an indicatitm of antiquity ; and I)r. Biihler {toe. 
cit. p. 5) has cadorscd my opinion tlrnt the kings of Prakrit grants belong to an earlier 
time than those who Issued their I'liartera in Sanskrit. — The record represents Biva- 
•kaadavammn as having performed the oJramA/Aa-Micridce (see page I'OO above, note 3 ). 
And. partly on account of this, Mr. Fonlkes {Jour. If. A«. Soc., N. S., Vol. XXI. p. l\i^) 
has allotted it to the second century A.D., before the revival of that rite by Samudra- 
gupta. But my own opinion is that the mvaitUdha-t&cri&ce of this record maat b« 
plactd after the revival of the rite. 

■ Iiid. Ant. Vol. V. p. 50. — From the lithograph, it would appear that the device an 
the seal of this charter is a recumbent dog. But it must be, in reality, a bull, turned 
into a dog in drawing by hand from a much damaged original. 

* See page '292 above, and iiott* 9. 

' The exact expre^tsion used in the original is dharma-Twamahdrdja. 

•My conjecture seemed subsequently to be supported by another grant, froa^ 
Uday^ndiram in the North Arcot District, Madras Presidency, originally publu«he(t'^| 
by Mr. Fonllcea iLid. Ant. Vol. VIII. p. 167), and recently rc-edited by Pro£,^| 
Kielhorn (EfAgraphia Indica, Vol III. p, H2) which gives the names of the Hdfi^M 
Skandavarman |ILJ; hia son, the JUa/idrdJa Singhavarman ( = Sirhhavarman I.);^ 
his son, the MaMrdja SkaadavarmaD (111.); and his son, the dharmaMahArdj* 
Nandivarmau, who issued tbe charter from KAnohlpora, in the flrst year of h]^ 
reign, and granted the village of Kftnchivayil, in tbo AdeyAra rdsAtra, to some ^ 
Brahmatu. The genealogy appears to be intended to fit in with that given by ■ 
me above; and the names in it may possibly be all quite authentio. Eat the m 
angnage and orthography are so corrupt, and the characters arc so snspicious, ibas 

He is described as a paramaUidffavata, or **mo6t devout worship- 
per of the Divine One (Vishiiu)/' And the grant was made to a 

temple of the go<l Vibhnubara, established by the Scndpati Vishnu- 
varman at the village of Kauduk(ira. In the second grant/ the 
genealogy commences with Viravarman, and is carried through Skafl- 
davarmun II. and Vi^himgopavarinan,^ witliout any mention of Sirii- 
Uavarman I., to Sirahavarinan II.: to the names of Viravarman and 
Skandavarman II., there is attached the title of Makdnya ; Vishnu- 
g6pavarman is styled Yuvardja, as if he never actually eueceeded 
to the sovereignty ; and Simhavarman II. uses the title of Mahdrdja.^ 
In this grant, the Pallavas are described as srivaUahha^ '^favour- 
ites of fortune/' The charter was isBiied from Dasanapura,* It is 
addressed to the villagers of Mangalur in the Vengorashtra country. 
And it is dated in the eighth regnal year of Siriihavarman II, him- 
self. The grant was made to Brahma ns, without any sectarian allot- 
ment. But, like his father, Simhavarman II. is styled a "parama- 

To about the same period must be allotted another grant,* the style 
and characters of which, as well as the town of issue, connect it closely 
with both of the preceding. The order contained in it was issued from 

the recortl itself cannot be accepted jw genoitifi, and as proving an.ytliing that is 
mentioned in it. — At the end of the record, there is a Tamil endorsement, dated in 
the twenty-sixth jcar of the reign of Madimikoijida-Kfi-rarftkeflariv&rnian, i.e. the 
Ch6]a king PRrAntaka 1,, identical in its wording with the endorsement at the end 
of the Udaj£ndiram grant of Naa^Livarman^ son of UiraQyavorman, which will he 
noticed farther on. This endorsement appears to be a genuine one, made actually 
in the time of Par^ntaka I., aomowhero about A. D. 935, And I strongly suspect 
that the record waH fabricated then, with the intention of passing it off as a 
charter issued by that same Nandivannan, son of Uirai^javarman, and that, his tme 
descent being not available to the person who concocted it, that person simply pat 
iu the first names that came handy to kitnt. 

»/nt/. ^n/. Vol. V. p. 154. 

' It is in this grant that his name appears as Vish^ugdpa, without tarTtutn at tbo 
end of it. 

• In the original, dharma'MahArdja* 

* fc'ee page 318 above, note 12. * Epigraphut Indiea, Voh h p. 397, 


TBombay Gazetteer 

Chapter I, 

The Early 

Dasanapiira. But only tho first plate of tho ^rant has been obtained ; 
and it supplies notliing more, except the name of the Mahilrtlja Vira- 
Koit^vannan or Vira-KCirchavariiian, the grandfather of the donor- 
The djTiaetie name does not occur in the extant portion ; but the de©d is 
undoubtedly a Paliava record. 

And to much the same period must belong the references to 
Pallavas, without detaihj of namcB, in the Kadamba inscription at J 
Talgund/ and in one of the charters of ]^[rig^lavarman/ and thefl 
Btatemeut that his BOn Ravivarman conquered Vishuuvarman and ^ 
other kin^B, and overthrew CliaiJilatlanda, lord of KAfichi.^ In fact, 
this Vishnuvarmun may quite possibly be identified either with the 
Vishfiugf^ipavannau of the table on page 321 above, or with tho Stiid- 
pati Vishyuvarman who is mentioned in the charter issued by him. 

We come now, chiefly through work done recently by Dr. Hultzech, 
to g<jme far more definite facts and dates. And first, from Paliava 
records obtained at Kuram, Ka^^akudi, and Uday^ndiram, and from, 
the Western Chalukya record from Vakkaleri/ we obtain the genea- 
1 >gy and synchromsms Bhe^^^i( in the table on the opposite page.* 

Of the records brought to notice by Dr. Hultzsch, first in order of 
importance stands the coppcr-pktc grant from Kuram, in the ncigfa- 
bourhood of Conjeeveram.* The historical gen^logy commences with 
Karaairiihavarman 1,, who is de8iTil)ed as re]K;ataily defeating tJie 
Cholas, Kei-alas, Kahibhrat?, and Pai.idyas. — as WTiting the word 
"victory," as on a plate, on Pulak^sin's back, which was cansc<l to lie 
lasible {i,e., he caused him to tm-n his Ixack in flight) in the Ijattles of 
Pariyaja, Maiiimangala, 'Suramara, and other places, — and as destroy- 
ing the city of Vatapi, just as the saint Agastya destroyed tbe demon 
Vatapi» in consetjuence of which, another record shews, he assumed 
the epithet of VatApikonda, " taker of Vatipi."^ His sun was M:ih»''n- 
dravarman II. And his son, again, was ParamOsvaravarman 1., who, 
"unaided, made Vikraraaditya, whose army consisted of several 
" hundreds of thousands, take to flight, covered only by a rag.''® The 
record registors the fact that, at the request of a Paliava prince namod 

I Page 286 above. « Page 288 abore, * Page 289 a»x)vc. 

* Ind. Ant. Vol. VIll, p. 23; and see 8tmtk-L,d, Inttyra, Vol. 1. p. HG. 

* It does not seem neoesaary to complioate the table by inclading the variants of 
names which are produced by the inacrtion of /i<Wa or p6tta (see page 324 below, 
note 3 )» and by the sabstitution nf rdja or raiya for varimtn^ 

* South- Jnd. Intcrt. Vol. I. p. 141. 

^ Epiffraph'ui Indica^ Vol. III. p. 277. Thla record, an inscription of the Ch6]a 
king B&jaktoariTarman at Tirakkalnkknnram, gives the name of the Paliava king as 
Maratingap^ttaraiya, i.e, Karaaimhnptjtarija, and records the renewal by B^ja- 
ktearivarman of a grant which had been made .by a king or other person named 
IJkandaiiahya and cou tinned by Narasimhavarman I. 

8 The lecoid montious ParamSivaravarman's elephant named ArivArana, "warding 
off coemiea", and horse named Ati^ya, *' eminence." Other instances of the naming 
of favourite animals are affonled by the Chalukya records, which give to the charger 
of Vikramaditya I. the name of ChitrakatUha, " npecklc-throat " (e, g„ I»4, Ant, Vol. 
VI. p. 78) J by the GMAvari grant of rrithivimCllft, which mentions the elephants 
Knmiida, " water-lily," and Snprattka '" the handsome one " {Jour. Bo. Br, B. A». 
jSmuc. Vol, XVL p. 119) ; and by the Atakflr insoription, which gives to RAj.Aditya'8 
elephant the name of Ch61ana-kot«, " the fortress of the Ch61a" iSpinraphia Indica, 
Vol II. p. 173). 

Mali^ndravarman II. 


(A r on temporary of YikroiiuuHtya T 
in the periwi A. D. 655 tf> 6841). 

R A j as i riiha- K a! ak al a- 
Nftrasi liiha V i a b ii u - 
Narasimhavarman II. ; 
married Eangapat^kfl, 

(A contemporary of VikramAditya IL 
•in the period A. D, 733-34 

km^7ara7anDan IL Mah^ndravarman III* 

Vidy&vinitaj Parameavaravarman I. granted a villajs:© to the god "Siva, 
who, under the form of Pinsikapiiii, liatl been installed in the t-emple of 
Vidy4vinita-Pallava-Param^svara at tlie village of Kfira. The period 
of this record is fixed by the mention of Vikramaditya ; he being 
defeated by the grandson of a king who had infhcted disaKter upon a 
city named Yatipi and a king named Pulak^^in, it is impossible to 
accept any conclusions, except that he is the Western Chalukya king 
Vikramaditj'a I, (A, D. 655 to 680), and, — if only on the consideration 
that at least sixty-seven years intervened Ijetwcen him and his grcat- 

g-andfaiher Pulik^^in I., — that the Pulak^in of this record is his 
ther Pnlike^in II,, who reconstructed the Clialnkya power at Baddmi 
(Vatapi) in A. D. 608-609 and reigned till about A. D. 642. 

The information given by the Kuram grant has now been amplified 
by a copper-plate grant from Kai^akiidi, near Karikal, in the Tanjore 
District, Madras Presidency.^ Thiffrecord repeats the Puiinic geaeaJogy 

* I quote from proofs, wbioh Dr. Hnlteach hag been kind enough to send me, of 
a paper that is la Uaad by him for liis iStfUth-Indian InicnjtlioiWf VoU II. Part IH, 

[Bombay Oazott«er 

Chapter I. 

The Early 

which has been mentioned on page 3 17 above j and.after the epon jmoas 
Fallava, it places an Aiokavarnian, who, as Dr. Haltzsch remarkit, 
"can Bcarcefy be considered a historical person, but appears to be a 
"modification of the Buddhi&t king Aff'^ka.'' After him, it &ays, there 
ruled and passed away a number of other Pallava kings, of whom it 
names Skandavarman, Kalindavarman, Kanagopa, ViBhimg6pa, Vira- 
Kurcha, Virasiihha, Simhavarman, and ViBlinueimha : some of these 
names have already occurred in the preceding pages ■, but the present 
mention of them does not help to settle the relative order of the 
charters from whicli they have come to light : it would appear that, 
when the present record was drawn up, the names of these previous 
kinge were remembered, but nothing definite was known about them, 
and that the order of their Bucceesion, and their relation to each other 
and to the subsequent line of kings mentioned in the record, had been , 
forgotten. In the connected line of kings, the record first mentionij 
Siihhavishnu, apparently knoi.^Ti also as Avanisimha, who, it saysj 
defeated the Malaja, Kalabhra, M&lava, Chola, Pan^ya, Simhala,! 
and K^raja kings. His successor' was Mah^ndra\^rman I., whoi 
annihilated his "chief enemies'"^ at Pullalura : we may safely tako) 
these words as denoting the Western Chalukyas of Badami ; and,/ 
since Pu|klura is the name of a village in the Conjeeveram tdluka, tha 
ChaUikya army had evidently penetrated very far into the Pallav 
dominions, and the asserted repulse of it is probably to be placed in the^ 
campaign in which I'ulikf^sin II. claims to have made the leader of the 
PaUavas take refuge behind the ramparts of Kauchi, about A. D. 
609. His son was Naraeimhavarman I., who conquered Lahki^ i.e., 
Ceylon, and Vatapi. The Komra grant has already mentioned the 
"destruction" of Vatipi by Narasimhavarman I., and has supplied 
the name of the Western Chain kya king in whose time (at the end of 
his reign) tJie invasion took place, — viz. Pulikesin II, And Dr. 
Hultzsch tells us tlial the statement about the conquest of Ceylon is 
confirmed by the Mahdeamm, from which we learo that the SihghaleM 
prince Manavarman lived at the court of Narasiihhavarman L, and 
helped him to crush his enemy king Vallabha, i.e, Pulik^n II., — 
that the grateful Narasimhavarman twice supplied M&navarman with 
an army to invade Ceylon,— and that Manavarman was succeesfa) on 
the second occasion, and then occupied and reigned over Ceylon. 
Narasiriihavarman's son was Mah^ndravarman 11. Then there came 
Param^^varapotavarman I., i.e. Param»^^varavarman I. of the KOram 
grant.' His eon was Narasiriibavarman II, His son was Paramei- 

'In the Uday^ndinwn grant, also, the relationship is not stated. Bat, as Bhtma- 
vannao, jotingcr brother of SimhtiTJahna, u diatlnctly apcolAed (see further on) as 
belonging to the sixth generation before FnramdirvaTarman II., MahdndiaT&rmao I . 
must have been a son. of t>iihhavisbuQ. 

'DVMAa^dM viitthdh ; compare page 316 above, aud note 5. 

* Here, again, the relationehip is not specified in this record^ but the Edram grant 
tells QB distinctly that Parame^i'ar&rannan I. was the son of Mahlndravarman II.— 
Dr. MnttKacb explimifl {Epigraphi^i Indiea, Vol. III. p 277, note '■£) that the Sanskrit 
pSta and tho Tamil p6itu mean * the BproQt(of a plant),' and are thus synonymoas 
with paltava, ' a apront,' from which (see psgc 317 fthovcj the name of the eponymoiui 
Paliava was auppoeed to be derived. 

General Chaptera.l 



varapAtavarman 11., i.e, Param^svaravaniian II. of the KAram grant; Cbaptei 

fnrther on in this record, lie ia called Parami'^s^varapdtaraja. The ThrETr 

. _ by the snbjects 

And it exhibits this king's descent, and his relationship with Paramc.s- 
varavarman II., as follows. The younger brother of the Sirhhavishiju 
menti(mcd alx)ve, was Ehtmavannan. Then came* Buddliavarman. 
Then, Adityavarmau. ' Then, Govindavarman. Then, Hiranya, whowi 
full name may safely be taken to have been Hiraiiyavarman, and 
whose \\ife was Iluhini.- And their mm was Nandivarman, to whom 
the record gives the birtidas or secondary names of Kshatriyamalla, 
Pallavamalia, and Sridhara, and the paramount titles of -Mahdrdja, 
Rdjddhirdjft, and Pnrameivara^'^ and whom it further descrilx^e as a 
dev*)tee of the god Vislmu. The record finally registerB the fact that, 
ai the re^juest of his Mukht/amantnu or prime minister Brahma^rirlja 
or Braliniayuvaraja, Namlivarmian, ia the twenty-second year of Jbis 
reign,* gra,n ted to a Br.Vhniau a village name+l Kodiikolli, which, on 
thna })econiing a hrafufiaJefjitf, received the new name of fikadhira- 
mangala, situated in 0.mikk4ttnkk6t.ta or, in Sanskrit, Undivanak^)8h- 
tbakn, which was a sublivision of the Tomjaka rdsh^ra, and, by its 
modern name Orrukkadu, is to l^e pkced closely in the neighbour- 
liood of Conjeoveram. 

The names snbseqoent to that of Parame^varavarman I. were, 
indeed, previously known from another copiier-plate grant, from 
Uday^ndiram in the North Arcot District, Madras, which was origin- 
ally published by the Itev. T. Foulkes," and is now being dealt with 
more- fully by Dr. IluUzseh." Tliis record, however, lay open tx> 
some suspicion : for, at the end of it, there is. a Tamil endorsement 
dated in the twenty-sixth year of the reign of Madhaikoacla-Kfi- 
ParakOisarivarman, •?. t. of the Clidla king PatAntaka I, (somewhere 

The Early 

* Here, again, the Yelfttionshipa are not atftted, autil wc come io Namlivftrman, 
wbo IB called JTBimnya, ' son of Himtiya.' But lie is also caUcd BMimitorqifa, 
• belonging Ui the branch of Bhtnia(rarraan).' And Bhtmavarman and the othcra 
are specified as his sixtli, fifth, fonrtb, third, anrl second ancestors. And so, 
whether the Huooesrion waKs'cxactlj from father to son throughout, or not,%re have 
Bt any rate six generations. 

■ * Dr. Hnltz«Gh tella us that Iliranya is probably spolcen of as the Mnhdrdja^ Ilira- 
nvavarman in an inscriptimi at Co niccveram, which fnrther mentions Paramosvara- 
T-annan II. as then deceased, and probably recorded the acceasion, after his death, 
of HLrauyavarman, or of Nandivanuan. 

» This* title must have been adopted by Ibe Pallavas in imitation of the Weitem 
Chalukya king PullkeSin IL, who acquirefl it, and introduced it into Southern 
India, by his defeat of Harahavardhana of Kanauj (see chapter IL below). 

* Xlicyearln specifit'd an a carrttit year by the word rartamdna; m also in tho 
Uday^ntiiram grant (see further on), hy tho use" of the won.1 pArayati. — l draw attention 
to tbii, hecaoae it tonds to aupport my i-iow that, whatever may have hetn the Hintia 
castoio in reaiyect of the years of Lras, rognal years wonld naturally be ns^.-d aa current 

* Irt4. AtU. Vol VIII. p. 273; see, also, his Manual of the Salem IHiftrkt^ Vol. IL 
p. S55. , , 

« HiTB, a-ain, thmngh Di-. HaUz^cb'H khidncas, I quote from ppooh of » paper 
by him that is in hand for his Soiith-Ind, Inter*. Vol. II, Tart III, 

B 972—42 


[Bombay Gazetteer 

Chapter I. 

The Enrly 

alxjut A. D, 03.j) ; and tho characters of the whole record, — both of 
the original portion, and of the endorsement, — are considerably more 
modern, not only than those of other Pallax-a records, but also than 
those of two other eopi>er-plate grants of Parmtaka I. himself. This 
Fact created a suspicion of forgery. But the linal conclusion apj>ears 
to be,^ that, in this instance, there is nothing of a spurious nat 
and that the grant and its endorsement v/ere copied from a now lost 
but genuine* original. And, this view of the case being taken, theri 
is no objection to endorse, as authentic, certain further items of it 
foraiation which this record supplies, in addition to repeating, 
•lightly different terras, some of the statements made in the Kuram^ 
and Ka-^ukudi records. Narapir'ohavarman I., it says, in addition to 
destroying V4tapi, repeatedly defeated the valldbliti-km^^ or king 
Vallabha, /. e. Pnlikesin II., at Pariyaja, Mauimaiigala, Suramira, 
and other places. Parame^varavarman I. defeated the vaUafiha-Arfayd 
o» the army of Vallabha, i. e, of Pulikc^in's son Vikrauia-litya I.J 
in the battle of Peruvabinalliir, And Nai*a&imhavarman II. was 
para7nGnt4hestara or most devout worshipper of the god Muhesva 
(Siva). This record reixcysents Pallavamalla-Nandivarman as the 
of Parame^varavarmaii II., which api)ear8, at first i^ight, calculate 
to induce us to stamp the record as a forgerj" : the Kas'akOdi grant 
howovoTj describes Nandivarinan as ** chosen by the subjects/* ar 
Dr. Hultzseh has suggested two possible explanations of the statfl 
ment in the present record, — either that Nandivarman may hav| 
thought it politic to give himself out as the adopted son of his pre-^ 
decessor ; or that, through sheer careleesnees, the scribe, who drafted 
tho inscription, used the word putra, * son,' while he wanted to 
present only as a successor, &nd not as tho son, . 
PariimL\<varavarman 11. The record then mentions a military office 
of Naodivarman named Udjiyaohamlra, belonging to the family 
Pfichan, tlie members of whicli were hei-editary servants of the Pa 
lavas, and mentioned as lord of tJie city of Vilvalanagara, on the rive 
V^pavati, which Dr. Hultzsch has iden tilled wilh the modern Villi- 
valam, in the neighbourhood of Conjeeveram, and near the confluer 
of the Vi'gavati and the Palaru. And it then 'describes variou 
services wliich Udnyachandra rendered to the king. The Dramil 
princes, — meaning probably some relations and followers of Par 
mt¥va?avarman II. who were opposed to Nandivarman establishii 
himself on the throne,— had l>esieged Nan<livarman in Nandipuraj' 
and Udayachandra came to the rescue, and killed, with his own hand, 
the Pallava prince Chitramaya* and others. He defeated the hostii 
army on the battle fields of Nimbavana, ChiUavana. ^aiiikaragriiL.. 
Neiliir, Nelveli, 'Sriravalundur, and other places, and thus many time 
bestowed the kingdom on Nandivarman. At Nelveli, he also slei 
in battle the 'Sahara king Udayana, and seized his mirror-bamier 
embellished with a peacock's tail. In the northern region, he also^ 
pursued and defeated the Nishada chief Prithivivyaghra, who w 
perfoi-ming an «.^pamerf/trt-eacrifice, and drove him out of the territo 
of Vishimraja, — ?« ^. out of the land of yeiigi, the kingdom of tl 

* See Eyii/rnphia Indica, Vol. III. p. 145, 

General Chapters.] 


Eastern Chalukya king Vislviutvardhana III. (A. D. 709 to 746),' — 
which he made suljjwt to Nandivarmao, And, linally, he breached a 
furtress named Kalidurtjaj, and defeated the army of the Paiidjas at 
Manriaikudi, The reeord then regibters the fact that, in the twenty- 
first }'ear of his reign,' at the rc(inest of lJdaya<.*haniJra, Xandivarnian' 
granted, to a hundred and ei^ht Ihahjiiaiis, a village named Kvimara- 
mangala-Vellattrir, the appellation of whieh was then ehanged to 
Udayaehandraniiiiigala, and which, through that new name, is to be 
identified with tiie moflerri Udayendirara. itself. At the end af the 
record, tliere ie a Tamil endorsement, identical wifli the endorsement 
at the end